Daftar Isi Jurnal Masyarakat dan Budaya Volume 8 Nomor 1 Tahun 2006

Daftar Isi Jurnal Masyarakat dan Budaya Volume 8 Nomor 1 Tahun 2006 Pengantar Redaksi

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Topik ¹ The Ideological Shift of Muhammadiyah from Cultural Into Puritanical Tendency in 1930s 1 Ahmad Najib Burhani ¹ A Blend of Local and Scriptural Laws? (A Case Study on Dispute Settlement of the Gayos of of Indonesia and the Tausug of the Southern Philippines) 23 Leolita Masnun ¹ MSAA dan MRNIA bagi Recovery Dana BLBI: Sebuah Jalan Keluar atau “Jalan Untuk Keluar” Tri Widya Kurniasari ¹ Pengelolaan Taman Nasional Gunung Leuser Bagian Bukit Lawang Berbasis Ekowisata Robert Siburian ¹ Push Net (Wan Rum) serta Dampaknya pada Kehidupan Sosial Ekonomi Nelayan (Kasus Kampung Ru Sembilan, Thailand Selatan) Surmiati Ali

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¹ Penegakan Syariat Islam dalam Perspektif HAM Internasional dan konstitusi 105 M. Asfar Marzuki ¹ Redefinisi Etnisitas dalam Konteks Kebudayaan Nasional Thung Ju Lan

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Tinjauan Pustaka ¹ Capitalization of Assets as the “Mystery” Behind Capital 141 Lilis Mulyani Jurnal Masyarakat dan Budaya, Volume 8 No. 1 Tahun 2006

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MASYARAKAT DAN BUDAYA.

Sebuah jurnal masalah kemasyarakatan dan kebudayaan, yang menyajikan karangan ilmiah dalam bentuk hasil penelitian, tinjauan teori maupun konsep, penilaian terhadap hasil penelitian dan pendekatan baru, serta tinjauan buku. Diterbitkan secara berkala dua kali dalam setahun (dalam bahasa Indonesia atau Inggris), oleh Pusat Penelitian Kemasyarakatan dan Kebudayaan – Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia (PMB– LIPI), dengan ISSN 1410-4830, berdasarkan Surat Keputusan Ketua LIPI Nomor 472/E/1995 tertanggal 17 Mei 1995. Redaksi menerima tulisan ilmiah dalam bentuk artikel atau tinjauan buku, dalam bahasa Indonesia atau Inggris. Panjang tulisan 15 – 25 halaman kuarto, diketik 1,5 spasi, dengan abstrak dalam bahasa Inggris untuk tulisan berbahasa Indonesia dan dalam bahasa Indonesia untuk tulisan berbahasa Inggris. Panjang abstrak tidak lebih dari 300 kata. Referensi sumber dicantumkan dalam kurung di dalam teks, dengan susunan: nama pengarang, tahun karangan dan nomor halaman yang dikutip. Penulisan bibliografi mengikuti susunan sebagai berikut: nama pengarang, tahun, judul karangan, nama kota, dan nama penerbit. Catatan kaki (footnote) hanya berisi penjelasan tentang teks, dan diketik di bagian bawah dari lembar teks yang dijelaskan. Pengiriman artikel bisa dilakukan melalui e-mail, fax ataupun pos, dengan disertai disket file. Naskah yang dimuat akan diberikan honor sepantasnya.

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Pelindung Ketua Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia Penanggung Jawab • Deputi Bidang Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial dan Kemanusiaan – LIPI • Kepala Pusat Penelitian Kemasyarakatan dan Kebudayaan (PMB) – LIPI Penasehat Editorial • Prof. Dr. Taufik Abdullah, APU • Dr. Dewi Fortuna Anwar, MA • Dr. Riwanto Tirtosudarmo Pemimpin Redaksi Dr. Rusydi Syahra Wakil Pemimpin Redaksi Drs. Masyhuri Imron, MA Dewan Redaksi • Dra. Nyayu Fatimah, DEA • Drs. Ibnu Qoyim, MA • Drs. Dundin Zaenuddin, MA Redaksi Pelaksana Lilis Mulyani, SH, LLM Pembantu Redaksi Djoko Kristijanto, S.Sos Alamat Redaksi:

