CAPTER 3 ISLAMIC LAW: FROM ‘ILLAH TO MAQASID
Minority Rights to Access Religion Classes: Three Different Cases Raihani1 Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Sultan Syarif Kasim, Riau
[email protected] Abstract: In 2003, Indonesian government issued a new education law in which one of the articles (Article 12) states that student has the right to access religion class in school in accordance with his or her religion by teachers who share the faith. This particular article has a legal ramification that school – state and private – by law must provide corresponding Religion Classes (RC) for each religious group of students in order to fulfil their very human basic right to access to and observe their religious and cultural teaching and practices. This paper presents findings of four different school case studies on the problem of access to RC by religious minority in schools in Indonesia. Minority in this paper refers to religious groups that are either numeric minority or subordinate majority at the micro school level, not in the macro national population. This paper argues that numeric minority in any context (micro or macro) is vulnerable to discrimination by the dominating majority when the law of social relations is not fairly implemented. The findings suggest that the right of religious minority groups in three different schools to access proper RC is stifled, particularly to access equal learning facilities. Numeric religious minority groups in these schools suffer from powerlessness. One case, however, demonstrates that the positional power of minority group reverses this logic of minoritypowerlessness and puts the religious majority students in a subordinate position. Keywords: religious minority rights, religion classes, secondary schools, minority-majority relations
Introduction This present study is part of a larger team-research project on education for multicultural and tolerant Indonesia funded by Australia Research Council (ARC). One of the concerns in this larger research has been the religion classes in the schools studied: why they should be taught, how they are imparted and evaluated in both public and private schools, what factors that support or impede their implementation, and how religious groups are treated in terms of getting access to the classes and facilities. While all of the issues listed earlier are important, the last issue of 1 Dr Raihani is a senior lecturer of Education Studies at UIN Suska Riau and an Adjunct Research Fellow at The University of Western Australia (2012-2015). This paper is one of the outcomes of a research project entitled “Education for Tolerant and Multicultural Indonesia” funded by ARC for the years 2009-2011. Other members of the team include Prof Lyn Parker of UWA and Dr CY Hoon of Singapore Management University (SMU).
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religious minority access to religion class warrants a special analysis. This issue is highly relevant to particularly Article 12 of the Education Law of 2003, which mandates that student has the right to access religion class in school in accordance with his or her religion by teachers who share the faith. This issue also corresponds to a long-standing problem of minority rights to access equal treatment and public service in Indonesia including religious education. This important issue does not only depict how the Indonesian Muslim majority state manages to fulfil the rights of religious minority and to facilitate positive relationships between minority and majority, but it describes also how actually private institutions respond to the basic human rights of the religious minority. This paper, therefore, presents findings of three different case studies on the problem of access to Religion Classes (RC) by religious minority in schools in Central Kalimantan, Indonesia. The main question it poses is whether the rights of religious minority in access to RC in these schools are granted, how they are granted, and what factors influence the granting of such religious minority rights. What I mean by minority here does not refer to the religious numeric minority population of the macro Indonesia that include all non-Muslims. Minority in this paper refers to religious groups that are either numeric minority or subordinate majority at the micro school level2. Numeric minority refers to religious groups whose members are significantly fewer in statistics than the rest of the school population. Subordinate majority means that any religious group whose members are majority in numbers but because of lack of power and status they are subordinate to the minority groups. These groups could be Muslim and Hindu students in Christian schools, Christians and Hindus in Islamic schools, or a religious minority group in a public school. It is possible that this group is minority in school but majority in community like Muslim students in Catholic schools or otherwise. The composition of the religious groups in each school will be conveyed later in the methodology section. I am convinced that this research is important because there has been lack of attention to the issue of religious minority rights in the contexts of micro environment like schools. Much research and media attention have so far been on the issues of religious numeric minority in the context of macro Indonesia (Bayuni, 2011; Crouch, 2007). There is nothing wrong with this vast research and media interest since Indonesia has had a big problem in dealing with the religious and other minorities. While this macro issue is important, the status of minority in a micro school environment has its particular significance as I discussed above. This paper is in no ways intended to pull our look totally from the macro issues, instead, it 2 The definition of minority will be briefly elaborated in the relevant sub-section of this paper.
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complements the so-far research on the issues of religious minority groups in Indonesia. Also, as this paper is based on “only” three case studies, I shall remind that its generalizability is limited. In other words, other state and private schools in Indonesia may display different pictures of how religious minority access RC. Religious minority rights and RC The post-colonial era has witnessed the continuing massive migration of people of the Third World to what-so-called more developed countries. Civil wars and quest for better life are often cited for such people movement. This migration has constructed a new society in the host countries where there is no longer one single culture that exists and dominates (Commonweath of Australia, 2003; Parekh, 2006). The new society now consists of various ethnics and cultures which signify more complex relationships among people and between people and the state. Tensions, frictions, and conflicts have often occurred because of the complex construction of society. Some conflicts are purely triggered by cultural incompatibilities among groups, but some others are politically and economically ignited. To anticipate and/or overcome these problems, in some countries the idea of people living together in harmony based on mutual understanding, fairness, equality and social justice has emerged. This idea is often termed as multiculturalism in which much of the proportion of concerns is dominated by the issue of minority rights (Kymlicka, 1995; Macedo, 2000; Parekh, 2006). Minority is a contested concept particularly in regards to which group is considered as minority. For the United Nations, minority is defined as: A group numerically inferior to the rest of the population of a State, in a non-dominant position, whose members—being nationals of the State—possess ethnic, religious or linguistic characteristics differing from those of the rest of the population and show, if only implicitly, a sense of solidarity, directed towards preserving their culture, traditions, religion or language (United Nations, 2010, p.2). The above definition explicitly refers to the numeric minority of ethnic, religious, or linguistic backgrounds. This minority is often characterised by powerlessness, injustice, discrimination and marginalisation. As Schaefer (1987) is concerned, in some situations numeric majority can also experience subordination to the minority which usually holds the power of domination. This subordinate majority is similarly attributed with oppression and marginalisation. The Shi’i community in Bahrain is a clear example of the majority under oppression of the Sunni minority. Their rights to be equal citizens who freely enjoy their culture, traditions, religions or language are restricted and not recognised. Charles Taylor (1994), therefore, argues for the importance of the politics of recognition toward the rights of these powerless groups for
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misrecognition or non-recognition of these groups and their rights can lead to oppression, subordination and discrimination to them. As ethnic minority issues such as Aboriginal people in Australia and African American people in the US have overwhelmed the debates around multiculturalism, religious minority has equally attracted attention. Religious minority groups are often described to have suffered from lack of recognition, unequal treatment, and the infringement of rights to observe their religious teachings and practices. For example, female Muslims in the Western secular countries like France have faced a serious problem in relation to their commitment to wear Islamic veils in public spaces3. In France, too often Islam and Muslims are perceived as social problems rather than as citizens who have equal rights and responsibilities (Cesari, 2002). In many Muslim countries, like Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Malaysia and to some extent Indonesia, non-Muslims have also been faced with religious and citizenship discriminations. There are restrictions of building Churches, using “Allah” in the Bible, and fully participating in politics. All of these instances indicate that religious minority groups have remained to suffer from discrimination and marginalisation by the dominating group. In 1992 the United Nations Minorities Declaration by consensus (resolution 47/135) was issued and this declaration has become the main reference document for minority rights (United Nations, 2010). In this document, as summarised in one of the High Commissions document, minority groups have the rights to be protected, to enjoy their own culture, to profess and practise their own religion, and to use their own language in private and in public. They are entitled to participate effectively in cultural, religious, social, economic and public life, to participate effectively in decisions which affect them on the national and regional levels, and to establish and maintain their own associations, to establish and maintain peaceful contacts with other members of their group. They also have the freedom to exercise their rights, individually as well as in community with other members of their group, without discrimination. To ensure these rights are protected, the United Nations obliged states to take necessary measures. While the above list of rights refers to any minority group in any state of the world, specifically for religious minority groups the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights adopted by the United Nations mandates that “The States Parties to the present Covenant undertake to have respect for the liberty of parents and, when applicable, legal guardians to ensure the religious and moral education of their 3 France in 2011 officially banned women from wearing full-face veils in public places. The right wings in other European countries like Netherlands and Italy have proposed similar banning. See http://www.sbs.com.au/news/article/1517501/france-bansthe-burqa
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children in conformity with their own convictions” (UN General Assembly, 1966, p.171). This mandate guarantees the right of religious minority to access their own religious teachings in order to preserve faiths and cultures of their own. In some secular countries like the USA, France, and Netherlands, religious minority can access to RC in private schools or Churches. In the UK, although RC is compulsory in schools, minority groups particularly Muslims are not satisfied with the provision of RC because the lessons are designed for all religions, not specifically for particular religions (Mandaville, 2007). In Indonesia, the rights of minority groups are protected by law to have RC in both public and private schools at all levels of education. Their rights are granted by the constitution and strengthened by the Education Law of 2003 (Listia, Arham, & Gogali, 2007). The compulsory status of RC in Indonesia is in fact not exclusively required by the Education Law of 2003, but was mandated in several previous laws. Yet, in history, before 1965, RC was made an optional or non-compulsory subject. In the Education Law of 1950, religion class was to be carried out selectively depending on the age and intellectual level of students; students have freedom whether to follow religion class; and religion class was made as a non-determinant subject to grade promotion (Mujiburrahman, 2006). This was at that time seen as a middle way between the Muslim demand to have a compulsory religion class and the secular group’s and Christian’s view to have state schools free from that class (Kelabora, 1976). The political rivalry between the military and the communist between 1960 and 1965 contributed to the affirmation of religion class as a compulsory subject in 1965. The communist wanted to demolish religion class from schools. The military, opposing the communist’s ideas including this one, invited Islamists to promote religion class as a compulsory subject. The failed coup of the communist in 1965 gave the military a stronger position in Indonesian politic, and the idea of making religion class as a compulsory subject was eventually realised in 1965. Subsequently, the temporary People General Assembly (MPRS) issued the Decree No. XXVII/1966 declaring the compulsory status of religion class from primary to university. Again preceded by a hot debate in the parliament between the secular proponents and Islamists, the Education Law of 1989 reasserted the status of religion as a compulsory subject in Indonesian schools (Mujiburrahman, 2006). RC continues to be compulsory in the school curriculum and this status is reasserted in the Education Law of 2003 (Kementrian Pendidikan Nasional, 2003). While the debate surrounding the previous laws was concerned with the status of religion class—whether it is compulsory or not, it was now regarding the obligatory requirement of school to provide religious teaching for pupils in accordance with their own faith and by teachers who share the faith. The opponent of this law, notably Christian
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groups and some Muslim activists, argued that the law would create segregation among religious groups in school and consequently in society. Their further concerns were particularly in regards to (mostly, not to say all) private Christian schools which would, under the law, have to provide the Islamic religion class for minority Muslim students. The Muslim proponents of the law rejected the above argument of social segregation because diversity of RC in one school does not lead segregation, and it is the fact that Indonesia is diverse. According to Listia et al. (2007), the Hindus community in Bali also supported this law for their own interest because many of Hindu children go to Christian schools. They said that teaching students religions other than their own faith would even suggest school’s intolerance to religious differences, and fail to create security in students and parents about their faiths. Adian Husaini, a notable Islamist, took an example that private Muslim schools such as Muhammadiyah schools in Kupang had provided Christian religion classes for Christian students to ensure their religious rights. He said: “If Muslims are willing to do so, why are not Christians?” (Husaini, 2003). After all, this particular regulation remains part of the Law when it was issued in 2003. I personally believe that Article 12 of the Education Law of 2003 stating that every student has the right to access RC according to his or her own religion responds well to the basic human rights of individuals to access to religious education as mentioned earlier. The article of the law does not only think of the minority rights to access religious education at the macro level, but also ensures to grant their rights to do so at the micro school level. There may be individuals or groups who adopt secular beliefs that religion is a private matter so that the state may not intervene in, or may be individuals who confess to atheism, and hence does not need religious education. For these individuals and groups, the law indeed does not grant their rights to opt out RC. Complying with the underpinning legal principles in Indonesia, the law implies that every Indonesian individual is required to have a faith in one of the acknowledged religions. Therefore, the question of whether to have religious education or not should be addressed to the state’s constitution provides a clear political framework that Indonesia is based on the principle of “Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa” (monotheism). The three case studies The fieldwork of the study was conducted from 2009 to 2010. This is a qualitative study of three different senior secondary schools: SMAN A, SMA M (Muhammadiyah) and SMA C (Catholic) in Central Kalimantan. SMAN A, located in the heart of the city of Palangkaraya, has been long been established as one of the finest schools in the province, and had around 900 students enrolled in 2010. The majority of students were Muslims and Protestants, while Catholics were around 15 students and Hindus were only a few. SMA M is administered by a large Islamic organisation –
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Muhammadiyah. Its student body was around half the size of that of SMAN A; all were Muslims except only three Protestant students in 2010. SMA C is a Catholic school being the smallest school among the four, which enrolled only 175 students in 2010. Sixty per cent of this student population were Protestants, and one student was Muslim. It is pertinent here to understand the composition of the population based on religion in Central Kalimantan. Although Muslims were the majority in Central Kalimantan, they were not strong political players particularly after the current Governor took the office in 2007. The “comeback” of indigenous Dayak after the ethnic violence in 2001 seems to be influential in the declining of Muslim power since most of Dayak are Christians. Although interreligious relation and tolerance in this province has been so far excellent, the political elites often used religion as a means to discredit their political opponents4. I conducted two stints of fieldwork each lasting one month and the half in the three schools, in the period 2009 – 2010. With the approval of the Head of Dinas Pendidikan (education office) and the respective principal, I visited each school almost every school day observing and talking with people formally and informally. I conducted ethnographic observations of the day-to-day school practices and events. I wrote in fieldnotes what I saw activities and what I heard which were relevant and significant for the purpose of the research. I took pictures to document visual activities. I employed Focus Group Discussions (FGD) and in-depth interviews with more than 80 students and 40 teachers and four principals exploring their perspectives on how religious minority access to RC and what factors support or hinder such access. With their permission, I recorded the conversations to ease the process of data analysis later. I had a research assistant to transcribe all the recorded data, and checked the transcripts carefully to avoid any missing information. In analysing the huge amount of data, I used N-Vivo to generate codes and categorisations so that meaningful interpretations can be made. Access to RC in the state school As mentioned previously, the Education Law of 2003 mandates that each student has the right to access religious teachings by teachers of the same faith. It is, therefore, the school responsibility to provide qualified 4 During my fieldwork in Palangkaraya, I have informally talked with several political figures and academics regarding the current socio-cultural and political situations in the province. Some of them are from religious organisation like Indonesian ‘Ulema Council (MUI) who were concerned with the political orientation which, in their view, somewhat benefit Christians significantly. For example, one of them said that Churches have been built in areas where the Christians are a few. The Christian side however rejected this allegation that the development in the province is always based on the philosophy of Rumah Betang (traditional long house) where diverse communities can live together in harmony. So, as one of them (Head of Dinas Pendidikan) said, there is no discrimination of whatsoever.
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teachers for each religion professed by students. The three schools exhibited respective problems particularly in terms of the willingness to provide RC and its facilities. I classify the presentation and discussions of the findings into two categories, i.e. access to RC in the state school and access to RC in private religious schools. Although SMAN A is a state school where religion class is subsidised by the government, it had problems with the education law implementation. SMAN A, a home to four religious groups of students: Protestants, Muslims, Catholics, and Hindus, has provided with appropriately qualified teachers for each religion class, but failed to provide equal facilities to each of the groups, particularly to Catholics and Hindus. All religious lessons were allocated in parallel with the convention that, if there were more than one religious group in one classroom, the minority left the classroom for another predetermined classroom. For Muslims and Protestants, who were the predominantly majority, the “another” classroom was readily available, but for Catholic and Hindu students, there was no proper classroom provided where they could comfortably learn their respective religious teachings. Sometimes, these minorities had to study in the shared teacher office which was not at all feasibly useable for teaching activities since it was crowded by teachers’ tables and chairs. When the class was held in this office, many teachers were there having conversations with each other, a situation that made the teaching process frequently distracted, ineffective and unenjoyable. On another occasion, they were forced to run the class in the schoolyard sitting on one of the benches under the tree. This might create a more relaxed and enjoyable learning process, but it did not seem to be a deliberate choice by either the teacher or students on the consideration of pedagogical effectiveness. Instead, this was because they had to. Diana, the Catholicism teacher in SMAN A, explains: It is difficult for me to organise my class as we have to move from place to place. There is no permanent classroom. Actually, the principal provides access to the school library for us to use during the class, but the place is not representative. We want a permanent one where we can learn comfortably and display our religious identities. Ni Luh, the Hinduism teacher, also describes the situation as being difficult for religious minorities. She sometimes has to run her class in the school canteen5. She also criticises the school policy not to provide a place 5 Ni Luh is actually criticised by one of the vice principals for lack of seriousness in teaching. She owns one of the stalls in the school canteen and sells food and drinks to students. She spent much of her time at the canteen since she has no shop assistant. For this reason, she often teaches the few Hindu students in the canteen. There seems to be a blaming game between the teachers of religious minority and the school leaders. But, I have understood in general that the school demonstrates insufficient attention to religious minorities in regards to RC implementation.
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of worship for Hindus at the school. The minority Hindu teachers (2 persons) and students have to join their community outside the school for religious congregations. The principal and the vice-principals, however, argued that the school has lack of capacity to accommodate students, and therefore it is difficult to dedicate some classrooms exclusively for these minority groups. They refer to some Islamic classes that are also regularly held in the musolla (prayer room). The Muslim students who joint these classes yet explained that the use of musolla as a learning classroom is not because the absence of the proper classroom, but it is because of the teacher’s preference. The failure to ensure religious minority rights in SMAN A seems to be very much dependent on the school policy. The financial support from the government might be small, but this lack of financing is also the case for other classes. As admitted by the principal and the local Education Office figures, the government has also provided teachers for each religion class. From my understanding of SMAN A, there are several factors that contribute to the failure to fulfil the minority rights. One factor is related to the willingness to respect and fulfil minority rights. In my interviews with the principal of each school, there is a positive understanding of religious diversity, but this understanding has not been fully manifest in the school policy of the religion class arrangement for minority groups. Access to RC in the private religious schools As mentioned earlier, two of the three schools are private, i.e. SMA M and SMA C. SMA M had three Protestant students in 2009 – one female and two males. As a private Islam-based school, this institution applied strict regulations about observing Islamic teachings, including wearing Islamic dress (jilbab) for women regardless of religion. Yet this school was open to non-Muslim students. They were informed about such regulations at the time of registration. The school did not provide non-Islamic religion classes for its students nor make it compulsory for non-Muslim students to attend Islamic religion class. They could choose whether to stay or leave the class, but were obliged to learn about their religion at home or in their community. Mrs Fatimah, the Islam teacher, explained: The school provides a control book on which their priests write their religious attendance and comments. For evaluation, we ask the respective priests to provide assessment of the students. Markus, one of the Protestant students, conveyed that this rule has forced him to attend the weekly congregation regularly. He admitted that sometimes he was lazy or reluctant to go, but he had to, otherwise the priest would not provide him with a good report to the school. Mr Yamin, the principal, argued that it is very costly to provide Protestantism Class if there are only a couple of students. He said: “the cost of one class with three students is no difference with the cost of one class with twenty or thirty
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students”. He continued that by requiring the minority students to access RC in their community the school has not turned away from the Law of 2003 mandate. Instead, as he argued, the school tries to compromise between the law requirement and the pragmatic problem the school is faced. In the rapport, the students received the marks of Protestantism class from their priest. The Islamic religion teachers were responsible to communicate with the priests. SMA C applied a sweeping policy to teach Catholicism to all students regardless of their religious affiliations. As described before, the student population in 2009 was only 175 students, and the majority of them are from Protestant background as so the teachers are. Most of the students interviewed indicated their acceptance to the school policy of this monoreligious RC. Before they decided to choose this school, they had been aware of this policy. As they admitted, they could do nothing regarding this school policy. They knew at the very beginning the consequence of choosing this school, but they prefer quality to RC. SMA C has established a good reputation of providing a good quality education and discipline. For this quality reason, the Yayasan keeps the number of new students accepted in the school low. According to Sr Angela, the Catholicism teacher, although all students were obliged to learn Catholicism and participated in all the religious activities, there was no intention to convert them to Catholicism. The Catholic religion class was merely delivered as a mandate from the school Yayasan. Many students admitted that they learn the Catholic religion for the matter of school obligation only. They had to pass the subject examination since the class was compulsory and determining their grade promotion. During the FGD, many Protestant students explained that they never take the lessons personally in a way that these change their existing beliefs. But they admitted that there is a positive side of the RC in SMA C, which is to understand more about Catholicism so that they were aware of the differences from their faith. Vicky, one of the Protestant students, described how he was confused before making decision on which school to go after the junior secondary graduation. He said: Initially, I think it is weird for a Protestant like me going to a Catholic school. I went to consult with Andik, who has been my best friend since primary school. [I asked]: “Dik, if you go to the Catholic school, would this create a problem to you as a Muslim?” [Andik answered]: “Yes, of course. I think I am going to withdraw”. But I said: “Please, don’t withdraw. If you turn away from the school, who will then become my friend?” So we decided to go. At the beginning, I kept thinking of how the religious lesson later on; will I be converted to Catholicism? But as the time goes, this has not happened. Instead, I learn a lot about Catholicism. Andik, the only Muslim student, says:
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Andik: At school, I only learn the Catholic teachings and do some practices. We go to Church regularly to pray. When the teacher requires me to memorise prayers, I do it. No problem. The most important thing is that I get good marks for the class. Raihani: Do you practice the teachings at home? Andik: No. I don’t practice the prayers at home because I am a Muslim. Raihani: Does the school provide a musolla or a room for you to pray in Islamic ways during the school hour? Andik: No! As we can infer from the above findings, the SMA M and SMA C cases are different from the SMAN A one. The state schools received supports from the government in regards to the religion class arrangement especially the provision of religion teachers, while the private ones did not. Mr Yamin, the SMA M principal, mentioned the cost as a reason for justifying the absence of RC for the minority students, but Mrs Anti, the principal of SMA C, confirmed that the mission of her Catholic school is to teach Catholicism to people. She argued further that as a private school, SMA C had the right to be exclusive, but she failed to provide a legal basis for this argument. Teachers’ perspective of the Education Law of 2003 The above presentation reveals several problems of the implementation of the Education Law of 2003 in regards to RC. In state schools, the problems are centred at the unequal treatment of RC for majority and minority groups. Majority groups enjoy the privileges of being dominant and, hence, access better provision of RC, whilst minority groups are bounded within powerlessness, and under the domination of the “ruling” majority. In private schools, the belief that private religious schools have the freedom to provide their own RC remains strong particularly in the case of SMA C. While the leaders of the schools (SMA M and SMA C) are aware of the Law of 2003, they also insist on applying what best suit their interests. However, the religion teachers of the three schools who are with students in day-to-day classroom practices were unanimously in agreement with the particular article of the Education Law of 2003. They believed that schools have to provide religion class according to students’ religion taught by teachers of the same religion. I quote here comments of each RC teacher in the four schools. Sr Angela of SMA C: I am aware of the Law and fully agree with it. I have encountered difficulty in teaching Catholicism to students here. The majority of them are not Catholics. I feel confused sometimes. That’s why I often modify my teaching strategies to suit their backgrounds. For example, I sometimes ask them to go to their
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religious teachers in the community to ask about the topic being discussed in the classroom. Mrs Fatimah of SMA M: We fully support the implementation of the Law of 2003 that students should receive religious lessons according to their own religions. That’s why we do not require the minority students to attend the Islam class. Instead, we ask them to learn (their religious lessons) from their priests in the community. Mrs Diana of SMAN A: I think what the government issued regarding the regulation of religious education should be praised. Now, the implementation remains problematic. Like what you see here in this school, minority groups do not have equal access to RC. We are so differentiated from the majority. The teachers further conveyed that the Law ensures that religious rights of children are maintained, parents feel safe, and suspicions among religious groups can be minimised. The suspicion about “Islamisation” and “Christianisation” by Christian and Muslims respectively has emerged during the history of the modern Indonesia. The education has become one of the “battlefields” where each group has played and exercised influence (Mujiburrahman, 2006). The report by the International Crisis Groups in 2010 suggests that there is a strong competition between aggressive Christian evangelists who are committed to convert Muslims and Islamic organisations to counter what so-called “Christianisation”6. This competition has contributed to the heating of Muslim-Christian relations and religious intolerance in recent years. It is clear that the teachers did not problematise the issue of the Education Law of 2003, in particular regarding Article 12 about the rights of students to access religious education in school. Non-Muslim minority teachers viewed the importance of the Law in maintaining religious interest and welfare of children. This contradicts the claims of several groups that the particular article of the Law would not take the side of minority groups. Conversely, in this study, the religious minority groups within the micro school level believed that the Law can be a protector of their rights from the majority oppression if its implementation goes well. Discussions and Conclusions 6ICG (2010). Indonesia: “Christianisation” and Intolerance, available at http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-east-asia/indonesia/B114-indonesiachristianisation-and-intolerance.aspx [accessed 23 December 2011]. The report says: “On the Christian side, several evangelical organisations committed to converting Muslims have also set up shop in Bekasi, some funded internationally, others purely home-grown. Yayasan Mahanaim, one of the wealthiest and most active, is particularly loathed by the Islamist community because of its programs targeting the Muslim poor. Another, Yayasan Bethmidrash Talmiddin, run by a Muslim convert to Christianity, uses Arabic calligraphy on the cover of its booklets, suggesting they are Islamic in content, and requires every student at its school as a graduation requirement to convert five people”.
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What have been presented above indicate, to a worrying degree, problems of the RC implementation for religious minority groups in SMAN A, SMA M and SMA C. The problems reflect one big underpinning factor, which is lack of recognition or misrecognition. These schools failed to recognise the existence of this specific culture of these minority students and their rights as they did to the majority cultures. Taylor (1994, p.25) consistently relates that the lack of recognition “can inflict harm, can be a form of oppression, imprisoning someone in a false, distorted, and reduced mode of being”. The cases above also show structural marginalisation by the schools as social institutions which caused the feeling of being discriminated in students. The minority groups in the three schools have experienced this discrimination in a way that put them into a powerless condition to accept a kind of social and cultural injustice (Cribb & Gewirtz, 2005). Samuel, a Catholic student in SMAN A, describes: Yes, we feel treated unjustly here particularly in the matters of classroom for our religion class and place of worship. But, we understand that we are minority here, and we have to understand that the school is in the side of the majority. Further reflecting this lack of recognition by the schools is the absence of the minority groups in the three schools in expressing their religious identity, for instance, during the raising flag assembly on Mondays. At the end of this weekly assembly, one student recites the prayers, while others repeat after him or her or just say “amen”. The practice of the four schools suggests that only the majority recited the prayer in their own religious way. In SMAN A, it is either Protestants or Muslims who lead to recite prayers. In SMA M, Muslims always did that job, and in SMA C Catholics did so. Misrecognition of the minority rights have clearly impeded some of their identity from being expressed in the schools’ public spaces. Besides, it also undermines some of the basic principles of multicultural schools, i.e. equal opportunity and social justice (Bennet, 1990). In the context of micro school level, the practice of misrecognition of minority rights in the three schools is influenced greatly by the school leadership and/or Yayasan leadership in the case of private schools. Interviews with the principals and vice-principals reveal that they generally have recognised minority groups as equal members of Indonesian society. All the principals, but that of SMA C, agreed said that minority groups deserve equal respect and opportunity to access RC as required by the Law. However, equal respect and opportunity in practice were translated into several meanings. In SMAN A, the principal insisted on having done sufficiently for minority groups through the provision of impermanent classrooms for RC for Catholic and Hindu students. In SMA M, the principal admitted for not being able to provide the required RC for financial reasons. He regretted this situation and acknowledged such a
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particular article of the Law of 2003. Differently, while acknowledging the law, the principal of SMA C believed that it is the right of a private religious school not to provide corresponding RC for non-Catholic students. When she was asked of whether this policy went against the children’s rights and the principles of tolerance, she was convinced that it is the policy of the Yayasan and parents already understood the risk. All of this information suggests the power of school leaders in shaping policies in regards to religious minorities. The findings also reflect the broader macro context, i.e. how the Indonesian state has dealt with the rights of minority groups. Many cases which involve minority groups often suggest the failure of the state to recognise their rights. As mentioned early in this paper, the most recent case of Jemaat Ahmadiyah demonstrates how lenient the government towards the anarchist groups who undermine the principles of human rights and multiculturalism. The widespread video footage that can be accessed through youtube.com clearly suggests the brutality of these groups in what they term as correcting the wrongs. To put this into perspective, Hikayat Budiman (2009) rightly argues that the government has since the New Order been concerned with unity rather than diversity which is the inherent characteristics of Indonesian society. The government policies in managing such diversity are focused on uniting and assimilating minorities into the national, which often means majority, culture (Drake, 1989). In this context, civic equality which is one of the main characteristics of a democratic society is absent. What comes to the fore then has been the resistance and distrust of minority groups to the government. In addition, the findings describe the complex and dynamic relations between minority and majority in Indonesia. Despite the hard works done by several groups of both sides through interfaith dialogues and social works, suspicions of each other’s activism remain strong particularly as represented by recent cases or conflicts between majority and minority groups. The government has struggled to manage this relation through several laws. Recently, the government has completed the draft of Religious Harmony Law (Undang-Undang Kerukunan Umat Beragama) and submitted to the Parliamentary House. Despite the spirit of this law to manage more harmonious relations among religious groups, the law has not been free from criticisms. The main criticism is regarding the place of religious minority groups vis-à-vis the majority. This does not always mean between Christian or other minorities and Muslim majority, but include – and this would probably be more problematic – minority sects in one religion. The allegation of blasphemy can be lightly used to groups who are considered as deviating from the mainstream. Also, the naming of the law after “Kerukunan” may imply restrictions on religious followers, which contradict the principles of religious freedom. However, the proponent of this law, for instance Nasaruddin Umar, argues that this law is intended to
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create better harmonious Indonesian society since the current society is not yet an ideal one which can operate smoothly without laws7. Therefore, as he continues, restrictions on religious activism by religious followers should be understood within the frame of this objective for freedom and rights are always balanced with duties (Abdullah et al., 1996). References: Abdullah, Fauzi, Bailey, Peter, Bakar, Muhammad Abu, Chua, Beng-Huat, Heto, Rey, Jackson, Peter, . . . Samudavanija, Chai-Ann. (1996). Human Rights. In A. Milner (Ed.), Comparing Cultures (pp. 44-68). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bayuni, Endy. (2011). Blood Blasphemy: Antagonising Religious Minorities in Indonesia and Pakistan. Asia Pacific Bulletin, (97). http://www.eastwestcenter.org/sites/default/files/private/apb097.p df Bennet, Christine I. (1990). Comprehensive Multicultural Education (second ed.). Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Budiman, Hikayat (Ed.). (2009). Hak Minoritas: Ethnos, Demos, dan BatasBatas Multikulturalisme. Jakarta: The Interseksi Foundation. Cesari, Jocelyne. (2002). Islam in France: The Shaping of a Religious Minority. In Y. Y. Haddad (Ed.), Muslims in the West, from Sojourners to Citizens (pp. 36-51). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Commonweath of Australia. (2003). Multicultural Australia: United in Diversity. Canberra: Department of Communications, Information Technology and the Arts. Cribb, Alan, & Gewirtz, Sharon. (2005). Towards a Sociology of Just Practices: An analysis of plural conceptions of justice. In C. Vincent (Ed.), Social Justice, Education and Identity (pp. 15-29). London: RoutledgeFalmer. Crouch, Melissa. (2007). Regulating Places of Worship in Indonesia: Upholding Freedom of Religion for Religious Minority? Singapore Journal of Legal Studies(July 2007), 96-116. Drake, Christine. (1989). National Integration in Indonesia: Patterns and Policies. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Husaini, Adian. (2003, 10 October 2011). Membela Pendidikan Agama, Republika Online. Retrieved from 7 Antara Online News (23 September 2010). RUU Kerukunan Umat Beragama Dibahas 2011, available at http://www.antaranews.com/berita/1285235483/ruukerukunan-umat-beragama-dibahas-2011 [accessed 1 February 2012].
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http://www.republika.co.id/kolom_detail.asp?id=117881&kat_id=1 6 Kelabora, Lambert. (1976). Religious Instruction Policy in Indonesia. Asian Survey, 16(3), 230-248. Kementrian Pendidikan Nasional. (2003). Undang-Undang Sistim Pendidikan Nasional Tahun 2003. Retrieved 10 August, 2003, from http://www.depdiknas.go.id Kymlicka, Will. (1995). Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Listia, Arham, Laode, & Gogali, Lian. (2007). Problematika Pendidikan Agama di Sekolah (The problems of religious education in school). Yogyakarta: Institut Dian / Interfidei. Macedo, Stephen. (2000). Diversity and Distrust: Civic Education in a Multicultural Democracy. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Mandaville, Peter. (2007). Islamic Education in Britain: Approaches to Religious Knowledge in a Pluralistic Society. In R. W. Hefner & M. Q. Zaman (Eds.), Schooling Islam: The Culture and Politics of Modern Muslim Education (pp. 224-241). New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Mujiburrahman. (2006). Feeling Threatened: Muslim-Christian Relations in Indonesia's New Order. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press/ISIM. Parekh, Bikhu. (2006). Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Schaefer, Richard. (1987). Racial and Ethnic Groups. Glenview, Illinois: Scott, Foresman and Company. Taylor, Charles. (1994). The Politics of Recognition. In A. Gutman (Ed.), Multiculturalism: Examining the Politics of Recognition (pp. 25-73). Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. UN General Assembly. (1966). International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights Treaty Series, vol.999: Uniter Nations. United Nations. (2010). Minority Rights: International Standards and Guidance for Implementations. New York and Geneva: United Nations, Human Rights, Office of the High Commissions.
Revisiting The Concept of Kafa’a (Equality or Suitability?) in the Marriage Payment Practice among Bimanese Muslims Eastern Indonesia Atun Wardatun (IAIN Mataram/
[email protected]) Abstract: Marriage payment (mahr) is an important aspect of marriage process for Muslims as an obligation for groom and a property right for a bride within her new family. The practice of marriage payment has become a living tradition which is closely intertwined with the cultural expression. As a consequence, the variety of meanings and patterns behind the practice is obviously existed within the diversity of Indonesian Muslims which sometimes moves from its normative doctrine. Bimanese, an ethnic group in Sumbawa island, name the marriage payment as Co’i (lit: price or respect). What constitute co’i does not only refer to mahr (co’i di pehe/mentioned payment) but also the expenses needed for the wedding party and the traditional ritual process (piti ka’a/spending money). The provider of co’i can also be negotiated, considering the condition of both parties. Not only the groom as the one who is in charge but in some particular cases the bride and her family of origin could also be. Uniquely, in the declaration of the marriage contract (ijab-qabul), the co’i is always mentioned as given by the groom as if he is the real (sole) provider. Conducting participant observations at Randawo in Bima West Nusatenggara and doing in depth–interviews to the actors (brides, grooms, parents {mothers and fathers}), this research reveals that the practice entails a resistance toward a hegemonic practice of mahr and patriarchal gender norms embraced by mainstream Bimanese Muslims and Muslim society in general while offering an alternative in seeing marriage and translating the mahr into their own context. More interestingly, the practice uncovers a modified way of interpreting the concept of kafa’a which is normatively only applicable to the groom, to be equal or higher than that of brides, to be also assignable to the bride. Kafa’a, for them, should not be such a one-way road rather a two–way effort, involving both parties, to close social-gap between them in forming suitability in the union within their family of procreation. Key words: Equality, Suitability, Mahr, Kafa’a, Reciprocity, Two-Way Efforts
INTRODUCTION Mahr, indeed, is a breakthrough of Qur’anic regulation which has granted the property rights and economic safeguard for women. Qur’an has clearly prescribed the mahr as an obligation for men to provide a gift for women indicating his readiness to form a family of procreation. However, the definite rules about form, amount, and time to give the mahr had not yet specified. This implies the flexibility of marriage payment in which it can be
~ 583 ~
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either defined or mentioned (mahr musamma) or be based on the local/social custom (mahr mitsl). Mahr payment can also be deffered (muakkhar) or promptly paid (muqaddam) (Esposito, 1982).1 Nonethelless, the Compilation of Islamic laws 1/1991 (KHI) has stipulated that the amount of mahr is to be based on the principle of simplicity, easiness, and agreement of both parties.2 The absence of such definite rules consequently has generated various application of marriage payment among Muslim communities. Makassarese Muslims in South Sulawesi, for example, divide the money provided by the grooms into two types: do’I belanja (wedding expenses) and sunrang (money from groom for the bride/mahr).3 Chabot underlined that Sunrang is the most important indication of a bride’s kin group status as the amount of it is, in fact, based upon her own status although, in theory, the groom’s status and his ability to provide the Sunrang should be taken into account. Furthermore, the amount of Sunrang for a woman should not be lower than that which was paid for her mother.4 Meanwhile, among Sasaknese Muslims in Lombok Island, marriage payment is in the form of bride wealth5 (pisuke), mahr, and wedding expenses.Those payment are all provided by the groom and/or groom’s family and the woman’s family does not contribute anything at all. Furthermore, Muslim and Taisir mentioned that those kinds of marriage payment burdened Sasaknese men a lot and consequently, in many cases they justify their harsh treatment and injustice attitude toward their wives.6 Apparently, the marriage payment in those societies is not only confined to the mahr, but also consist of some other
1 Esposito, John L. (1982). Women in Muslim Family Law. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press 2 The Compilation of Islamic Laws Article 31. 3 Sewang, A. M. (2005). Islamisasi Kerajaan Gowa: Abad XVI sampai Abad XVII. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia, p.151. 4 Chabot, H. T (1967). Bontorama: A Village of Goa, South Sulawesi. In Koentjaraningrat (Ed.), Villages in Indonesia. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, p. 168. 5 Existing Literatures about marriage payments has mentioned many popular forms of marriage payments such as “bride price” or “bride wealth” (transfer of wealth from groom’s family to the bride’s family to value the labor of women), “dowry” (the bride’s family transfer of the wealth to the bride or groom’s family) and “dower” (monetary payment from husband to wife as part of marriage contract). Based on the definitions offered above, the most valid translation of mahr is “dower,” not “bride price”/”bridewealth” or “dowry” because they definetely are different from the definition of mahr in Islam. However, many scholars have used those technical terms interchangedly and improperly. This improper usage, in my personal opinion, should not happen to avoid misunderstanding of how actually mahr differs from those kind of marriage payments.Therefore, those technical terms should be made clearer in the discussion about the marriage payments. 6 Muslim, M., & Taisir, M. (2009). Tradisi Merari’: Analisis Hukum Islam dan Gender Terhadap Adat Perkawinan Sasak. Yogyakarta: Kurnia Kalam Semesta.