PMB-LIPI, Widya Graha Lt. VI & IX Jl. Jend. Gatot Subroto No. 10, Jakarta Selatan 12190. Telpon : (021) 570 1232, 525 1542 Ext. 647/679 Fax : (021) 570 1232. E-mail : [email protected]

Jurnal Masyarakat dan Budaya, Volume 8 No. 1 Tahun 2006

Pusat Penelitian Kemasyarakatan dan Kebudayaan – Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia (PMB – LIPI) adalah lembaga pemerintah yang bergerak dalam bidang penelitian, khususnya berkaitan dengan masalah-masalah kemasyarakatan dan kebudayaan. Didukung oleh kurang lebih 60 tenaga peneliti dari berbagai bidang ilmu sosial dan kemanusiaan, PMB – LIPI siap memberikan pelayanan jasa ilmiah berupa penelitian/survei, konsultasi ilmiah, seminar dan pelatihan. PMB–LIPI terdiri dari tiga bidang, yaitu: Bidang Dinamika Masyarakat yang mempelajari masalah-masalah kemasyarakatan, Bidang Humaniora yang mempelajari masalah humaniora dan budaya, serta Bidang Hukum yang mempelajari masalah-masalah hukum. Untuk informasi lebih lanjut, hubungi: PMB – LIPI Widya Graha Lt. VI & IX Jl. Jend. Gatot Subroto No. 10 Jakarta Selatan 12190 Telp/Fax: (021) 570 1232 E-mail: [email protected]


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Pengantar Redaksi Pembaca yang budiman. Jurnal “Masyarakat dan Budaya” kembali hadir di hadapan anda dalam edisi pertama tahun 2006. Edisi ini diawali dengan tulisan Ahmad Najib Burhani tentang pergeseran ideologi Muhammadiyah dari tendensi kultural menuju tendensi puritan, sehingga Muhammadiyah kurang merepresentasikan Islam Jawa. Menurut penulis, pergeseran itu terjadi antara lain karena berkembangnya ideologi wahabi, keterlibatan orang-orang Padang dalam Muhammadiyah, dan pembentukan Majlis Tarjih yang berorientasi syari’ah. Tulisan kedua oleh Leolita Masnun menggambarkan praktek penyelesaian konflik personal pada dua masyarakat Muslim yang hidup dalam situasi kemajemukan hukum di dua Negara yang berbeda, yaitu masyarakat Gayo (Indonesia) dan masyarakat Tausug (Philipina). Hasil analisa penulis memperlihatkan bahwa aturan hukum keagamaan, kondisi sosial-politik, dan tradisi budaya menghasilkan variasi pemahaman tentang hukum dan praktek penyelesaian konflik yang berlaku di kedua masyarakat tersebut. Recovery dana BLBI bukan semata-mata masalah ekonomi, melainkan juga masalah hukum. Karena itu Tri Widya Kurniasari dalam artikelnya menyatakan bahwa penyelesaian masalah piutang dana BLBI tidak cukup hanya dengan mengembalikan dana yang dipinjam oleh para debitor, melainkan juga harus ditindaklanjuti dengan penegakan hukumnya. Hal itu karena pengembalian uang BLBI tidak berarti menghapus tindak pidananya. Pengelolaan hutan yang tidak mengikut-sertakan masyarakat lokal dapat mengancam kelestarian hutan itu sendiri. Karena itu pengelolaan taman nasional Gunung Leuser sebagaimana yang dipraktekkan di Bukit Lawang, yang telah melibatkan masyarakat lokal melalui program eko turisme perlu dicontoh. Program itu itu memiliki dua tujuan: mencegah terjadinya