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kinds of payment attributed to the local tradition and the agreement of both parties. Interestingly, while the amount of mahr is indefinitely regulated in the legal structure of Islamic law, the provider of mahr is rigidly addressed to men. Classical fiqh as well as modern Islamic regulation such as the Compilation of Islamic Laws in Indonesia see that men are the sole provider. However, mahr does not only “holds a central place in the legal structure of marriage” but also “in the social practice of some Muslim communities”.7 Sometimes, the social practice of mahr is different from what has been governed in the legal structure because some Muslim communities tried to adjust and even modify those normative rules into their own contexts. This is what can be found among some Bimanese Muslims in West Nusatenggara, where what constitutes mahr is somehow expanded to not only the property given to the bride by the grooms but also to the wedding expenses (the spending money) which they name as co’I (price to respect). Furthermore, in some Bimanese Muslim communities, the real provider of co’I can be negotiated to not only by the grooms but also by the brides, although in the declaration of marriage, the fact of the real provider is not clearly mentioned, and always be named after the groom. This unusual practice explains how some Muslim communities sometimes resist the existing rules and offer an alternative instead, by bargaining gender roles in the practice of providing the mahr. This tradition also shows how the world view of this local communities form a specific way in interpreting the Islamic law which obvious in the way they find religious justifiction of the practice as well as the interconnectivity of this practice to the meaning of kafa’a which they would rather taranslate it into suitability (kecocokan) rather than equality (kesamaan). The interest of the aforementioned case as a research topic is not merely because it is unusual and offer a novel meaning but also due to the fact that it takes place in a little studied area of Indonesia. Bima, as a regional area and the Bimanese, as an ethnic group have been omitted from studies. While Indonesia and Muslim communities, in fact, are extraordinarily diverse, the descriptions of Indonesia are usually illustrated only by larger ethnic groups from big Islands such as Java, Sulawesi, and Sumatera. Bima, as part of Eastern Indonesia, has attracted little interest from researchers, even when it is compared to its neighbor island, Lombok and East Nusatenggara. Just8 listed only five anthropological researches including his works which had been done in Sumbawa Island since World War II., and none of them specifically studied about this unusual marriage
7Ali,
Kecia. (2010). Sexual Ethics and Islam. Oxford: Oneworld Publications, p.5. Just, P. (1986). Dou Donggo Social Organization: Ideology, Structure, and Action in an Indonesian Society. Ph.D, University of Pennsylvania, Pennsylvania, p. 21. 8
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practice. Brewer9 has suggested that research on Bima has been overlooked because of its being peripheral among the dominant cultures of Indonesia and also “too tainted by Islam to be of interest to those engaged in Eastern Indonesia as a field of ethnological study”. Nonetheless, Bima and the Bimanese do show the continued significance of indigenous regional cultures and are exemplars of Indonesian Islam.10 This has heightened my interest in doing research on the unique tradition (Ampa co’I ndai) practiced in such a long neglected area. Likewise, while the issue of gender roles has received a great deal of attention in literature both in the field of domestic relations and public development, the links between gender roles and marriage payment are still not well understood. One of the reasons is that the exclusion of the woman’s perspective on the roles she plays in the marriage payment negotiations, whether as receiver or provider, within the existing discussions. Their inclusion, certainly gives us some valuable new insights. Lamphere11 criticizes the fact how women are so often overlooked and their views are frequently ignored even within close personal relationships of their everyday lives: the domestic unit and marriage. In explaining more clearly about the case of giving co’I among Bimanese Muslims, in relation to the concept of Kafa’a , this paper is formed into three parts: First, kafa’a and mahr as normative concept and how the definition of those terms recorded in the existing literatures. This part is important to accurately lay out the foundation of the understanding of mahr and kafa’a. The second section will provide the overview of Bima as the field of research and Bimanese, an ethnic group, to give the context of the research case. The third section will discuss the findings of the research explaining how the practice of giving Co’i implies the understood meaning of kafa’a by some Bimanese Muslims, which will be broken down into some different themes. Finally, the paper will be concluded in a brief closing note to higlight what have been discusssed before. A. Theorethical Perspective of Kafa’a and Mahr Islamic jurists has defined an ideal marriage is a marriage with “a suitable groom and an appropriate mahr”. 12 The suitable groom, basically, 9Brewer, J. D. (1979). Agricultural Knowledge and Cultural Practice in Two Indonesian Villages. Ph.D Dissertation. Department of Anthropology. University of Chicago. Los Angeles, p. 2-3 10Hitchcock, M. (1996). Islam and Identity in Eastern Indonesia. Hull: University of Hull Press. 11Lamphere, L. (1973). Strategies, Cooperation, and Conflict Among Women in Domestic Groups. In M. Z. Rosaldo & L. Lamphere (Eds.), Woman, Culture, and Society. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. 12Tucker, Judith E. (2008). Women, Family, and Gender in Islamic Law. New York: Cambridge University Press.
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refers to how the groom should be in equal position to or higher than the bride to uplift the dignity of a woman. This is what Islamic law in marriage has named as kafa’a. According to Tucker, kafa’a was seen as “a one-way street in the sense that the requirement of suitability could only be applied to a groom”.13 Meanwhile, Mahr (dower) is a religiously sanctioned obligation of grooms to give property to brides with a sense of responsibility in the initiation of marriage. If Mahr is not paid to the wife, it is considered as husband’s debt and she is the only recipient.14 Mahr also symbolizes the husband’s obligation to respect and protect his wife.15 Both kafa’a and mahr are atrributed to the husband to-be so the man is a sole party who should be responsible the status maker-marker of the family as well as the economic supporter. Determining the kafa’a has been varied in degrees among jurists; Hanafiah School mentioned the most requirements and Malikiyah School only required “piety” as a necessary condition. Hanafiah school determined that kafa’a consist of a. equality in lineage (citizenship), especially related to the Arabic and non Arabic, b. religion (Islam), most of his family and relatives should also be muslims c. profession (job), d. freedom, e. good character (piety) , and f. wealth. Hanabilah included all of those except for one thing that he similarized the “religion” and “piety” and specified those two characters are only applicable to the groom, not his family or relatives. Syafi’i excluded “wealth” as the criteria for kafa’a. 16 Seemingly, all of them only agreed on one point that the groom should be in the same religion and piety level as the brides. This is what has been accomodated by the Compilation of Islamic Laws in Indonesia that the only reason to decide whether a couple is kafa’a or not is the piety in the same religion and and if that criteria is not met, it can justify the annulment of marriage by those who have the interest. 17 Both kafa’a and mahr, however, are not the requirement (syarat) nor the condition (rukun) of marriage. Although mahr is an obligation of men, but the payment could be deffered. Even, in the Middle East and South Asian Countries mahr is paid when the divorce takes place, not directly in the moment of offer and acceptance (ijab qabul).18 All the four Sunni schools 13ibid 14Monsoor,
T. (2008). Gender Equity and Economic Empowerment: Family Law and Women in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: British Council. 15Rahiem, S. A. (1911). The Principles of Muhammadan Jurisprudence: According to the Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'I and Hanbali Schools. Lahore: P.L.D Publishers. 16Syarifuddin, Amir. (2009). Hukum Perkawinan Islam di Indonesia: Antara Fiqh Munakahat dan Undang-Undang Perkawinan. Jakarta: Kencana Prenada Media Group,, p.142 17 See Article 61 the Compilation of Islamic Laws 1/1991) 18Salim, Arskal, and Bowen, John. (2013). Changing Patterns and Different Meanings of Marriage Payments in Two Indonesian Provinces. Proceeding Book at International Conference on Accomodation and Resitance. Jakarta: UIN And Andromaque Project French.
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of law also underlined that if a marriage does not meet the criteria of kafa’a, the marriage is still valid. The absence of specific text (dalil) in the Qur’an and Hadits regarding the exact rules the amount of mahr, and also the degree of kafa’a made them as less important doctrine in which are not included as the reasons which makes a marriage void. However, both of them are considered as two important aspects to create an ideal marriage and Muslim societies has put them as socially and highly required although the degree of importance is also varied. Consequently, there is conceptual and practical differences among Muslim communities. It is important to be underlined, the meaning of mahr (payment from husband to wife as part of marriage contract) is, often, confusingly and interchangeably, translated by scholars into English as ‘bride-price’,19 ‘bride wealth’,20 ‘dowry’21 or ‘dower’,22 (although none of them, except dower, is exactly similar to mahr. Quale,23 for example, associated the Islamic tradition of marriage payment, which is prevalent in most Islamic countries such as Middle East, Iraq, Syria, Egypt, Turkey, Iran, Albania and Afghanistan, with bride wealth. Goody,24 however, has determined that the Muslim community’s practice of mahr resembles the practice of dowry and calls it as “indirect dowry” as the wealth transferred is owned by the bride as in the dowry system but is not given directly to the bride and mediated through her father. I would rather use the original term, mahr, rather than the English translation in this paper which would avoid misunderstanding and improper usage of each concept. Likewise, in the existing literatures, there is a difference of meaning (translation) of kafa’a in Indonesian as well as English. Some scholars translate kafa’a into equality (kesetaraan/kesamaan)25 while others mean it as suitability (kesesuaian/kecocokan).26 At a glance, those two terms may seem similar but in my opinion, they each refers to different meaning which distinguish the practical implication. “Equality,” definitely, is closer to the sameness (kesamaan) and it implies that the groom should transform himself into same criteria or higher than the bride to reach an equal status. Thus, the groom become an active party who should make any effort to 19Goody, . J(1973) Bride wealth and Dowry in J. Goody & Tambiah, S. J. (1973). Bride wealth and Dowry. New York: Cambridge University Press. 20Quale, R. G. (1988). A History of Marriage System. New York: Greenwood Press. 21Mulia, S. M. (2009). Toward Just Marital Law: Empowering Indonesian Women. Oasis. Retrieved from http://www.oasiscenter.eu/files/Muliah_ENG.pdf 22Chowdhury, F. D. (2010). Dowry, Women, and Law in Bangladesh. International Journal of Law, Policy and the Family, 24(2), 198-221 23 Quale. A History of Marriage... 24 Goody. Bride wealth and Dowry... 25 See Esposito. Women in Muslim... and Syarifuddin, Hukum Perkawinan Islam... 26See Tucker, Women, Family...See also Summa, Muhammad Amin. (2005). Hukum Keluarga Islam di Dunia Islam. Jakarta: Raja Grafindo Persada.
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have a same (better) profession, wealth, liniage, piety and other criterias or become a rescuer for uplifting the dignity and the social status of a bride. Unlike the groom, the bride is the passive part of the union as she will be raised by her husband’s position. Conversely, “suitability” implies that both party may fulfil the different criteria and they both contribute their own criteria to fulfill the demand that a marriage is a suitable union. For example, the bride by virtue of his lineage, happens to be a royal or noble family, but the groom can compensate this social status not by being a noble family too because it is an ascribed (given status) but he can compensate that status by having a higher achievement such as having a better profession (achieved status) than that of the bride. To put it in different way, to be considered as kafa’a a bride does not need to confine herself to only be able to marry with a man which come from a noble family too but she may exchange her ascribed status with the achieved one. The meaning of suitability, then, is possibly more practical than the concept of equality. The suitability concept is in line with exchange theory. Exchange theory has been developed by sociologists to analyze social and marriage relations which grew out of economic perspectives started in the 1960s.27 Exchange theorists focus their attention on the rewards (advantages) and costs (disadvantages) in building and securing relationships within the marriage institution. The theory also discusses the personal asset which parties bring into the family and can be in the form of money and wealth or other resources to bargain with, such as physical attractiveness and family status.28 The principal point of exchange theory is reciprocity, that the people want to equally or nearly equally exchange their potential to maximize the reward and minimize the cost in their relationship. If this principle is violated when a person gets more than he/she takes, the relationship is threatened and even can be destroyed. 29 Reciprocity should be a key word in the suitability (kafa’a), and the bride and groom should be involved in the exchange process of giving cost and taking reward in the marital union. The suitability concept also enable both parties to negotiate who and what to give to the union as a way to create a balance relationship within the family. The practice of negotiating who will provide the co’i among Randawo people in Bima seems to fit in to the concept of suitability rather than equality.
27 Lamanna, M. A., & Riedman, A. (1997). Marriages and Families: Making Choices in Diverse Society (Sixth ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company. 28 Ibid, p. 184 29 Shehan, C. L., & Kammeyer, K. C. W. (1997). Marriages and Families: Refection of a Gendered Society. Boston, MA: Allyn and Bacon, p. 22-23.
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B.
Bima: a Neglected Area in Eastern Indonesia Bima is located in the eastern end of Sumbawa Island, one of two islands in West Nusatenggara. Sumbawa’s total land area is 133.300 square kilometers, 275 km long and 90 kilometers wide. Culturally and linguistically, Sumbawa Island can be divided into two parts: the western part which is inhabited by Tau Samawa, an ethnic name for Sumbawanese, and the eastern part, home to Dou Mbojo, which refers to the Bimanese.30 Tau Samawa’s language has close affinities with the Sasak language of Lombok and has been classified as Western Malayo-Polynesian while Dou Mbojo’s language, spoken by people in Bima and Dompu, is part of Central-Malayo-Polynesian. Nggahi Mbojo (Bimanese language) is spoken by almost 755.000 speakers including those who migrated to neighboring islands.31 Bima’s location is of particular interest. Geographically, it is part of Sumbawa Island but culturally, it is more attached to Eastern Nusatenggara. However, the shared religion (Islam) creates a bond between Bima to the western part of Sumbawa Island and Lombok Island. This position yielded different perspectives among anthropologists. Brewer32 saw that the position disadvantaged Bima as an area of study as it is too small and marginalized to be interest to scholars who tend to look toward the bigger cultures of western part of Indonesia. In addition, he sees it too influenced by Islam to attract attention from those who want to examine Eastern Indonesia. In addition, Hitchcock33 considered this transitional location as offering originality in its material culture due to the unique combination of three heritages; the common element with Hindu-Javanese, the Christian aspect of Eastern Indonesian root, and the Islamic affiliation which is closer to Goa-Makassarese. The majority of Bimanese people are Muslims who, like most other Indonesian Muslims, follow the Sunni tradition, particularly the Syafi’I’s 30 Bima is actually not a local name of the area because people name it Mbojo when refer to the area in their local language. The inhabitants of Bima call themselves Dou Mbojo (Bimanese people). Bimanese, as an ethnic name, refers to people who speak Nggahi Mbojo (Bimanese language). In 2002, Kabupaten Bima was divided into Kota Bima (Bima municipality) headed by a Mayor and Kabupaten Bima led by a Regent. From then, Kota Bima became an urban area of Bima, which is located in the center of the city. The surrounding suburb and rural areas have became Kabupaten Bima. Bimanese, in this research, refers to people who reside in Kabupaten and Kota Bima, excluding Kabupaten Dompu. In spite of speaking the same language and sharing some commonalities with Bimanese, people in Dompu now prefer to call themselves Dompunese, due to the strengthening of local identities as a consequence of decentralization bureaucracy after the 1998 reformation in Indonesia. 31 Prager, M. (2010). Abandoning the ‘garden of magic’: Islamic Modernism and Contested Spirit Assertions in Bima. Indonesia and the Malay World, 38(110), 9-25 32Brewer. Agricultural Knowledge... 33Hitchcock. Islam and Identity...
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school of thought (madzhab). The Bimanese take pride in the fact that 98% of them are Muslim, while the rest of population is Catholics, Protestants, Hinduis, or Buddhists.34 Since the arrival of Islam in the region, around the seventeenth century, it has not only become a dogmatic religion, but has also intertwined with the local culture. Bima was formally Islamized on 5th July 1645 and this date indicates the switch from Kingdom to Sultanate of Bima. The date is considered as the anniversary of Kabupaten Bima which is celebrated annually. The islamization was possible after royal families of Bima kingdom married with royal families from Goa kingdom in Sulawesi which was then formalized by having a treaty between these large influential Islamic kingdoms in Eastern Indonesia. Prince La Ka’I became the first Sultan and he changed his name to Sultan Abdul Kahir. From then on, there were fourteen (14) Sultans who ruled Bima until 1951 when eventually it become part of the Indonesian Republic (swapraja). In 1957, the former sultanate of Bima was transformed into Kabupaten Bima and part of West Nusatenggara province. Since 2002, Bima has been divided into Kabupaten Bima and Kota Bima due to the political policy of regional autonomy Since the successful and massive conversion to Islam by the Bimanese community, it has become the official religion, role modeled- by royal families. Since then Islam has not only been a normative religion but also as power to unite and reconcile differences, as well as a prime marker of cultural identity of the Bimanese. Since the sultanate era, the Sultans of Bima tried to provide “a haven of peace” for the people with a different background under “the green banner of Islam”.35 Hitchcock also identified that the Bimanese material culture as consisting of sacred Kris, silk and silver brocade cloth, house and places as “the hallmark of a Muslim-court based society”.36 Similarly, Prager attributed the existence of the Sultan palace (Asi Mbojo), between the large mosque (Sigi Na’e) in the northeast and Sultan’s Mosque (Sigi Asi) in the south of place as “ the visual hallmark epitomizing the local centre’s Islamic identity” (Prager, 2010: 10).37 Bimanese culture is then the representation of Islamic culture with some local modifications which still shows the originality of Bimanese to distinguish themselves from Arabic Muslims. The Bimanese are devout Muslims, particularly in the sense of identity and ideology. Native Bimanese recognize themselves as Muslim, at least officially, as listed on their identity card. Religious symbols are also 34The official data only registers these five religions although Confucius is already accepted as a formal religion in Indonesia and it is clear that Chinese people who are usually Confucians can easily be found in the Bima region. 35 Hitchcock. Islam and Identity, p. 2. 36 Ibid, P.19 37 Prager. Abandoning the ‘ garden of magic’...