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deforestasi dan meningkatkan kesadaran masyarakat tentang perlunya kelestarian sumber daya hutan. Walaupun masih menyoroti masalah pengelolaan sumber daya, namun Surmiati Ali lebih menekankan pada sumber daya perikanan. Dengan mengambil kasus di sebuah desa di Thailand Selatan, penggunaan peralatan tangkap yang tidak ramah lingkungan telah menimbulkan konflik yang berkepanjangan antara nelayan lokal dengan nelayan pendatang. Kebijakan pemerintah untuk menghapus alat tangkap itu selain memunculkan isu ketidak-adilan, justru mengakibatkan keterpurukan ekonomi bagi nelayan lokal. Penegakan syariat Islam bukanlah semata-mata masalah pergulatan ideologi, melainkan hal yang dilindungi oleh HAM internasional maupun oleh UUD 1945. Itulah yang dikemukakan oleh Asfar Marzuki dalam tulisannya tentang penegakan syariat Islam. Menurut Asfar, saat ini upaya penegakan syariat Islam itu telah dilakukan oleh beberapa elemen di beberapa negara, termasuk Indonesia. Baginya, hal itu sah karena bukan saja tidak bertentangan dengan HAM, melainkan justru dijamin olehnya. Etnisitas merupakan isu yang sangat penting dalam masyarakat yang pluralitistik. Menutup edisi kali ini, Thung Ju Lan mengemukakan kegelisahannya tentang pendekatan klasik tentang etnisitas, yang dianggap gagal membantu menjelaskan beberapa konflik yang terjadi di Indonesia. Menurutnya diperlukan upaya mencari definisi baru tentang etnisitas, sehingga konflik yang diwarnai etno nasionalisme dapat lebih dijelaskan.


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Book Review CAPITALIZATION OF ASSETS AS THE “MYSTERY” BEHIND CAPITAL Reviewed by Lilis Mulyani1

Title of Book : The Mystery of Capital Author : Hernando de Soto Year Published : 2000 Number of pages : 276 pages There is much research on poverty reduction program in Third Word countries, particularly those supported by the World Bank. De Soto’s research, highlighting the need for a legal property system reform in these countries, is indeed important and beneficial. As he argues in his latest book, The Mystery of Capital, the Western countries ‘capitalist approach’ on property can be used to reduce poverty in Third World countries (De Soto, 2000). This book is one of the series he had written on extralegal sector, particularly in Peru. He tries to disentangle the ‘mystery’ behind the ‘successes’ of the Western countries to maximize the surplus value of their property and create capital. To achieve this condition, there is a need to build an integrated and mighty formal legal property system. De Soto believes that the potential assets in the Third World countries have not been “identified or realized” (De Soto, 2000: 29) or he calls it “dead capital” (De Soto, 2000: 15). In other words, the poor in these countries are not really ‘poor’. They have property (although mostly with unrecorded rights) and they have business (although mostly extralegal businesses). For this reason, a formal legal property system can become a means to shift the potential assets, that the people in the poor countries ‘have’, into productive assets or capital (De Soto, 2000: 6-7). Once the abundance of these assets is recognized and 1

Researcher at the Research Center for Society and Culture the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (PMB LIPI). Jurnal Masyarakat dan Budaya, Volume 8 No. 1 Tahun 2006

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‘secured’ in the formal system, it will support the effective mechanism of property markets. This means that, assets with formally recognized titles will better help the people in the Third World countries, not only in terms of legal representativeness, but also in the ability for them to manage their assets in the market economy. The latter includes the mortgage system to borrow money for business and investment. With this idea, De Soto tries to present the concept of property, which is embedded within the Western concept of capitalism (Reeve, 1986: 3; Girling, 1987: 69; Carter, 1989: 10; MacPherson in Parel and Flanagan (eds), 1979: 39; Pipes, 1999: 53), as a liberating force from poverty and enabling development, instead of a negative subjugator force. Nevertheless, De Soto has given little attention to the condition of a country where communal rights over land still exists; or where there is widespread land apartheid and land conflicts. In a country with complex land law practices, such as Indonesia, there is a growing concern that individualization of property, in particular land, instead of creating wealth among the poor, will only open opportunity of a free land markets. A situation that eventually will transfer these people’s land to the hands of larger capital owners. The concern also includes the transfer of agricultural land into industrial areas, mining, plantations and real estate (KPA, 1996). In other words, the concern lies in the prediction that this formal legal property system will smoothen the way for larger capital owners to confiscate land and other natural resources in Indonesia merely for commercial purposes (Barnes, 1997; Proudhon, 1993; Pipes, 1999: 50). Besides, in Indonesia, land has been a ‘conflict sensitive issue’ in many provinces. The largest number of land conflict has been the conflict of land between the people, whether individuals or communal, with the State (Fauzi in KOMNAS HAM, 2001, 207). This is due to unclear and weak land law; distorted implementation of land law; corrupt land administration system, which serves the corrupt government; and eroded court system. Many agrarian activists believe that land reform through deconcentration and equal distribution of land is a first major step to be taken before entering the creation of a formal legal property system.

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De Soto has made an important argument on the need of a formal legal property system, to better help the people in Third World countries in their economic and social relation, to which argument I had agree. However, considering the condition of Indonesia’s land law, there are other key elements to consider in creating wealth and eradicating poverty using a mighty formal legal property system. These elements include: a clear and just land law; a clean and strong government; and adequate land administration with a fair dispute resolution mechanism. It is important to remember that integrating complex and conflicting situations of land law into a formal legal property system cannot be that simple. In this review, I would like to answer the question as to what are the other elements needed by ‘a mighty and complex’ formal legal property system to serve to break down ‘capitalist apartheid’, in particular land apartheid, and enable development. I will discuss the matter with particular emphasis on Indonesia’s land law and practices. De Soto writes his theory, to disentangle the mystery behind capital, in a strong point. De Soto ‘revisits’ one of the core concepts of capitalism theory: property. He reminds that the real benefits of property derives not only from its physical appearance; but most importantly derives from its “potential value” (De Soto, 2000, 4244). Physical benefits of assets or property can only be generated through labour, while the real benefit of this asset is actually derived from its legal representativeness. With this legal entitlement, asset can work in ‘a parallel’ (De Soto, 2000, 36-37) world, beyond its physical world, creating surplus capital for the owner. However, this proposition of the relation between property and prosperity and the rise of the Western countries’s capitalism has also been emphasized by Pipes. According to Pipes, “”[o]ne of the main reasons for the rise of the West in the position of global economic pre-eminence lies in the institution of property, which originated there and found there its fullest development” (Pipes, 1999, 286). De Soto’s study on legal property system in Third World countries has different findings, because he directly shared the experience –the hardship and resilient- of the poor in these countries. He finds that the majority of these people work or involve in an extralegal sectors including extralegal transactions (De Jurnal Masyarakat dan Budaya, Volume 8 No. 1 Tahun 2006

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Soto, 2000: 23). Engaging within this extralegal sector is actually a rational choice of these people, based on their comparison of the costs and benefits of inflowing into the formal system (De Soto, 2000, 18). In many Third World countries, this situation is partly due to the excessive administration and bureaucratic system. The cost to follow legal regulation or formality cost, usually higher in these countries. Economists have used the term extralegal or informal sector since the late 1970s (Mattera, 1985; Smith (a), 1986; Alessandrini and Dallago (eds), 1987; Harding and Jenkins, 1989; Feige (ed), 1989; Roberts in Smith (b), et.al (eds), 1990: 23-48). Nevertheless, they have used it in a different approach and emphasis than De Soto. Different terms have been used to point out the ‘other system’ outside the formal one. The terms range from neutral ones such as: informal; unrecorded; extralegal; unofficial (Alessandrini and Dallago, 1987); hidden economy; (Skolka in Alessandrini, 1987: 3559); or shadow economy (Smith (b), 1990); to more negatively correlated terms such as irregular; illegal; underground (Feige, 1989) or black economy (Smith (b), 1990). The difference between these previous economists and De Soto is that they use the terms merely with a labour approach; and which point out economic activities, that are not included within the formal system. These ‘extralegal’ economic activities are preferred by these people in Third World countries based on social, economic, political or criminal reasons. The reasons include the desire of people to increase real income in short time (Alessandrini, 1987: 42); institutional constraints; to evade taxes (Mattera, 1985: 1); to establish a false entitlement to social security (Smith (b), 1990, 1); and to avoid compliance to the state regulations (Mattera, 1985, 1). Some economists, such as Jagannathan (1987), discussed the term in relation to property rights. For this reason, De Soto’s approach in the Mystery of Capital is actually not a novel one. This extralegal or informal sector comprises more than half of the Third World’s economic activity. This situation is certainly not a desirable one. De Soto sees the potential of these poor people in the Third World countries to carry out economic activities, but their steps are mostly restricted. This is firstly, because of its informality or extralegality; and secondly, because these people cannot generate surplus capital from their informal, unregistered, 144