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evident from their performance. Rimpu (head scarf made from sarong) is a traditional cloth for woman which resembles Hijab (head cover) in the Arabic tradition. Bimanese social relationships are usually valued from and based on religious perspectives in which religious justification of their dayto-day practice is so pervasive. However, people who do not conduct daily five-time prayers or a month of Ramadhan fasting can easily be found all over the region. The image of Bimanese Muslims, then, could not merely be explained from their identities and religious sentiment but also from their everyday practice. One strong aspect of practicing Islam is obvious seen in Islamic family law, especially, in relation to marriage law. It is also important to note that the practice of marriage is intricately enmeshed with local culture which, in local terms, is called Nika ro Neku. Nika, etymologically, is drawn from the Arabic word, which means togetherness. There is a specific and strict rule regarding the pre-requisite, conditions, and the future of the marriage institution drawn from Islamic rules. Marriage is regarded as an institution which plays a double-role for the human position as God’s creature (ibadah) as well as social-being (muamalah). The principal regulation of marriage, regarding conditions when a marriage can be judged as void or valid, is basically decided under Islamic law. Local traditions complement the technical implementation of marriage such as the wedding party (jambuta), marriage payment (wa’a co’i), and the proposing ritual (pita nggahi). These complementary-technical aspects of marriage are regarded as being an important as the normative principal regulations. C.
Forming Suitability (Kafa’a) through the Practice of Giving Co’I
The discourse of mahr among classical jurists and modern Muslim thinkers has positioned this marriage payment in two different points of views. On one hand, mahr is seen as economic secure for women and the indication of the ability and willingness of men to be responsible as the economic supporter for the families. On the other hand, it is seen as the token to give permission for husband to consummate his wife (aqd al ibahah) and even to own the wife (aqd al tamlik) with sexual availability and the acceptance of submission of woman.38 While the first view is more positive, the second view unavoidably comes up in the practice, which, ironically, is more possible to bring about the imbalance power in husband-wife relationship. The practice of giving co’i among some Bimanese Muslims seems to mediate these two different points of views. They, to some extent, admit that a man should be a ‘formal and primary’ bread winner to support a woman’s economic need , but they refuse the hegemony which may 38
Ali, Sexual Ethics... p. 5
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happen when the man should be the sole provider of co’i or economic contributor without considering various conditions of both parties. Therefore, there are at least four kinds of who and when to give co’i among Randawos people in Bima, namely: a. Both brides and grooms are not government employees (farmer or business-person= petani or wiraswasta) =grooms are to bring a house and brides to provide land and furnitures. A house could be partly or wholly the mahr (co’i di pehe) and becomes the property right of the wife. b. Groom is a government employee, bride has no high education and or/ is not a government employee= bride provide all the fund and groom does not have to bring a house. This is what they call as Ampa co’i Ndai (Bride-Paid Marriage Payment) c. Both bride and groom are government employees=the above pre requisite (in point a) is not applicable, especially when they have a job outside Bima or Randawo which means they do not need a land close to the bride’s house. In case the parents have productive land, the land will be given to them as personal property (harta bawaan)-Both bride and groom contribute to the wedding party financial need as agreed by both parties and also the need for mentioned mahr during Ijab- Qobul. d. Bride is a government employee, groom is not (could be a successful farmer or business man or any other profession); groom should take the primary responsibility to provide co’I and bring a house, land and furniture (wa’a co’i) although the bride will remain contribute limitedly to the wedding as the wedding party for Bimanese is always centered in bride’s family’s house. The four situations above show how bride and groom actually try to complement each other by contributing to the new family in which the degree of contribution is determined by how close in fulfilling the ideal expectation of a person they are. In the case a, women seem to be more burdened as she has to provide land and furniture but, for them, it is a way to challenge the privileged of men, which has been legitimated by religion and society, while subjecting the bargaining power and securing position of women. In the case b, women are willing to pile up the funding and contribute to the family compensating their lack of “strength” and realizing that the men have brought both the given privileged and achieved status as government employee. Meanwhile, the case c explains when both women and men have had grasped the secure economic resource as government employers, they both are not required to physically present the place to stay as well as the payment toward each other except the funding for wedding parties and a very simple mentioned mahr such as a set of cloth to pray (seperangkat pakaian sholat). However, it must be noted that when
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women were broken hearted by disloyalty of their previous boyfriend or fiancée, family of women will attempt to find a man who has higher achievement; family of women will practice Ampa co’i ndai as a way to compensate her disappointment and humiliation (di cola kai maja). In the case d, as women have all the resources, women have different demand that she should get a man who can balance and compensate her position by providing her co’i. Nonetheless, this last case rarely occur as a women with government employee position will attempt to seek for the men who are government employee too and in case women are closer to the deadline of marriage age (30), they are willing to practice Ampa co’I ndai. A position as government employee (profession) is a key word in determining who will be the provider of co’i. Interestingly, this profession is understood as covering any other criteria of kafa’a because, this particular society considers the position as a guarantee that the husband is a good person in terms of piety, lineage, wealth, and honor. To achieve the position, a man has followed through a process of selection and screening, although in fact, to prove those characters is actually more theoretical and administrative rather than factual. To become a government employee, one should provide a declaration note that they never commit a crime which is proven by Surat Keterangan Berkelakuan Baik (piety), there is a specific interview and test to inquiry whether a person’s family and parents have ever been involved in any illegal organization or social movement (Penelitian Khusus/litsus) (lineage). Besides, in achieving the position, their family has spent much money to pursue their education and look for the job (wealth). More importantly, a government employee place a special privilege before the society (honor/social status).This formal and governmental process is a guarantee that the government employees is ‘a good and right person’ to be part of family and to create and/ or preserve family social standing and well-being. Another reason why government employee is the favorite candidate to be a groom is the advantage of family stability and discouraging divorce. For them, unlike any other profession, government employees are not easy to divorce their wives especially for army and policemen because there is a complicated administrative process to get through if the divorce should be an option to end the marriage. As a wife of a government employee, a bride also feels convenient and is guaranteed as there is a legal protection for them in preventing her husband to have marital affair and prohibiting from doing polygamy. In those cases, a wife can legally complain to the authorities and request her husband to be fired if he insist doing so under the consideration of moral impediment. Those practices spell out that this particular society seems to give a bridge between ideality and reality. Such ideal expectation toward a man sometimes is not applicable in reality considering the status marker is also
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changed over time. In a society where the status marker primarily indicated by a particular occupation and more emphasized to a man such as among Randawos people in Bima, they will put big efforts in having that government employee status.While the demand for men to achieve the status is higher than that of women as the men are still assigned as a head of family who has primary responsibility to provide economic support (nafaqa) for his family, there should not any further burden for him to spend money or wealth in actually providing co’I, particularly when a woman is not having equal degree of education and or is not a government employee. Letting him fulfilling all such ideal expectations (being a suitable groom and providing an appropriate mahr) will burden him and it can possibly affect the power relation within family. Therefore, Randawos people think that it is not only the obligation for groom to squeeze or force himself to be equal to the brides but also that of the brides. In closing the status gap they both have, the suitability (kecocokan) where each of them can contribute the different resource is of the interest because marriage is a joint investment where co’I is a way to respect each other and should not be a reason to justify any hegemony toward each other. Interestingly, they find religious justification in negotiating the provider of mahr and how kafa’a should be two-way efforts rather than “one way-street” as governed in the normative doctrine of Islamic jurist signaled by Tucker39 above. 1.
Religious Justifications Mahr provided by men is commonly belief as the only legitimated practice in the Islamic legal structures as if there is no way for any other alternative to find religious justifications. Subhan (2008) suggests that a particular society may insert any tradition, such as giving some property to a man, into the practice of giving mahr but it is not considered as Islamic laws.40 Meanwhile, the practice of Muslim societies is enormously diverse based on the historical, geographical, political, as well as social context which frequently generates a particular gap with the normative doctrine. The Bimanese, for instance, who practice bride paid co’I (ampa co’i ndai) legitimate the practice as based on what have been done by Queen Sheba (Ratu Bilqis) who they know have brought goods and wealth to get married with Prophet Sulaiman. Besides, the history of Khadijah as a successful businesswoman who proposed her assistant in trading (Prophet Muhammad) justifies their practice. They believe that Khadijah have given, rather than received from, some goods to her husband to-be when they were married. Although the history might be debatable whether those practices are valid and have been legally adapted by Islam, this community 39 40
Kahfi.
Tucker, Women, Family and.... Subhan, Zaitunah. ( 2008 ). Menggagas Fiqh Pemberdayaan Perempuan. Jakarta: El
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finds those as suggestions that women can certainly contribute to the financial aspect of wedding such as mahr. Nonetheless, having aforementioned reason d’ etre of their practice, this particular society is not in the position of constructing the formal legal opposition of standard views, but rather to reconsider mahr within their own world view of how the spousal rights and obligations should be, from ideal reasoning (illah) to their social/practical well-being (mashlahah). As a matter of fact, they formally, still declare in the ijab qobul (offer and acceptance) that mahr is given by the groom and not frankly expressed that it is in fact provided by the brides. In doing this, they offer a way to compromise the ideal expectation of normative doctrine which obligates men to give the co’I to women and social reality they experience where not all men are able/willing to provide the co’I. Furthermore, Qur’an as a holy book for Muslim presents marriage institution as a place where husband and wife complement each other equally with a stunning metaphor: “they are a vestment for you and you are a vestment for them” (2:187). This metaphor suggests that men and women are equally positioned within marriage institution like clothes for each other. Commonly, this verse becomes a reference among Muslims as the metaphor of how sexual relationship in the marriage should please both parties, but this particular society highlighted their practice as be based on this verse that men and women should both contribute to the marriage from the beginning. In the case a, as the basic form of giving co’i, it is obviously seen the way they implement such view. It is interesting to find that sarong weaven and brought by women is also a symbol to caress and clothe the groom (ndi lombo kai rahi) while a house provided by a groom is to protect and cover his wife and children (ndi ngge’e kai wei ro ana) which literally explains the word “vestment” in the verse which means to protect each other. 2.
Marriage is kacampo fu’u (a joint- investment) In Randawo, Bima, both man and woman indicates their readiness to get married by bringing the property and having particular skills. Interestingly, both the property and skills are gendered. A man cannot get married until he can provide a house while woman should provide a place to build a house (yard/field) and the furniture needed in the house such as bed, cupboard and all kitchen utensils. In most of the cases, the house and land are from family of origin’s wealth which were given by their parents. The parents have divided their property into son’s and daughter’s property which they call uma mone (male house) and dana siwe (female land). Beside that property, men should also capable and have skill to work and earn money whether as a farmer (manenti nggala ro oka) or a professional officer (mantau patalo ro bedi) to get married. The token of
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women’s readiness is her skill in weaving (mamuna ro medi), having job to earn money (maloa ngupa) or being government employee (ma ntau SK). When getting married, a woman shows and be proud of her skill by bringing many sarongs for new family which are declared and counted in front of all guests attended the wedding rituals and leka processing (opening new house). The sarongs are actually intended as the startup capital for new family which either they sell directly during ritual to the guests or later when they need money to fulfill family’s need. While there is a clear division of property and skills between men and women as prerequisites for getting married, there is a strict rule that both men and women should invest their personal skills as well as family supportedproperties which are rigidly gendered-into their family of procreation. The above rule is unique and explains an interesting point of view that this particular society has toward the marriage: marriage is a joint-investment (kacampo fu’u), involving both person and family interest where both men and women should have economic skills to contribute to the financial needs of family. As a joint investment, men and women have mutual responsibility to the need, interest, and future well-being of new family where parent and family also support and contribute to this investment. For parents, the success of their children is of their primary interest : “ndi aumu nami sura wa’i ro ana” (what we have is for the sake of grand children and children). Parents are responsible to provide a house for their sons and a land to build the house for their daughters. A new family should stay in their own house which is usually close to brides’ parent. This is also the reason why daughters are given land because it is unmovable property and matrilocal is the preference pattern of stay as both parents, particularly mother, and daughters are very comfortable to live closely to each other. Parents are to take them to the door to enter a new family life which full of challenge and should be a long life relationship, and the children are responsible to continuously save and fund the relationship. Interestingly, such deep involvement of parents should not affect the independence of the bride and groom in taking any decision related to their new family because they differentiate between the involvement (kabua batu) and the intervention (uru batu). Parents should not intervene their children’s family life except when they are needed in case of the occurrence of conflict between their children. The conjugal control of family life also possible because once the new family created after the ijab qabul (offer and acceptance ritual), as a ritual legalizing marriage among Muslims, is declared, a new family is to taken together by parents, relatives and all attendants to their new house to stay away from the parents. This tradition name is leka, (lit; open). All the
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attendants will see and witness how representative the house is and what kinds of furniture they have, and even count how many sarongs the women have brought into the families.The quality and quantity they show during the process is part of their pride as it will become a big talk among villagers, both about how success the parents and skilful and qualified the brides particularly, as she is the one who provide the furniture and bring their own hand made sarong. Interestingly, in this whole process the skill which indicates women’s readiness are more about economic skills and not merely as a qualified housewife because the sarong is intended primarily as productive goods and not as the consumptive one.Women should have bring with them a kind of ‘family resource’ and entering the marriage with empty hands will stigmatize them as only te’e (asking) without contributing (mbei) anything whereas, in their world view contributing is always better than asking (tangan di atas lebih baik daripada tangan di bawah). 3. Co’I: to Show Respect and Pride (Menghargai/kadese ro kantasa angi) Literally, co’I in Bimanese means price which refers to sell-buy and also to respect (kaco’I angi). Co’I in marriage for Randawos people in Bima seems to more related to later meaning or what they call as kadese ro kantasa angi ( lit, put each other in high and meaningful place). The practice of contributing resource to the marriage institution both by bride and groom lies within this value. For them, the position of both parties is parallel which contains strong positive taking-and giving value toward each other. This value has much to say about the practice of bride-paid marriage payment (ampa co’I ndai) when the family of women find a good and proper man who have had secure job as a government employee. Bride’s family is willing to provide co’i for their own daughter and all fund needed for wedding party. In some cases, the parents even give the groom a gift such as a motor cycle or fund the groom to finish education and or find a job. Women and their family already felt respected and be proud when a proper man with secure future come to propose them because they will have higher status. The marriage will give them good place in their society particularly as the wife of government employee, who have pen and gun (mantau patalo ro bedi), the term they use for government employee. The money or fund they provided is to compensate what the groom’s parent have spent for his education and job. In this case, there is no obligation for groom to bring a house into the marriage because long life monthly salary in his position as a government employee is much more valuable than the price to buy a house. The presence of the government employee-groom has contributed the potencies for family of brides as well as his own new family to get respect both formally and socially. The family of brides feels, it is then their part to complement this respect by giving the groom to-be a compensation.
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This compensation most of the time is not transmitted to the groom parent’s rather to the couple as a conjugal fund for financial need of family which will be utilized together with their daughter. In very rare cases, groom’s parents propose to take the money or the payment but there is a negative consequence that the daughter-in laws feel they have taken (or bought) the husband out from his parents and they do not need to help or share with the parent in laws any more. Considering this effect, the latter option is not the preference. In short, men brings the quality of being government employee while the women come with the quantity of payment into the family. In this way, they think, they complement each other to create or maintain social standing as well as to facilitate the bright future of family. This practice suggests that they govern many forms of giving co’i as a way to respect each other (menghargai) as they will both uplift the dignity of each other. In the case of bride- paid marriage payment, for example, a woman is saving her husband- to be’s face by naming the payment she has actually provided to him. Furthermore, the rule which arrange the land as unmovable property, provided by brides and a house as movable property, brought by groom is a symbol that it is a man who should come to find and look for a woman and once the house is built in that land, it should not be removed. Therefore, should the marriage end by divorce or death, woman will own the whole: house, land, and furniture. The house itself is counted as “mentioned mahr” (co’I ndi pehe), which is declared in the ijab qabul, wholly or partially. Apparently, the practice is meant to limit the men’s license to carelessly divorce her wife. Should the divorce even happen, women are warranted to not have any harm and remain intact to the house. The funds that the woman contributes seem to demand a particular reward for her and her family life that is to enhance the bargaining position of women within their families (family of procreation). CLOSING NOTE The practice of giving co’i which implies the modified meaning of kafa’a as explained above, obviously, challenge the concept of legitimate authority as a conventional type in examining the basis of marital power (conjugal power).The theory of legitimate authority suggests that men, placed as a privileged stratum, have authority to control women, and create rules which must be obeyed by women.41 However, this ideological and normative point of view has been challenged by the emergence of “resources theory” that the power could be owned by those who have resources whether it is in the form of money, ability, or force, regardless of 41 Shehan, C. L., & Lee, G. R. (1990). Roles and Power. In J. Touliatos, B. F. Perlmutter & M. A. Strauss (Eds.), Handbook of Family Measurement Techniques (pp. 420-441). Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
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their sex. This resource theory was adapted by Blood and Wolfe. While they find that the owner of the resources are mostly men, there is an open opportunity for women to have power, provided that they have personal resources such as earning their own wage. Furthermore, Blood and Wolfe highlighted that the spouses’ more valuable resource is the ability to provide money, which exceeded the importance of education and occupational training.42 These two determinant bases of conjugal power are relevant in connection with the discussion of giving co’i among Randawo people, in which legitimate authority and resources power overlap and are negotiated. To some extent, this particular society realizes that men were born with the previlege and they are still the head of family who has a main responsible in the public sphere which is associated with economic supporter. In realizing so, women should make some efforts to equalize the power such as by having resource and contributing into marriage. Therefore, the provider of co’i should be negotiated considering the condition of both parties. Likewise, in creating the kafa’a, the suitability and reciprocity are to be the keywords where the contribution to have an equal union could be compensated in the various criteria and degrees, by both parties. This way will possibly avoid any hegemony of one party which in turn will create the distribution of power evenly for both men and women within their family. Curriculum Vitae: Atun Wardatun, was born in Bima, on 30th March 1977, is currently a Ph.D student at the Research Centre of Religion and Society, the University of Western Sydney (from 2012). At the moment, is doing her fieldwork in Bima West Nusatenggara for one year. Her Master degrees were gained from Women’s and Gender studies at the University of Northern Iowa, USA (2006) and Islamic Family Law at Pascasarjana UIN Yogyakarta (2000). Since 2000, she is listed as a lecture in Syari’ah Department at IAIN Mataram, teaching “Islamic family Law in Indonesia” and “Personal Law in Islamic Countries.” Her lately publications include: Bride-Paid Marriage Payment among Bimanese Muslims In Eastern Indonesia: Resisting Rules, Bargaining Roles at the International Conference: Resistance and Accomodation, Law, Women, and Property in Contemporary Indonesia (Jakarta, August 2013). Confirming Domestic Identity, Supporting Public Commitment (The Case of Tuan Guru’s Wife in Lombok West Nusatenggara Eastern Indonesia) at The 7th Asian Graduate Forum on Southeast Asian Studies (ARI NUS Singapore, July 2012). “The Tradition of Equality: 42 Blood, R. O., & Wolf, D. M. (1960). Husbands and Wives: The Dinamics of Married Living. New York: Free Press.
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Cultural and Religious Intersectionality in Gender Studies” in Reformation of Islamic Thought in Indonesia (Jakarta: The Institute for The Study of Religionand Phylosophy, 2011).
PAKAIAN KETAT DI NEGERI SYARIAT: POLITIK TUBUH, KESALEHAN DAN RESISTENSI PEREMPUAN LANGSA Muhammad Ansor Dosen Ilmu Politik Islam STAIN Zawiyah Cot Kala, Langsa Email :
[email protected] Abstract : This study investigated political dynamic to institutionalization of Islamic law in Langsa, Aceh, which emphasized on how the Langsa women should dress up in public space. It focuses on how to analyze the forms of women resistances over the religious leader and the state interpretation to comply the dress standard as either piety or impiety. This matter emerged because the implementation of Syaria law has been supported by local people, but which of the standards of Islamic dresses that should be applied is still debatable among various groups in Verandah of Mecca who have different understandings and religious visions. The regulation of body setting has been an issue for the religious leaders, the intellectuals, and the moslem activists in Verandah of Mecca. In society, the resistance of Langsa women towards the politic of body setting could be openly and hiddenly seen. To analyze the forms of women resistances, the researcher applied resistance theory proposed by James C. Scott. Scott classifies the resistances of the subordinate group toward the hegemony of the dominant group in two forms. The first is public transcripts and the second is hidden transcripts. Inspired by this theoretical framework of hidden transcripts, the researcher found out that the Langsa women, the intellectuals and the religious leaders expressed their resistance over how they should dress up in public space. To collect the data, the researcher used observation, in-depth interview, and in-depth group discussion. Finally, the researcher showed how the Langsa women attempted to redefine the godliness concept and communicated their resistance toward religious hegemony and state interpretation of Islam. Keyword: Hidden transcripts, Acehnese women, politics of famale body
A. Pendahuluan
Kejadian sehari-hari di pintu gerbang sebelah kanan Mesjid Raya Darul Falah Langsa, selanjutnya disebut Mesjid Raya, mungkin kurang menjadi perhatian bagi banyak orang, meski bagi saya merupakan fenomena menarik dicermati. Hari itu seperti hari-hari sebelumnya, setiap selesai shalat berjamaah di mesjid terbesar Langsa saya seringkali mengamati belasan atau kadang lebih perempuan bercelana ketat yang melingkarkan sarung sekenanya begitu memasuki arena mesjid. Beberapa perempuan melepaskan sarung secara ekspresif saat langkah pertama kaki mereka sampai di luar pintu gerbang mesjid. Perempuan lainnya melepaskan sarung ketika sudah sampai di rumah atau toko-toko di sekitar Mesjid
~ 602 ~
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Raya, tempat mereka bekerja sehari-hari.1 Fenomena di atas merupakan salah satu strategi perempuan Langsa merespon tulisan terpasang di pintu gerbang masjid: “Kawasan Wajib Berbusana Islami, Dilarang Memakai Pakaian Ketat”. Perempuan Langsa menanggapi beragam terhadap pengaturan tubuh dan larangan pakaian ketat sebagaimana diatur dalam Qanun Syariat Islam dan himbuan yang terpasang di pelbagai ruang publik agar perempuan berbusana muslim. Fokus tulisan berikut adalah menganalisa resistensi perempuan Langsa terhadap pengaturan tubuh atas nama syariat Islam. Saya juga akan menganalisa strategi mereka dalam mengungkapkan perlawanan terhadap pengaturan tubuh perempuan dengan pendekatan kekuasaan. Tulisan berikut berasal dari studi lapangan di Langsa melalui observasi dan wawancara. Observasi difokuskan di STAIN Zawiyah Cot Kala, Mesjid Raya, Lapangan Merdeka, dan Jalan Lingkar PTPN I Langsa. Tempat tersebut merupakan situs-situs yang cukup membantu menelusuri praktik dominasi sekaligus resistensi perempuan terkait pengaturan tubuh. Saya mewawancarai Kepala DSI (Dinas Syariat Islam) Langsa, anggota WH (Wilayatul Hisbah, Polisi Syariat), akademisi, ulama maupun tengku. Saya mewawancarai perempuan, mendengarkan gosip mereka tentang topik yang relevan dengan penelitian, berdiskusi dengan aktivis perempuan maupun mahasiswa Langsa yang resisten terhadap pengaturan tubuh perempuan. Mereka mengetahui kapasitas saya selaku peneliti yang akan mempublikasikan informasi yang disampaikan.2 Saya menggunakan teori hidden transcripts (perlawanan tersembunyi) James C. Scott dalam menganalisa data lapangan yang tersedia. Menurut James C. Scott, pengaturan tubuh perempuan melalui kekuasaan yang dominatif cenderung memantik resistensi.3 Labih lanjut Scott menjelaskan resistensi “memuat tindakan apapun yang dilakukan kelompok subordinat, yang ditujukan mengurangi atau menolak klaim yang dibuat kelas atas berhadapan dengan kaum yang kalah itu”. Resistensi berfokus pada basis hubungan antar kelas dan pertarungan kelas; berlaku baik sebagai tindakan perlawanan perorangan maupun kolektif; juga bentuk-bentuk perlawanan
Fieldnote, 31 Agustus 2012 Saya juga merekam wawancara sejauh mendapatkan pesetujuan partisipan penelitian. Betatapun demikian, untuk memastikan kenyamanan mereka, nama-nama mereka akan disamarkan untuk menghindari sesuatu yang terjadi di luar keperluan penelitian. Tetapi, terhadap nama pejabat publik di Langsa saya tidak akan menyamarkan nama mereka mengingat nama mereka memang sudah dikenal publik stidaknya di Langsa. 3 James C. Scott, Domination and teh Art of Resistence: Hiddenn Trancripts, (London: Yale University Press New Haven and London, 1990), h. 45 1 2
604 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
ideologi yang menantang situasi dominan serta menuntut berbagai standar keadilan dan kewajaran.4 Scott mengklasifikasi resistensi menjadi dua kategori, yakni public transcripts (resistensi terbuka) dan hidden transcripts (resistensi tersembunyi). Perlawanan model yang pertama dicirikan: (a) bersifat organik, sistemik, dan kooperatif, (b) berprinsip untuk tidak memenangkan diri sendiri, (c) tidak berkonsekuensi revolusioner, dan/atau (d) mencakup gagasan atau maksud-maksud yang meniadakan basis dominasi itu sendiri.5 Adapun resistensi tersembunyi merupakan kegiatan kecil-kecilan insidental atau yang bersifat gejala kejahatan sekunder yang dicirikan: (a) tidak teratur, tidak sistemik dan terjadi secana individual, (b) bersifat oportunistik dan mementingkan diri sendiri, (c) tidak berkonsekwensi revolusioner, dan/atau (d) menyiratkan dalam maksud atau arti mereka, akomodasi terhadap sistem dominasi.6 Resistensi perempuan secara terbuka (public transcripts) hanya sedikit saja yang berkaitan dengan pengaturan pakaian ketat di Langsa. Jarang ditemukan perempuan yang mengekspresikan perlawanan terbuka yang sifatnya kolektif dan revolusioner terhadap regulasi pengaturan tubuh. Sebaliknya, perlawanan secara tersembunyi terlihat amat massif kendati berlangsung sporadis. Atas alasan itu saya hanya memfokuskan pembahasan pada perlawanan tersembunyi perempuan Langsa tehadap pengaturan tubuh.
B. Instrumen Pendisiplinan Tubuh Perempuan
Qanun syariat Islam menempati piramida tertinggi dalam daftar instrumen pendisiplinan tubuh perempuan melalui pendekatan kekuasaan. Banyak orang Aceh mempercayai penerapan syariat dengan pendekatan kenegaraan lebih efektif dibandingkan dengan melalui pendekatan kultural atau kebudayaan. Hal ini ditandai dengan penerbitan Qanun Nomor 11 Tahun 2002 yang antara lain mengatur keharusan berbusana muslimah dan larangan berpakaian ketat. Kendati rumusan dalam Qanun tersebut bersifat umum, tapi sulit memungkiri yang paling menjadi sasaran adalah perempuan.
4 James C. Scott, Senjatanya Orang-orang Kalah, (Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia, 2000), h. 383 5 James C. Scott, Senjatanya Orang-orang Kalah..., h. 385 6 James C. Scott, Senjatanya Orang-orang Kalah..., h. 385-6. Bagi Scott, perlawanan tersembunyi sama berkonsekwensinya dengan perlawanan terbuka. Perlawanan tersembunyi boleh jadi bersifat individual tetapi juga memiliki efek yang berdampak pada orang banyak. Meski demikian, perlawanan secara tersembunyi tetaplah berbeda dengan mode perlawanan secara terbuka, baik menyangkut pola maupun konsekwensi-konsekensinya.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 605
Tabel 1. Pendisiplinan Tubuh dalam Qanun Syariat Islam No Qanun 11/2002
Pasal
Ringkasan Isi
13
1. Setiap orang wajib berbusana Islami. Busana Islami adalah pakaian yang menutup aurat yang tidak tembus pandang, dan tidak memperlihatkan bentuk tubuh. 2. Pimpinan instansi pemerintah, lembaga pendidikan, badan usaha atau institusi masyarakat wajib membudayakan busana Islami dilingkungannya. Wajib membudayakan busana Islami maksudnya bertanggung-jawab terhadap pemakaian busana Islami oleh pegawai, anak didik atau karyawan (karyawati) di lingkungan masing-masing, termasuk pada saat kegiatan olahraga. Sumber : Qanun No 11 Tahun 2002. Pendisiplinan pakaian perempuan juga dilakukan dengan pemasangan baliho berisi himbauan ataupun ketentuan tentang keharusan berbusana Islami. Baliho biasanya dipasang disuatu tempat tertentu dengan lingkup keberlakukan sesuai kewenangan pihak pemasangnya. Untuk sekedar contoh, sedikitnya ada empat titik pemasangan baliho berisi pesan pendisiplinan pakaian perempuan, yakni di Mesjid Raya Langsa, Kompleks Sekolah Muhammadiyah, SMP 9 Langsa, dan Kampus STAIN Zawiyah Cot Kala.7 Tabel 2. Lokasi dan Pilihan Kalimat Dalam Baliho No
Lokasi
1.
2.
7
Redakis Himbauan Yang Jumlah Digunakan Mesjid Darul Falah a. Kawasan Wajib Berbusana 4 Langsa Islami, Dilarang Memakai Pakaian Ketat b. Kawasan Wajib Berbusana Islami Kompleks Anda Memasuki Kawasan Wajib 2 Pendidikan Berbusana Islami, Dilarang Muhammadyah Membuka Aurat Atau Langsa Berpakaian Ketat Fieldnote, Agustus-September 2012
606 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
3. SMP Negeri 9
Dilarang Masuk! Bagi Yang 1 Tidak Berpakaian Muslim/Sopan Kampus STAIN Anda Memasuki Kawasan Wajib 1 4. Zawiyah Cot Kala Berbusana Muslim Langsa Sumber : Pengamatan pada Agustus Tahun 2012. Hampir semua baliho dipasang pada pintu masuk lokasi bersangkutan. Ini menyiratkan fungsi baliho sebagai screnning mana yang diperbolehkan atau tidak memasuki areal tersebut. Fenomena ini sejalan dengan konsep Faucoult tentang panopticism (pengawasan).8 Panopticon merupakan semacam tower yang difungsikan pihak yang memiki kekuasaan melakukan pengawasan terhadap pihak yang menjadi sasaran.9 Melalui baliho berisi himbauan maupun instruksi agar berpakaian tertentu perempuan akan merasa selalu diawasi agar berpakaian sebagaimana diinginkan pihak yang berotoritas.
C. Razia dan Pendisiplinan Tubuh Perempuan
Malam minggu Mei 2013, WH merazia pasangan non Muhrim dan perempuan tidak berjilbab di Lapangan Merdeka. Melalui pengeras suara, sambil berkeliling di tempat dimana warga biasa menghabiskan malam minggu, Kepala DSI Langsa, dengan didampingi petugas WH menghimbau agar pasangan non-muhrim dan perempuan tidak berjilbab membubarkan diri dan pulang ke rumah masing-masing. Saya melihat warga memprotes razia tersebut. Adu mulut warga dan petugas syriat tidak terhindarkan. Bahkan salah seorang warga sempat melempar batu ke arah mobil patroli sambil memaki petugas.10 Warga Langsa secara intensif disuguhi razia syariat Islam. Pada 1 Mei misalnya, WH mendatangi pasar dan mengingatkan penjual pakaian dan penjahit agar tidak berdagang pakaian yang bertentangan dengan syariat Islam. Mereka membagikan surat instruksi Walikota Langsa
Michel Faucoult, Discipline and Punish..., h. 195. Michel Faucoult, Discipline and Punish..., h. 200. 10 Fieldnote, 5 Mei 2013. Esok harinya, koran lokal, Rakyat Aceh, menurunkan headline berjudul “Tertibkan Remaja Pacaran, Patroli WH Dilempari Batu”. Dalam pemberitaan tersebut dikutip pernyataan Ibrahim Latif bahwa “pelemparan itu berawal saat petugas WH melakukan patroli rutin untuk pengawasan dan penertiban Syariat Islam”. Ketika melintas di jalan Lapangan Merdeka, sekitar pukul 22.30 WIB, petugas memergoki sejumlah remaja dan pemuda asik pacaran di tempat gelap kawasan tersebut. Karena telah melanggar syariat, akhirnya petugas WH melakukan peengusiran dan menyuruh para pasangan muda-mudi itu untuk pergi. “Tetapi ketika diusir, tiba-tiba petugas WH dilempar dengan batu oleh sekelompok pemuda dari kegelapan. Usai melempar petugas WH, para pemuda tersebut melarikan diri”, sebut Ibrahim Latif. Lihat, Rakyat Aceh, 6 Mei 2013, h. 1-2. 8 9
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 607
tentang larangan penjahit dan pedagang menjual pakaian ketat, tembus pandang atau memperlihatkan bentuk tubuh pemakainya.11 Fenomena seperti ini tidak unik di Langsa, tapi merupakan aksi rutin WH dalam penegakan syariat Islam. Selama dua tahun terakhir, hampir setiap minggu razia serupa dilakukan, di pelbagai tempat di Langsa. Seringkali aksi razia dilakukan lebih dari sekali dalam seminggu. Ibrahim Latif pada akhir Agustus 2012 mengatakan kepada saya bahwa dalam sebulan DSI Langsa melakukan razia sebanyak rata-rata tiga kali. Bagi aparat penegak syariat Islam, razia dipercaya sebagai salah satu strategi untuk mengatur perilaku publik di Langsa.