and (therefore) ‘dead and unproductive’, property. De Soto and his team even made a calculation on the amount of dead capital in the Third World and former communist nations. This comprises a huge amount of about US $ 9.3 trillion (De Soto, 2000, 32). It is for this reason that in De Soto’s account, the most important step for Third World countries is to integrate these extralegal systems into one system, through a formal legal property system. Although De Soto has made many strong points, there are also some issues, which are not emphasized. Firstly, De Soto pays only little attention to the initial process that forced people to the cities; they built their huts on State land; and became informal city dwellers (Moore, 2004: 98). The situation is that most of these people move to the urban areas because of rural poverty. The main causes of rural poverty, include: no access to land, land apartheid or State’s excessive control over land; lack of skill except to farm and unattainability of land; and lack of capital. In the Indonesian context, for example, research has shown that more than 75% of the poor in Indonesia are living in the rural areas, and more than 60% of the Indonesian poor work in the rural agricultural sector (The SUSENAS, 1999). Secondly, De Soto advises the government of the Third World countries to seek for “the people’s law on land or property” (De Soto, 2000, 170-171). This is, he says, the first important step to discover the informal sectors that the people engaged with. In a country like Indonesia, where it has a plural legal property system, this is certainly not an easy task. This is not only because the people’s law is very diverse from one place to another; but also because of the process to find the law is difficult, due to the unwritten characteristic of the people’s law –or called the Adat law. Thirdly, building a mighty and complex formal legal property system needs a support from the ruling government. For this objective, the government must be clean and mighty, represents the majority of the people; and has aims to generate and distribute wealth fairly for all citizens. This has become the main political problem of many Third World countries that mostly characterized by a corrupt and authoritarian government. For this reason, the realization of De Soto’s theory will face a great challenge from the government structure. Jurnal Masyarakat dan Budaya, Volume 8 No. 1 Tahun 2006

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This book is indeed important and beneficial, particularly for Third World countries. Since the idea in this book is in line with many World Bank’s programs, this institution has been the main supporter of the theory. This relates to many land administration programs the Bank had been working on in many Third World countries. Despite its controversy, the book is very interesting and offers a new perspective in seeing the informal sectors, a sector which had increasingly grown in Indonesia within the past five years. References Alessandrini, Sergio and Bruno Dallago (eds), The Unofficial Economy: Consequences and Perspectives in Different Economy System (1987) Brookfield: Gower Publishing Company. Barnes, Greenville, International Comparative Review of Land Administration Administrative, retrieved at 10 May 2004 from . Carter, Alan, The Philosophical Foundations of Property Rights (1989) New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf. Feidge, Edgar L. (ed), The Underground Economies: Tax Evasion and Information Distortion (1989) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Girling, John, Capital and Power: Political Economy and Social Transformation (1987) London: Croom Helm. Harding, Philip and Richard Jenkins, The Myth of the Hidden Economy: Towards a New Understanding of Informal Economic Activity (1989) Milton Keynes: Open University Press. Jagannathan, N. Vijay, Informal Markets in Developing Countries (1987) New York: Oxford University Press. Komisi Nasional Hak Asasi Manusia (Komnas HAM) – The National Commission on Human Rights, Keadilan dalam

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Masa Transisi – Transitional Justice (2001) Jakarta: Komnas HAM. Mattera, Phillip, Off the Books: The Rise of the Underground Economy (1985) London: Pluto Press. Moore, David, The Second Age of the Third World: from primitive accumulation to global public goods? (2004) 25 (1) Third World Quarterly, 87-109. Parel, Anthony and Thomas Flanagan (eds), Theories of Property: Aristotle to the Present (1979) Waterloo: Wilfird Laurier university Press for the Calgary Institute for the Humanities. Pipes, Richard, Property and Freedom (1999) New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph, What Is Property?, as being edited and translated by Kelley, Donald R., and Bonnie G. Smith (1993) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Reeve, Andrew, Property (1986) Houndmills: MacMillan Education Ltd. Smith (a), M.Estellie, et.al. (eds), Perspectives on the Informal Economy: Monograph in Economic Anthropology (No. 8, 1990) Lanham: University Press of America. Smith (b), Stephen, Britain’s Shadow Economy (1986) Oxford: Clarendon Press. The Consortium for Agrarian Reform (the KPA), Our Land is Not for Sale: KPA’s Second Memorandum on Land Administration Project in Indonesia (1996), retrieved at 14 May 2004 from <www.kpa.or.id>. BPS. 1999. SUSENAS Tahun 1999. The Indonesian Statistic Bureau.


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Daftar Isi Jurnal Masyarakat dan Budaya Volume 8 Nomor 1 Tahun 2006

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