D. Resistensi Tersembunyi Dalam Perilaku Keseharian
Resistensi tersembunyi bukanlah sebuah narasi perlawanan yang heroik dan dramatis. Juga, tidak seorang pun eksponen perlawanan tersembunyi berpikiran mereka merupakan pahlawan yang sedang memperjuangkan kepentingan kelasnya. Kita juga tidak sedang berbicara tentang sebuah perlawanan yang teratur, melainkan sebuah aksi gerilya yang berlangsung sporadis, tidak teratur dan hanya bertujuan individual. Meminjam Scott, “kita di sini sedang berurusan dengan pertarungan yang tidak dramatis” namun terdapat dimana-mana.12 Tidak semua orang menganggap tindakan perempuan bercelana jeans yang memasuki mesjid dengan mengenakan sarung sekenanya dan melepaskannya begitu langkah kaki pertamanya melewati area mesjid (sebagaimana dikemukakan pada pendahuluan), sebagai perlawanan. Seseorang tidak akan pernah mendapatkan pernyataan langsung dari yang bersangkutan. Kesimpulan hanya akan didapatkan apabila seseorang memahami konteks di sekitar fenomena tersebut, dan menyepakati perlawanan bukanlah semata sebuah tindakan heroik dan dramatik melakukan penyerangan terbuka terhadap pihak yang dilawan. Sampai di sini muncul pertanyaan tentang apa sesungguhnya yang ingin dipertahankan dan diperjuangkan perempuan Langsa dengan mengungkapkan perlawanan mereka secara tersembunyi. Ketika Scott menganalisa perlawanan tersembunyi para petani miskin di Sedeka, Kedah, Malaysia, dia memperlihatkan para petani tetap mengharapkan akses 11 Serambi Aceh, “Tim Anti Maksiat Sidak ke Toko Pakaian”, 1 Mei 2013. Disebutkan dalam pemberitaan koran tersebut Ibrahim Latif menghimbau agar para pedagang tidak menyediakan, menjual, menjahit, mendesign busana yang bertentangan dengan syariat Islam (pakaian ketat/seksi). Para karyawati, pelayan toko atau swalayan wajib berpakaian tidak ketat, tidak tembus pandang dan tidak menampakkan lekuk tubuh. Menurut Ibrahim Latif, sidak ke pusat pasar Langsa merupakan tindak lanjut Intruksi Walikota Langsa Nomor 2984/450/2012 tanggal 26 November 2012 yang ditujukan kepada para pedagang, penjahit busana, pimpinan toko/swalayan untuk mendukung penegakan syariat Islam di Kota Langsa. 12 James C. Scott, Senjatanya Orang-orang Kalah..., h. 321
608 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
pekerjaan dari elite dominan, pendapatan, dan status yang hilang akibat diperkenalkannya panen dua kali musim.13 Sejurus dengan itu saya akan memperlihatkan alasan perempuan subordinat dalam mengekspresikan perlawanan. Meski sama-sama berada pada rumpun identitas Aceh, orang Langsa merasa berada pada arsiran berbeda dengan misalnya Orang Banda Aceh, Meulaboh dan Lhoksemawe. Kondisi sosial politik, budaya, watak multikulturalisme dan letak geografisnya menjadikan Langsa dalam beberapa hal berbeda dengan daerah lain di Aceh. Di satu pihak perempuan Langsa mengidentifikasi sebagai muslim, kendati dengan konstruksi keberislaman yang pada tingkat tertentu berbeda dengan tempat lain di Aceh. Hemat saya, inilah mengapa para perempuan Langsa memilih jalan dilakukan secara sembunyi-sembunyi. Meminjam istilah Saba Mahmood, prosesi perumusan ulang konsepsi kesalehan dan pakaian perempuan Langsa merupakan bagian dari strategi mereka untuk menjadi subyek yang otonom atas diri mereka sendiri sebagai muslim.14
E. Bentuk-bentuk Perlawanan Tersembunyi 1. Mendefiniskan Kembali Kesalehan
Konsep kesalehan telah menjadi sumber pertentangan antara kelas superdinat dan sub-ordinat. Pandangan umum para elite agamawan di otoritas keagamaan di Langsa yang memandang perlu ekspresi kesalehan melalui pakaian kurang mendapat persetujuan sebagian perempuan. Ida dan Aida misalnya mengatakan moralitas dan kesalehan lebih perlu ditampilkan pada dimensi substantifnya dibandingkan dengan dimensi simboliknya. Berbusana longgar dan rapat tidak sepenuhnya disepakati sebagai simbolisasi kesalehan dan moralitas. Ayun mengatakan Tuhan “tidak melihat seseorang berdasarkan bentuk tubuh, melainkan berdasarkan hati mereka”.15 Ini merupakan hadis riwayat Imam Muslim yang sering dipakai orang Islam untuk mengatakan Islam mendukung egalitarialisme. Tetapi hadis ini digunakan Ayun sebagai justifikasi pandangannya bahwa bercelana leggin, atau jilbab bukanlah variabel untuk melihat kesalehan seseorang. Ida tidak setuju apabila kesalehan selalu diasosiasikan dengan penampilan dan gaya berpakaian. Bisa saja, “orang yang mengenakan kerudung dan baju longgar tetapi perilakunya tidak sesuai dengan syariat Islam”.16 Ida sehari-hari mengenakan jilbab, tapi dia mengaku terkadang juga membuka jilbab ketika di ruang publik.
James C. Scott, Senjatanya Orang-orang Kalah..., h. 321 Saba Mahmod, Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and The Feminist Subject, (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2005), h. 1 15 Wawancara Ayun, Mahaiswi diLangsa, 29 Agustus, 2012. 16 Wawancara Ida, Warga Langsa, 28 Agustus 2012. 13 14
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 609
Pemikiran-pemikiran di atas memperlihatkan adanya perbedaan perspektif antara elite agamawan dan kalangan perempuan kebanyakan dalam mendefinisikan kesalehan perempuan. Apabila elite agamawan memandang pemakaian busana Islami sebagai cerminan kesalehan seseorang, maka kelompok yang disebutkan terakhir pada intinya menolak dijadikannya pakaian sebagai satu-satunya indikator mengukur kesalehan. Justifikasi yang dikemukakan kelompok perempuan yang sedang kita bahas ini selain didasarkan pada landasan-landasan keagamaan, juga pengalaman empiris mereka dalam menjalani kehidupan sebagai perempuan. Ayun dan Ida merupakan beberapa nama yang dalam mendefiniskan hubungan kesalehan dan pakaian perempuan selalu dikaitkan dengan pengalaman subyektifitasnya sebagai perempuan dengan konsteks sosial dan latar belakang masing-masing. Konsepsi kesalehan sebagaimana yang dikemukakan di atas hemat saya sangat dipengaruhi oleh konteks sosial dimana kesalehan didefinisikan. Perlawanan terhadap konsepsi kesalehan mainstream dalam mendefinisikan relasi kesalehan dan pakaian muncul dalam kerangka keinginan mereka hadir sebagai subyek yang mendefinisikan, bukan yang didefinisikan.
2. Merasionalisasi Alasan Memilih Pakaian
Argumen yang dikemukakan kelas sub-ordinat dalam merumuskan pembelaan atas pilihan mereka berpakaian sesungguhnya sangat komperehensif dan menyeluruh. Mereka membangun argumen paling menohok ketika melemparkan serangan melalui kata-kata. Pemilihan tema tertentu dalam mengemukakan justifikasi dimaksudkan sebagai strategi merasonalisasikan tindakannnya. Ketika Aida mengatakan dia memilih mengenakan celana dibandingkan mengenakan rok ketika berpergian jauh, dia sesungguhnya sedang menyerang alur berpikir pihak-pihak berotoritas di kampusnya yang mewajibkan perempuan mengenakan rok. Bagi Aida, rok hanya cocok untuk suatu kondisi tertentu, dan karenanya tidak dapat diklaim sebagai satu-satunya jenis busana Islami yang diperbolehkan. Karena, kampus memasang pengumuman “Kawasan Wajib Berbusana Islami”, sementara berbusana Islami yang dimaksudkan hanyalah yang mengenakan rok, maka struktur logika tersebut bagi Aida bukan hanya tidak tepat, tetapi merupakan kerancauan berpikir.17 Aida mengandaikan adanya seorang perempuan yang mengendarai sepeda motor dari Langsa ke Banda Aceh dengan menggunakan sepeda motor. Kalau memang benar Islam melarang perempuan mengenakan celana dan mengatakan mengenakan baju blues dipandang lebih Islami; mana yang lebih aman antara memakai baju blues atau celana untuk berpergian dengan sepeda motor dengan jarak tempuh sekitar delapan jam 17
Wawancara Aida, Mahasiswi di Langsa, 29 Agustus 2012.
610 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
perjalanan.18 Aida mengatakan memakai blues lebih nyaman dibandingkan dengan mengenakan celana, hanya cocok untuk sebuah keluarga yang berpergian jauh dengan mengendarai mobil pribadi, bukan angkutan umum atau sepeda motor. Konteks sosial kita, kata Aida, hanya segelintir orang yang bermobil, sementara Islam bukan agama yang hanya ditujukan bagi orang-orang yang bermobil. Justru bagi seorang Ibu yang berpergian dengan sepeda motor dengan membawa anak balita, maka mengenakan rok lebih berisiko dibandingkan mengenakan celana.19 Hal serupa dikemukakan Bu Atun, warga Langsa yang berprofesi sebagai tukang sapu. Dia mengaku tidak bisa memahami pandangan yang mengatakan mengenakan sarung lebih Islami dibandingkan dengan bercelana jeans. Apabila WH dan DSI mengatakan mengenakan sarung sebagaimana lazimnya perempuan di kampung-kampung lebih Islami dibandingkan dengan memakai celana legging atau jeans yang baju panjang sampai ke lutut, pakaian jenis yang mana sebetulnya yang lebih menampakkan bentuk pinggul perempuan.20 Hemat saya, argumen yang dikemukakan Bu Atun tepat dan mengena karena pandangan yang menguasai pentas umum logika di Aceh mengatakan ibu-ibu semestinya mengenakan sarung ketika berpergian. Bu Atun memilih menyerang pandangan umum tentang pengasosiasian bersarung dengan ekspresi kesalehan perempuan. Struktur berpikir yang dikemukakan Bu Atun hemat saya adalah bahwa ketika logika mengenakan busana Islami itu dimaksudkan untuk melindungi perempuan dari hal yang tidak diinginkan atau pelecehan seksual, maka mana yang lebih memancing daya tarik seksual antara perempuan mengenakan sarung dengan mengenakan celana. Bu Atun mengatakan ketika seorang perempuan melilitkan sarungnya, “sesungguhnya ibu-ibu yang mengenakan sarung lebih memperlihatkan bentuk pinggulnya dan mengundang syahwat laki-laki”. Bu Atun mengatakan selaku tukang sapu yang harus keluar rumah dini hari, maka mengenakan celana itu bisa jadi merupakan lebih Islami dibandingkan memakai sarung.21 Perlu dikemukakan bahwa terkadang engle yang dipilih kelas subordinat bukanlah merupakan engle yang serupa dengan yang digunakan pihak superior. Soal topik sarung dan celana sebagaimana dikemukakan Bu Atun dan Aida dengan merasionalisasi jenis pakaian yang dia gunakan sehari-hari misalnya, sebetulnya berbeda dengan engle yang digunakan Ketua DSI, Ibrahim Latif. Pak Latif dalam sebuah wawancara mengatakan :
Wawancara Aida, Mahasiswi di Langsa, 29 Agustus 2012. Wawancara Aida, Mahasiswi di Langsa, 29 Agustus 2012. 20 Wawancara Atun, Warga Langsa, 29 Agustus 2012. 21 Wawancara Atun, Warga Langsa, 29 Agustus 2012. 18 19
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 611
Beberapa perempuan makai celana dan jilbab, tapi jilbabnya hanya kecil saja. Bahkan jilbabnya disusupkan ke dalam bajunya. Dalam pikiran dia itu sudah sudah berpakaian muslimah. Padahal itu tidak memenuhi standar, berdasarkan Qanun Nomor 11 2002. Qanun 11 Tahun 2002 mengacu pada ayat al-Quran surat al-Ahzab ayat 59. Tapi masih untung, dia pakai mau pakai jilbab. Walaupun tidak memenuhi standar 100 persen, tapi ya... sudahlah. Ada juga perempuan yang pakai celana ketat, pakai baju ketat, dan tidak pakai jilbab. Ini yang seronok. Kalau kita melakukan razia, yang inilah yang kita tahan. Kita panggil orang tuanya. Atau walinya, dan tidak kita lepaskan. Tidak diperbolehkan pulang sebelum orang tuanya datang membawa pakaian yang minimal pakai jilbab. Kita minta dia membuat surat pernyataan yang diketahui orang tuanya. Kalau memang, walaupun tidak memenuhi standar sekali, tapi jangan seperti itu.22 Perang kata-kata antara yang mendominasi dan didominasi berlangsung secara berkesinambungan dan masing-masing kelompok selalu memproduksi wacana untuk meneguhkan argumen masing-masing. Melebihkan kata-kata, mengungkapkan peristiwa tertentu secara hiperbolis merupakan ritual perang kata antara kelas superior dan subordinat. Pengandaian Aida tentang perempuan mengendarai sepeda motor menempuh perjalanan delapan jam merupakan kasus yang jarang terjadi, tapi dipilih sebagai basis argumen untuk memenangkan pertarungan kata. Ketika Pak Latif mengatakan idealitas perempuan adalah mengenakan sarung dan berjilbab, maka orang seperti Bu Atun justru mengatakan perempuan yang mengenakan sarung lebih mengundang daya tarik seksual. Tapi pertarungan kata memang selalu begitu: seringkali mengambil sudut pandang yang menjadi kelemahan argumen lawan.
3. Gosip: Perlawanan Rutin dalam Represi Rutin
Hubungan antara elite dominan dan kelas sub-ordinat di Langsa merupakan kisah tentang hubungan penuh intrik dan saling menjatuhkan, upaya saling mencemarkan nama baik, mendeligitimasi otoritas, baik berdasarkan cerita-cerita yang dapat dipertanggung-jawabkan kebenarannya, sekedar kabar-burung atau mungkin juga tuduhan paling tidak bertanggung-jawab sekalipun. Kendati demikan, jangan dibayangkan hal ini merupakan sebuah pertarungan di panggung terbuka dan berlangsung dramatis layaknya seorang kandidat presiden menjatuhkan lawan politiknya. Ini merupakan kisah yang melibatkan pihak ketiga sebagai pendengar setia sementara para petarung, yakni kelas superior dan 22
Wawancara Ibrahi, Latif, Kepala Dinas Syariat Islam Langsa, 28 Agustus 2012.
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sub-ordinat, tidak saling berhadapan (vice versa).23 Justru di sinilah kecanggihan seni perlawanan tersembunyi yang diperagakan kelompok sub-ordinat. Gosip perdefinisi merupakan kisah tentang “halaman belakang” (back stage) kehidupan sosial.24 Gosip menurut Scott merupakan kisah yang diceritakan tentang pihak ketiga yang tidak hadir; begitu dilontarkan dia menjadi cerita anonim tanpa asal usul tapi banyak penyalurnya. Sekalipun gosip itu bukan cerita yang menghormati orang, gosip jahat sekalipun (tetap) menghormati tatanan normatif yang lebih luas tempat ia beroperasi. Dibalik setiap potong gosip yang tidak hanya sekedar berita, terdapat pernyataan tersirat tentang suatu peraturan atau norma yang telah dilanggar. Sesungguhnya, hanya pelanggaran tingkah laku yang menjadikan suatu peristiwa bernilai dan menarik digunjingkan. Peraturan atau norma bersangkutan sering hanya dirumuskan atau disadari pada saat pelanggaran itu sendiri.25 Penyimpangan, dalam arti kata ini, menegaskan apa-apa saja yang normal. Beberapa kasus perlu dicontohkan mengenai ritual perlawanan melalui gosip. Malam itu, 1 September 2012 saya bertemu dengan Pak Yanto, tetangga saya, di kantor DSI Langsa. Dia ke kantor DSI untuk menjemput seorang anggota keluarganya yang terjaring razia khalwat dan busana Islami sekitar dua jam sebelumnya. Ketika saya bertanya penilaiannya tentang razia yang dilakukan Kepala DSI dan WH, dengan nada sinis Pak Yanto mengatakan bahwa sekarang merupakan saatnya penyusunan struktur kepala dinas di Langsa setelah seminggu sebelumnya walikota yang terpilih dilantik Gubernur Aceh. “Pak Kadis sedang cari muka”, demikian dia berkata kepada saya dengan setengah berbisik.26 Dua hari sebelumnya, ketika makan bakso di Lapangan Merdeka, saya mendengarkan sekelompok perempuan salah seorang diantaranya mengantongi jilbab dan seorang tidak berjilbab sedang ngobrol tentang ketidak setujuan mereka terhadap maraknya razia jilbab. Ketika hendak pulang, saya mendapati perempuan yang tidak berjilbab mengeluarkan 23 Niko Besnier, Gossip and the Everyday Production of Politics, (Honohulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2009), h. 191. Gosip sebagai ungkapan perlawanan kelompok sub-ordinat secara tajam dibahas Niko Besnier. Besnier mengatakan bahwa gosip merupakan salah satu strategi kelompok sub-ordinat dalam merepoduksi tindakan politik mereka dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. 24 Tuulikki Pietila, Gossip, Markets, and Gender: How Dialogue Constructs Moral Value in Post-Socialist Kilimanjaro, (Madison: The Universiti of Wisconsin Press, 2007), h. 7 25 James C. Scott, Senjatanya Orang-orang Kalah..., h. 372 26 Komentar Pak Yanto tentang razia yang dilakukan DSI malam itu merupakan salah satu potongan penilainnya tentang alasan pelaksanaan razia. Statemen Pak Yanto salah satu contoh tentang bagaimana bibit-bibit gosip direproduksi. Pak Kepala DSI sudah barang tentu tidak akan pernah membenarkan penilaian yang disampaikan Pak Yanto. Tapi, dapat dipastikan bahwa penilaian serupa akan cepat mengalir dari satu mulut ke mulut yang lain. Wawancara Yanto, Warga Langsa, 1 September 2012.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 613
jilbab dari dalam tas dan mengenakannya. Kemungkinan untuk mengantisipasi adanya razia pakaian.27 Gosip sebagai perlawanan juga muncul di seputar pemerkosaan seorang gadis oleh tiga oknum WH. Ketika pada Oktober 2010 saya mengumpulkan data penelitian dengan responden di 30 kampung di Langsa, tidak ada pertanyaan yang saya kemukakan terkait dengan implementasi syariat Islam kecuali para responden saya mengaitkan dengan peristiwa pemerkosaan yang berlangsung pada Januari 2010. Pertanyaan saya seolah menjadi mesin pemicu bagi mereka mengungkapkan banyak hal yang sebenarnya sudah sering mereka daur ulang dalam setiap perbincangan di warung kopi atau situs-situs pergosipan perempuan. Aspek personal setiap anggota WH dan DSI menjadi santapan gosip warga, dan dikuliti sampai detailnya.28 Mayoritas gosip atau pun rumor tersebut memang tidak dapat diklarifikasi kebenarannya. Tapi, sesungguhnya yang dipentingkan gosip bukanlah nilai dan validitas sebuah kisah, melainkan bagaimana hal tersebut menjadi sarana pengungkapan perlawanan tanpa jejak. Gosip diniatkan untuk mengekspresikan perlawanan terhadap otoritas penegak syariat Islam. Menurut Scott, “gosip tak pernah tanpa pamrih”. Suatu nama baik bisa difitnah dengan gosip, suatu peraturan yang begitu diterima secara umum, segera dipastikan dan dipromosikan. Sebaliknya, peraturan yang kurang dapat diterima menjadi santapan gosip tanpa mengenal ampun.29 Bagi orang Langsa, konstalasi informasi yang beredar dalam rubrik gosip menempati posisi diperhitungkan, lantaran titik episentrum yang menjadi tujuan serangan dari gosip adalah delegitimasi status sosial pihak Fieldnote, 29 Agustus 2012. Proses rekruitmen memang menjadi salah satu sub tema yang dipergosipkan. Rena (26), seorang anggota WH menceritakan kepada saya bagaimana masyarakat menggosipkan proses yang dapat menjelaskan alasan Leni (23 tahun) seorang penyanyi dalam group musik orgen tunggal dapat diterima sebagai anggota WH. Beberapa diantara mereka berharap Leni dapat merubah penampilan dan sikapnya setelah menjadi anggota WH. Tetapi tidak ada perubahan yang ditemukan pada dirinya meskipun sampai sekarang sudah lebih dari empat tahun yang bersangkutan menjadi personil WH. Di Seulalah Baru, Langsa Lama, gosip tentang salah seorang oknum WH yang terlibat pemerkosaan beredar dengan cepat di masyarakat. Wanda, nama samaran salah satu oknum WH yang dimaksud, digosipkan sudah pernah tertangkap warga sedang mesum bersama seorang perempuan, tetapi kemudian diselesaikan secara adat. Dia kemudian dinikahkan dengan perempuan bersangkutan. Episode cerita tentang Leni dan Wanda tidak berhenti di situ. Masyarakat menggosipkan ketidak-tegasan pimpinan di WH karena tetap memperkerjakan Wanda meskipun sudah mencemarkan nama baik institusi. Kisah tentang Leni menjadi sumber inpirasi bagi warga untuk mereproduksi gasip-gosip susulan di sekitar WH. Plot-plot kisah rekruitmen anggota WH yang dinilai berada di luar normalitas dan kepatutan ini selalu bermuara pada siapa di belakang orang bersangkutan dan berapa uang yang dikeluarkan untuk diterima menjadi anggota WH. 29 James C. Scott, Senjatanya Orang-orang Kalah..., h. 373 27 28
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yang diserang. Adalah kesepakatan bahwa siapapun yang digosipkan, saat bersamaan dia sedang berada di titik terjauh dari garis normalitas atau paling tidak sedang berada di ambang normalitas publik. Ketika seseorang dimasukkan dalam daftar rubrik gosip, pada saat bersamaan yang bersangkutan sedang berada di luar zona normalitas publik.
4. Jejak Perlawanan di Media Online
Berbeda dengan Scott yang membatasi analisa teori hidden transcripts hanya dalam bentuk perlawanan yang dilakukan dalam interaksi sosial yang nyata dan langsung, saya akan menambahkan fenomena hidden transcripts yang diungkapkan melalui media online atau dunia maya. Luputnya Scott dari memberi perhatian terhadap bentuk-bentuk perlawaan tersembunyi yang dilakukan melalui media online dapat dimengerti mengingat pada masa ketika bukunya ditulis, internet belum begitu dikenal publik. Namun, perubahan sosial dan revolusi teknologi, saluran artikulasi perlawanan kelas sub-ordinat terhadap elite dominan juga mengalami perluasan. Media online menjadi salah satu ruang artikulasi penyaluran yang mungkin tidak pernah dibayangkan masyarakat di Sedeka, Kedah, tempat studi Scott dilakukan. Saya akan mengidentifikasi fenomena perlawanan tersembunyi sebagaimana disampaikan media online. Hari ini, dengan meng-google kalimat “Putri Gantung Diri di Langsa” misalnya, seseorang akan segera mendapatkan pelbagai sajian pemberitaan tentang razia seorang gadis yang melakukan bunuh diri setelah tertangkap dalam sebuah razia yang dilakukan WH dan DSI Langsa pada awal september 2012 lalu. Putri Erliana (17 tahun), diberitakan gantung diri karena tidak tahan menanggung malu dan depresi akibat tuduhan menjual diri yang dilontarkan WH dan DSI pada dirinya. Peristiwa kematian putri saat menjadi berita besar dan mengundang protes dan tuduhan dugaan pelanggaran HAM (Hak Asasi Manusia) yang dilakukan WH dan DSI.30 Pada sesi ini, saya akan menelusuri bentuk-bentuk ungkapan perlawanan tersembunyi melalui media online. Sebuah komentar pembaca terhadap berita tentang Putri menarik dikutip : Komentar (7) #1 | Bujang Langsa | Kamis, 13 September 2012 00:05 WIB | Reply Eh... om WH, jangan sama masyarakat aja garang, sama pejabat kalian melempem macam kerupuk masuk... ini Langsa om, Kota yang menerima kebebasan & keterbukaan selama tidak melanggar hukum...
30 http://theglobejournal.com/Hukum/kasatpol-wh-aceh-anak-itu-binasa-karenaulah-dia-sendiri/index.php website diakses tanggal 16 September 2012
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 615
kalau pakaian muslim cuma dipakai untuk menutupi kejahatan untuk apa????31 Komentar seseorang yang mengaku bernama Bujang Langsa di atas memperlihatkan komentar sinis pengirimnya terhadap razia yang dilakukan DSI dan WH. Bujang Langsa menilai selama ini aksi razia hanya diarahkan kepada masyarakat kecil, tetapi pelanggaran serupa yang dilakukan elite pejabat tidak ditindak-lanjuti. Komentar serupa juga dapat dibaca dalam posting yang mengatasnamakan “saya pejabat”. Berikut pernyataan dalam posting : #1 | saya pejabat | Sabtu, 8 September 2012 13:59 WIB | Reply Makanya contoh pejabat di langsa... mau eh..oh ke medan cari lonte ... jangan disini kena tangkap WH.32 Komentar #1 | saya pejabat | yang disampaikan seseorang yang mengaku Saya Pejabat merupakan respon atas berita berbeda tetapi samasama terjadi di Langsa. Perlu disampaikan bahwa sekitar empat hari sebelum razia yang bermuara penangkapan Putri Erliana, DSI juga menggelar razia khalwat dan busana ketat pada malam hari yang dilakukan di Jalan Lingkar PTPN I. Setidaknya sembilan pasangan beda muhrim ditangkap dan disidangkan di kantor DSI Langsa. Peristiwa ini menjadi pemberitaan di sebagian besar media lokal. Konstruksi pemberitaan mengesankan para remaja tersebut sedang melakukan perbuatan mesum atau mengarah ke tindakan mesum meski kenyataannya mereka hanya sekedar berboncengan di sepanjang Jalan Lingkar PTPN I. Komentar yang disampaikan pengirim dengan mengatas-namakan Pejabat Langsa, sepertinya hendak mengatakan perilaku pacaran di Jalan Lingkar PTPN I yang dilakukan para remaja yang ditangkap sesungguhnya masih belum seberapa dibandingkan dengan perilaku (sebagian) pejabat di Langsa. Bedanya, kalau pejabat bermain perempuan maka mereka melampiaskannya di Medan, sehingga bebas dari sanksi hukum syariat dan razia yang dilakukan WH. Ungkapan di atas, sama dengan peristiwa sebelumnya menggambarkan sinisme sosial masyarakat terhadap pendisiplinan tubuh yang diskriminatif. Kedua komentar di atas mengambil topik yang sama untuk mengungkapkan protes pendisiplinan tubuh perempuan: razia hanya untuk masyarakat biasa. Mereka memiliki konteks yang meyakinkan dalam memilih ungkapan protes. Kata yang digunakan langsung mengenai 31 http://aceh.tribunnews.com/2012/09/03/sembilan-pasangan-kekasih-diciduk-wh website diakses tanggal 16 September 2012 32 http://aceh.tribunnews.com/2012/09/03/sembilan-pasangan-kekasih-diciduk-wh website diakses tanggal 16 September 2012
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sasaran persoalan. Dipersoalkannya diskriminasi dan ketimpangan penegakan syariat Islam di Langsa, karena sekitar satu tahun sebelumnya publik di Langsa dihebohkan dengan berita tentang penggerebekan seorang anggota legislatif setempat, terkait kasus bermalam dirumah kontrakan seorang gadis. Tapi masyarakat hanya dapat puas mengekspresikan kemarahannya dengan memukul yang bersangkutan saat berlangsung penggerebekan, tetapi plot cerita berikutnya mudah ditebak: sang legislator bebas dari semua jeratan hukum, termasuk hukum syariat Islam.33 Ungkapan-ungkapan di media online mengambil bentuk beragam, mulai dari sindiran, gosip, makian atau hanya sekedar rumor. Sebagaimana dikatakan Scott, kelas sub-ordinat sesungguhnya lebih banyak memiliki stok bahan untuk mengungkapan sindiran, gerutuan, atau bahkan makian dibandingkan dengan kelas elite dominan.34 Terkadang sebuah sindiran atau makian akan ditingkatkan kelasnya menjadi rumor atau pun fintah, dari orang-orang kalah akan segera surut melarikan diri kalau dia merasa mendapatkan resiko atas ungkapan yang mereka sampaikan melalui media masa. Biasanya orang-orang kalah lebih jeli dengan bakal resiko yang akan diterima, karenanya mereka memakai identitas yang disamarkan. Strategi memakai nama samaran memperlihatkan kecermatannya menjalankan ritual perlawanan orang-orang kalah.
5. Lokalisasi Kepatuhan: Berpakaian Ketat Paruh Waktu
Adu taktik kelas subordinat dalam menyiasati tekanan elite dominan selalu membutuhkan kreatifitas yang jauh melampaui standar yang diperlukan. Akibatnya, menurut Erik M. Heen, perlawanan tersembunyi tidak menjadi sekedar produk budaya tertentu, tetapi juga memproduksi suatu budaya baru.35 Ketika STAIN Zawiyah Cot Kala mewajibkan mahasiswa memakai rok di kampus, mahasiswa menciptakan sub kultur dengan mengenakan celana panjang atau berpakaian ketat ketika di luar kampus. Mereka
33 Tindakan mesum atau perzinahan yang melibatkan anggota legislatif di dua kabupaten tetangga di Langsa, yakni di Aceh Timur dan Aceh Tamiang menjadi perbincangan publik di warung kopi dan media lokal. Tetapi tidak satu pun dari mereka yang dijerat hukum, apalagi hukum syariat, meskipun tekanan publik agar partai menonaktifkan mereka cukup kuat. Ketika beberapa kali Mahkamah Syariah memvonis hukuman cambuk bagi perilaku khalwat, masyarakat juga berharap perilaku khalwat yang dilakukan anggota legislatif mendapatkan perlakukan serupa. Karena itu, tidak mengherankan apabila saat publik di Langsa mendengar atau membaca adanya razia khalwat yang dilakukan DSI Langsa dan WH, maka fokus kritik mereka adalah protes tentang ketidak-beranian WH dan DSI menindak para pejabat pelanggar qanun khalwat. 34 James C. Scott, Domination and teh Art of Resistence..., h. 131 35 M. Erik Heen, ‘The Role of Syimbolec Inversion in Utopian Discourse: Apocayptic Reversal in Paul and in The Festival of The Saturnalia/Kornia’ in Richard A. Horsley (ed.), Hidden Transcripts and The Arts of Resistence: Applying the Work of James C. Scott to Jesus and Paul, Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2004, h. 127
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 617
memproduksi kultur sendiri yang berbeda dengan kultur yang diproduksi atas relasi dominatif di kampus.36 Pembentukan sub kultur dan fenomana lokalisasi ketaatan juga terjadi di Universitas Samudra Langsa, Perguruan Tinggi Negeri di Langsa. Universitas Samudra Langsa tidak mewajibkan kepada semua mahasiswi mengenakan rok, kecuali mahasiswi di Faklutas Keguruan dan Ilmi Pendidikan (FKIP). Akibatnya, di luar kebutuhan mengikuti perkuliahan dan pengurusan administratif maka seringkali mahasiwi FKIP memilih menjadi yang diinginkan: tampil modis dengan mengenakan celana jeans atau legging. Karenanya di kampus tersebut muncul kebiasaan mahasiswi mengganti rok dengan celana di kamar mandi setelah perkuliahan selesai. Prinsip dasar keharusan mengenakan rok dilokalisir dengan hanya menaati peraturan tersebut ketika perkuliahan sedang berlangsung. Pendisiplinan tubuh hanya dipatuhi ketika di kelas, sementara di luar perkuliahan merasa tidak lagi terikat dengan peraturan tersebut.37 Fenomena perempuan yang memasuki Mesjid Raya sebagaimana dilansir di awal tulisan memperlihatkan bagaimana perempuan melokalisir kepatuhan. Mereka tidak pernah mengatakan menolak pemberlakukan pendisiplinan tubuh melalui peraturan yang ditetapkan pengelola mesjid, tetapi memilih melokalisir pemberlakuan peraturan tersebut. Di Mesjid Raya perempuan menyadari bahwa pakaian yang dikenakan mungkin kurang sesuai dengan kualifikasi yang ditetapkan pengurus mesjid, tetapi mereka melokalisir pemberlakukan tersebut dengan hanya mengenakan sarung sekenanya saat memasuki halaman mesjid. Di luar halaman mesjid, peraturan tersebut tidak memiliki keberlakukan.38 36 Menurut Aida, “Kalau memang harus berjilbab di kampus dan ketentuannya seperti itu, memang kita tidak masalah. Tapi mahasiswi kebanyakan beranggapan: kalau dia sudah keluar dari gerbang kampus, itu sudah terserah dia mau berpakaian seperti apa... Harus berjilbab, itu sudah tidak ada yang masalahkan, kalau itu di kampus. Tapi kalau di luar kampus, itu bukan lagi urusan dosen. Itu sudah urusan saya sendiri. Banyak, hampir semuanya seperti itu. Mau pakai celana pendek atau celana panjang, itu sudah di luar dari peraturan. Tapi kalau di luar kepergok dosen, malu juga. Semua itu karena fashion. Kalau saya tengok, kalau yang kesadaran sendiri, itu cuma berapa persenlah. Bisa dihitung.” (Wawancara Aida, 29 September 2012) 37 Dalam sebuah wawancara, Aida mengatakan : “Di Universitas Samudera Langsa (Unsam) itu kalau yang FKIP itu harus pakai rok, karena mereka calon guru. Di Jurusan lain, ada dosen tertentu yang mewajibkan mata kuliah dia harus pakai rok. Tapi di Fakultas Hukum Unsam memang ada dosen tertentu yang memang mewajibkan mahasiswi pakai rok untuk kelas yang dia mengajar. Jadi, dari rumah mahasiswi pakai rok, tetapi di dalam rok itu dia pakai celana jeans. Atau celana jeansnya dimasukkan dalam tas. Selepas habis mata kuliah tersebut dia mengganti rok dengan celana lagi di kamar mandi.” Wawancara Aida, 29 September 2012. 38 Fenomena ketaatan pura-pura dan lokalisasi kepatuhan terlihat pada 19 September 2012 ketika DSI Langsa menggelar razia pakaian ketat di Lapangan Merdeka. Seorang remaja, sebut saja namanya Noni (16 tahun) yang dirazia karena bercelana ketat dan tidak
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Kelebihan kelas sub-ordinat dalam membangun hubungan dengan kelas elite dominan adalah kesadaran mereka tentang pentingnya seni berpura-pura yang begitu diperlukan dalam kelidupan.39 Aida dan Ayun sangat sadar perlunya tampil sesuai aturan yang ditentukan ketika sedang berada di arena kampus sebagai salah satu jalan mendapatkan keselamatan. Karenanya, Aida dan Ayun secara cermat dan teliti menjaga penampilan antara bagian mana yang harus diperlihatkan ketika berada di kampus dan bagian yang mana yang perlu ditampakkan ketika berada di luar kampus. Membuat batas-batas imajiner merupakan salah satu pemikiran paling kreatif yang muncul dari kontempelasi dari orang-orang yang kalah. Karenanya, cerita sesungguhnya tentang respon perempuan terhadap pendisiplinan tubuh terlihat dalam penampilan keseharian mereka di luar tempat dimana kendali peraturan masih berlangsung secara efektif. Kompormitas yang mereka bangun adalah kerelaan mereka hanya berpakaian ketat paruh waktu. Inilah ruang negosiasi yang mereka tawarkan, meski menjadi sebuah tawaran yang hanya sebagian saja ditoleransi elite dominan. Pak Ibrahim Latif mengatakan kalau semua perempuan yang berpakaian ketat kita razia, maka kita sendiri yang akan kerepotan.40 Sebagaimana ditunjukkan Asef Bayat dalam studinya tentang gerakan komunitas sub-ordinat di Iran,41 fenomena di Langsa memperlihatkan kelas sub-ordinat mendapatkan pencapaian efektif dari pelbagai strategi yang mereka pilih.
F. Penutup
Paparan sebelumnya memperlihatkan pengaturan tubuh perempuan berbasis syariat Islam memicu resistensi sebagian perempuan Langsa kendati hanya secara tersembunyi (hidden transcripts). Penelitian menemukan bahwa resistensi tersembunyi diungkapkan dengan beragam bentuk: (1) mendefinisikan kembali relasi kesalehan perempuan dan pakaian; (2) merasionalisasi pilihan berpakaian; (3) memanfaatkan gosip, rumor, sindiran bahkan makian terhadap kelompok superdinat; (4) memanfaatkan media online untuk mengukspresikan perlawanan anonim; dan (5) pura-pura taat dan melokalisasi kepatuhan. Pendisiplinan tubuh perempuan yang dilakukan melalui pendekatan
berjilbab. Kepala DSI meminta Noni menanda-tangani surat pernyataan tidak mengulangi lagi perbuatannya meminta salah seorang anggota keluarga atau temannya mengantarkan jilbab. Seorang temannya mengantarkan jilbab. Setelah Noni mengenakan jilbab Pak Latif mempersilahkannya melanjutkan perjalanan. Tetapi, sekitar sepuluh meter dari lokasi razia, dia memberhentikan sepeda motornya untuk membuka jilbab yang baru saja dikenakan. Pak Latif hanya bisa menggelengkan kepala. 39 James C. Scott, Senjatanya Orang-orang Kalah..., h. 376 40 Wawancara Ibrahim Latif, Kepala Dinas Syariat Islam Langsa, 28 Agustus 2012. 41 Lihat, Asef Bayat, Street Politics: Poor People’s Movement in Iran, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997).
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dominatif dan represif bukannya justru memantik pembentukan moralitas publik sebagaimana yang dibayangkan, melainkan memantik citra minor terhadap implementasi syariat Islam. Alih-alih mendorong kesadaran melaksanakan syariat sesuai dengan regulasi syariat Islam, dominasi justru membangkitkan resistensi. Fenomena resistensi perempuan menunjukkan kecenderungan dominasi cara pandang tertentu terkait pengaturan tubuh perempuan ditandingi, ditertawakan, dipermainkan, dan akhirnya dengan cara mereka sendiri kemudian dilawan. Memungkasi pembahasan, melalui penelitian ini saya ingin mengingatkan elite dominan, baik aparatus pemerintahan seperti WH, Dinas Syariat Islam, maupun institusi lainnya agar memikirkan pendekatan-pendekatan yang lebih egaliter, demokratis dan menghargai keragaman dalam membangkitkan kesadaran publik untuk mengimplementasikan syariat Islam di Langsa. Pemaksaan salah satu tafsir tertentu dalam mendefinisikan moralitas di ruang publik bukan hanya tidak akan pernah membuahkan hasil yang diharapkan, melainkan justru kontra-produktif dengan prinsip-prinsip agama Islam. DAFTAR PUSTAKA An-Naim, Abdullahi Ahmed, Islam and the Secular State: Negotiation Future of Sharia, Cambrigde and London: Harvad University Press, 2008 Bayat, Asef, Street Politics: Poor People’s Movement in Iran, New York: Columbia University Press, 1997. Besnier, Niko, Gossip and the Everyday Production of Politics, Honohulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2009. El-Guindi, Fadwa, Veil: Modesty, Privacy and Resistency, Oxford, New York: Dress Body Culture, 1999 Faucoult, Michael, The Care of the Self: Volume 3 The History of Sexuality, New York: Patheon Books, 1984. Michel Faucoult, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, New York: Vintage Books, 1995. Giddens, Anthony, The Constitution of Society, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984 Gramsci, Antonio, Sejarah dan Budaya, Ira Puspitorini (terj.), Surabaya: Pustaka Promethea, 2000 Gramsci, Antonio, Selection from the Prison Notebooks,Quintin Hoare dan Nowell Smith (ed.), India: Novena Offest Printing, 1996 Hasyim, Syafiq, Bebas dari Patriakhisme Islam, Depok: Kata Kita, 2010
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Mahmood, Saba, Politics of Piety: The Islamic Revival and The Feminist Subject, Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2005 Mernissi, Fatima, Beyond The Veil: Dinamika Pria Wanita dalam Masyarakat Modern, Surabaya: Al-Fikri, 1997 Mernissi, Fatima, The Veil and The Male Elite: A Feminist Interpretation of Women’s Right in Islam, Canada: Persues Books Publishing, 1991 Tuulikki Pietila, Gossip, Markets, and Gender: How Dialogue Constructs Moral Value in Post-Socialist Kilimanjaro, Madison: The Universiti of Wisconsin Press, 2007. Robinson, Kathryn, Gender, Islam and Democracy in Indonesia, London and New York: Routlegde, 2009 Scott, James C., Domination and teh Art of Resistence: Hiddenn Trancripts, London: Yale University Press New Haven and London, 1990 Scott, James C., Senjatanya Orang-orang Kalah, Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia, 2000 Siapno, Jaqcqueline Aquino, Gender, Islam, Nationalism and the State in Aceh: The Paradox of Power, Co-optation and Resistence, London: Routlegde Curzon, 2002
Website http://theglobejournal.com/hukum/usut-wh-pelaku-perkosa/index.php website diakses tanggal 16 September 2012 http://aceh.tribunnews.com/2012/09/02/kedapatan-khalwat-delapanpasang-remaja-ditangkap-wh website diakses tanggal 16 September 2012 http://aceh.tribunnews.com/2012/09/03/sembilan-pasangan-kekasihdiciduk-wh website diakses tanggal 16 September 2012 http://atjehpost.com/read/2012/09/15/21178/2/2/Karena-Putri-BukanPelacur website diakses tanggal 16 September 2012 http://www.rakyataceh.com/index.php?open=view&newsid=27865&tit=B ANDA%20ACEH%2020Pedagang%20Pakaian%20Ketat%20Tak%20 Butuh%20Qanun website diakses tanggal 16 Sseptember 2012 http://id-id.facebook.com/notes/adili-polisi-syariah-wh-pelakuperkosaan/gadis-korban-perkosaan-oknum-wh-traumaberat/386397207190?Comment id=12757534&offset=0&total_comments=5, website diakses tanggal 16 September 2012
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Wawancara Aida (24), Warga Langsa, Mahasiswi, 29 Agustus 2012 Ami (30, Warga Langsa, Aktivis Perempuan LBH Apik Aceh, 26 Agustus 2012 Andi (620, Warga Langsa, Penjual Tasbih di Mesjid Raya, 26 Agustus 2012 Anizar (37), Akademisi di Langsa, 29 Agustus 2012 Atun (38), Warga Langsa, Tukang Sapu, 29 Agustus 2012 Ayun (23), Warga Langsa, Mahasiswi, 29 Agustus 2012 Fazil (38), Anggota WH Langsa, 1 September 2012 Fitri (20), Warga Langsa, Penjaga Toko, 28 Agustus 2012 Ibrahim Latif (52), Kepala Dinas Syariat Islam Langsa, 28 Agustus 2012 Ida (22), Warga Langsa, Penjaga Toko, 28 Agustus 2012 Maryam (40), Warga Meurandeh Langsa, Ibu Rumah Tangga, 30 Agustus 2012 Reta (24), Anggota WH Langsa, 31 Agustus 2012 Riky (30) Anggota WH Langsa, 28 Agustus 2012 Saida (29), Warga Meurandeh Langsa, Ibu Rumah Tangga, 30 Agustus 2012 Sumi (56), Warga Seulalah Baru Langsa, Ibu Rumah Tangga, 29 Agustus 2012 Syamsul (34), Akademisi di Langsa, 31 Agustus 2012 Syarkawi (28), Anggota WH Langsa, 1 September 2012 Yanto (42), Warga Langsa, Wali Perempuan Dirazia WH, 1 September 2012
Enhancing Prosperity and Justice for Indonesian Female Domestic Workers Rosita Tandos A. Introduction Gender equality for creating prosperity and social justice is a concept that has been emphasized in development process. These ideas also have been mandated in al-Quran and Hadits Nabi saw., aim to create almaslahah mursalah (public welfare) that has great impact to the life of society. To support the process, social responsibility is a key to accelerate it and create fundamental change and innovation. Women are among components of society that has an important role infamily and community lives. Their role has been described in Islam as madrasatun ula or the first school for children, and partner forhusband to build a harmony in the family life. In addition, al-Quran and Hadits describe role models offemale figures who lead a prosperous country, called Queen of Balqis;and female-Islamic figures such as Ummul Mukminin Khadijah r.a. and Sitti Aisyah r.a.. Both of them are mentioned as the main figures in Islamic teaching or dakwah and the development process at the beginning period of Islam history. Such notion and inspirable stories might lead to the need for improving the role of women. However, current modern life still leaves a question of to what extentmuslimah or Indonesian women todayplay their roles in family and development of this country. On the other hand, the statistical data shows that the percentage of the women in Indonesia almost equal with men (BPS, 2010). They mostly live in the rural areas that are far from adequate public amenities. Inequality and injustice have been maintained also by patriarchal-cultural system, which is commonly embedded in the life of individual, families and communities. Furthermore, this system has been intertwined with global economic system that put more pressures to developing and indebted countries. Structural adjustment programs (SAPs) have been determined by the international financial bodies such as World Bank and IMF throughout their policies such as privatization and transnational work. Applying neoliberalism, these institutions emphasize efficiency, high price in accessing public services, and more competition for gaining decent job. They tend to ignore welfare values of equality, equity, security and liberty in their policies and programs. The impact of cuts in social services and unemployment is devastating. Women are highly affected by structural adjustment programs and many
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women end up going overseas in search of new opportunities.Many women are forced to turn to subsistence food production, informal work, migration, and prostitution. Additionally, the women who cross borders illegally may enter unregulated and often irregular work situations (Ehrenreich et al., 2004; Satterthwaite, 2004). The majority of opportunities through legal channels of migration is in male-dominated sectors and put women at a great disadvantage. Sending countries tightly control migration processes, but simultaneously allow private employers and recruiting agencies to operate ‘unchecked’ by regulation or inspection (Raharto, 2002). Therefore, migration officials are known to falsify the documents of female migrant workers. The recruitment prerequisites are just on paperand cannot be seriously implemented (Silvey, 2004). Reflecting to such realities, this paper will provide a description of problems examined by women locally and globally, and explore more possibilities for Islamic studies such as Islamic community developmentand social welfare to improve their roles to transform the life of people and create social justice. To this end, this paper highlights some points of current issues of Indonesian women who live on rural areas and have to leave their villages for working domestically overseas due to insufficient public assistances, supports, and services.Although this paper will be focused more on the issue of female migrant domestic workers, its discussion might be possibly applied to other situations examined by other marginalized groups. B. Problems Female migrant domestic workers are called as ‘heroes of foreign exchange’ for their financial contribution to family and this country, but they often sacrifice themselves for uncertainty and lack of protection and empowerment. Because of their legal position, both domestic workers who work in their own country and those who migrate abroad remain vulnerable to violation of their rights at all stages of the work cycle. For example, in Singapore, more than one hundreds Indonesian domestic workers have died during past five years, most of them falling escaped or ran away from their employers (Wisnuwardani, et al.; ILO 2009). To gain a broad perspective of the issue of transnational domestic work, there are at least three main points that are explored throughout this paper: a. Factors that affect the women’s decisions to work overseas b. Programs and policies for protecting and empowering female domestic migrant workers c. Collaboration and partnership with all stakeholders for improving policies and programs
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C. Factors affecting decision to working overseas The New Order regime, under the second president of the Republic of Indonesia (President Suharto), started to send female migrant domestic workers out of the country in 1984. In the intervening years, the Indonesian government sends laborers overseas as a part of the country’s development plan, mainly to alleviate poverty. Remittances sent home by migrant workers are important not only for the workers, but also to the country as a source of revenue (Liow, 2003; Media Indonesia, 2003; Silvey, 2004). During the period of 1999 to 2004, the Indonesian government sent 2.8 million workers abroad and collected US$91 million in foreign exchange. The number increased significantly to US$3.4 billion in 2006 and US$53.36 billion in 2011 (BNP2TKI, 2011; Kemenakertrans, 2011). This income is among the largest revenue for the country. However, the policy of sending female domestic workers contributes to factors that affect women socially, culturally, economically, and politically. The profile of domestic workers overseas varies significantly by country, while the differences between domestic workers overseas and those varies significantly by country and calls attention to the need to distinguish push and pull factors for these different groups. There arefive main factors in relation to the life ofrural Indonesian women existing at the individual, family, community, society, and state levels; and associated female migrant domestic worker. First, data from the Statistical Bureau of Indonesia show that the rural population is 119, 321, 070 (BPS, 2010) and the number of poor people living in these rural areas is 14.84 million. Women living in rural areas of Indonesia are still considered lack accessibility to public services, education, and trainings to develop knowledge, skills and experiences. Such condition often forces them to work as migrant domestic workers. Only 5 percent of the female migrant workers graduated from university, and only 36 percent graduated from junior and senior high school. The remaining 59 percent either finished or dropped out of elementary school (ILO, 2006). Raharto (2002) in his study of Cianjur regency (West Java province of Indonesia) found that the majority of female migrants from this area who migrate illegally had only completed primary school and never attended special training related to their job overseas. A small number of them could write, read, and speak Indonesian fluently, but only in a local dialect (Sundanese). As the women lack education and knowledge, they had difficulty in understanding the contents of work and their rights and duties mentioned in the work contract (ILO, 2006; Tirtosudarmo and Romdiati, 1998). For several of Indonesia’s ethnic groups, women have traditionally played a significant role in generating household income through productive work both within and outside the household (Williams, 1990).
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However, performance on gender equality scales in Indonesia still lags behind other developing countries. In 2002, a combination of women’s lower literacy rate (86% as opposed to 94% for men) fewer mean years of schooling (6.5 years compared to 7.6 years for men), and smaller share of earned income (38% compared to 62% for men) worked to counteract advances in life expectancy for women (World Bank, 2010). A second factor arises from cultural values emphasizing children’s responsibilities for supporting their family. In traditional and patriarchal families, priority is given to educating the boys because of their broader responsibilities as children, and as future husbands and fathers. This inherent attitude in a community gives rise to female domestic helpers who are uneducated and unskilled, and who must therefore accept lower-paying jobs. Such social constructions have negative effects on women’s options and outcomes, and yet they are also ‘praised’ as heroes for supporting their families and country with their income. A third factor comes from the combination of high rates of unemployment and intense competition for desirable and skilled jobs. The unemployment numbers in Indonesia rose from 10.3 million in 2003 to 11.19 million in 2005, and the number of Indonesian migrant workers leaving the country increased at the same time. This condition was intensified by the economic crisis of 1998 (Kimura, 2006; Stiglitz, 2003). Briar-Lawson, et al. (2001) mentioned factors that influence immigration of workers. It was defined as “local and national constraints, changing circumstances, social problems, and barriers related to employment and social and cultural exclusion” (pp.353). Network factors also affects significantly to the flow of people to gain employment. Having a network with sponsors, families and friends who migrate earlier has influenced female domestic workers to follow the same effort. Lastly, keep factors are dealing with cultural differences and preferences, and abandoning infants and children and elders that keep female migrant workers going back home. The pull factors refer also to economic reason (Briar-Lawson, et al., 2001). It is caused by active recruitment and demand structures of transnational domestic work. It occurs as countries with a highly educated and skilled workforce often have difficulty finding local workers to fill low paying-jobs. Consequently, host countries often adopt immigrant friendly policies to entice female domestic workers (Albin & Mantouvalou, 2012). This creates extensive opportunities to work overseas either legally or illegally, and results in immigration becoming an option for women to improve their economic conditions. Additionally, stories told by previous female migrant domestic workers influence them to immigrate. The message they receive is that successful workers can provide education for their children, fulfill their family’s needs, and building a new family home (Anggraeni, 2006).
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The fifth and final factor is political in nature. It is illegal recruitment of migrant workers, supported by two immigration issues, namely illegal immigration procedures and a lack of border protection between Indonesia and other neighboring countries. Liow (2003) states that the long-term and undocumented Indonesians migrated to Malaysia is arguably the second largest illegal migration, following of immigrants crossing the Mexican border into the United States. Additionally, Indonesian governmental policies and regulations for sending and protecting immigrants have not effectively eliminated the existing problems, and are still criticized for a lack of attention, commitment and control. D. The existing policies and programs For years, the injustice and human rights’ violations experienced by female domestic workers have been a concern for national and international organizations. In addition, foreign and migration policies have been changed to overcome the problems. At the international level, the concerns of the rights of workers began with the founding of International Labor Organization (ILO) in 1919.The ILO conference adopted the convention concerning decent work for domestic workers and a recommendation supplementing it, referred to as the Domestic Workers Convention (No.189) and Recommendation (No.201). These two instruments produced in 2011 by the ILO contain specific standards and minimum protection for domestic workers. Efforts at protecting and empowering female migrant domestic workers have also been conducted by non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Silvey (2004) found that NGOs in both sending and receiving countries are taking up the issue of protection and empowerment to support foreign migrant workers. Based on these findings, transnational linkages among NGOs and researchers should be encouraged to facilitate exchange of information and knowledge. Riker (1998) explained that NGOs in Indonesia have existed since the 1980s where they network and share experience, take collective actions, and express their concerns and interests. The development of these networks and coalitions was extremely important for political change (as cited in Breton, 2004 p.6). Therefore, efforts aiming to protect the female workers’ rights should emphasize collaboration between sending and receiving countries (Breton, 2004). Similarly, Novirianti (2010) and Silvey (2004) confirmed that cooperation among local, national, and international bodies is extremely needed to address structural problems through producing and implementing policies that reflect the needs and interests of Indonesian female domestic migrants. In Asia, NGOs and community-based organizations (CBOs) have initiated the first step for immigration cooperation. This is due to the
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absence of state involvement and public ignorance of migrant workers’ welfare and rights (Yamanaka and Piper, 2005). These organizations channel services and support female migrant workers in several destination countries (Bell and Piper, 2005). Additionally, faith-based organizations (FBOs), including Catholic churches, are important institutions that provide supports to female migrant domestic workers. The FBOs in Malaysia, Singapore and Lebanon provide places or shelters for the female workers from Philippines, Sri Lanka, Ethiopia and India. Local mosques and Buddhist temples in Singapore design specific programs to welcome migrant domestic workers and provide physical and psychological assistances. These FBOs help connect women with embassies and lawyers, and provide shelter, health care, and engagement with the government (Silvey, 2004). E. Changing the life of female migrant domestic workers From a social work or social welfare perspective, the impact of globalization and global economy encompass all levels including the micro (individual, family and group), mezzo (organization and community), and macro (policy changes). Given the fact that globalization impacts so many systems, it is important that new discourses and theories of academic analysis and respective disciplinary frames incorporate the three levels of intervention. In addition, the challenges of a paradigm shift are necessary to reorder the organizing principles of social life and world order (Lawson, 2001). Integrated social welfare perspective into the discussion of transnational domestic work, there are at least three main points that should be seriously take into account by all stakeholder, especially the institutions that produce welfare policies and programs for rights protection and empowerment of female foreign domestic workers: - International legal standard for female domestic labors The ILO (2012) emphasizes two points that should be considered when reforming labor laws to enhance the protection of domestic workers. First, one must understand migrant domestic labor’s magnitude, the characteristics of domestic workers and their employers, and the prevailing patterns and arrangements under which domestic workers is performed (living in or living with arrangements); and second, there must be an analysis of the existing national laws to identify the legal provisions that may already be applicable to domestic workers. The challenges for creating health and safety workplace come not only from receiving countries that often do not consider household helpers as workers. The host countries still exclude domestic workers from protection under their national labor codes, and do not provide them with optional protection under any other national law. For sending countries,
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the issues of corruption, lack of institutional coordination between the local and national governments, and lack of negotiation with the host country’s governments are the vital issues that need to be seriously addressed (Moreno &Chammartin, 2008). The implementation of a binding contract and policy change between the sending and receiving governments, as well as between the employer and employee should also be conducted. For instance, Said (2001) discussed that the officials of the United Arab Emirates are in the process of preparing a contract to be binding internally. To ensure the rights of all parties, the contract should state clearly all conditions under which a domestic worker has to work, the rights and obligation of the employees and their employers. This should be explained to both parties before the women start to work. Standards for recruiting, preparing, sending, living, working, and finishing of contracts for foreign female domestic workers are needed with guidelines to eliminate issues like psychological and physical violations. Strict regulations are also needed to stop agency illegal practices with the ability for the women to file lawsuits if the agency fails to perform their obligation of protecting the women’s rights. This means that agencies that work with domestic workers should be reachable and responsible for unexpected situation experienced by the women. Developing knowledge and skills of foreign domestic workers is another crucial element of protection and empowerment program. For instance, the Philippines Embassy and labor office becomes an ideal model for a sending country. They have become more active in solving problems. They also provide trainings in basic skills like literacy, computing, and cooking as well as workers’ rights. Such effort helps the female domestic migrant workers to change their status from ‘unskilled workers’ to ‘skilled workers’, which will affect the protection under the international labor (the ILO) law and regulation (Sabban &Smith 2004). Both efforts of policy change are needed to create health and safe environment for female foreign domestic workers. - Empowering youth and families Women’s expertise in taking care of households’ responsibilities is extensively channeled by the global labor market. Family members pressure them to work as migrant domestic workers (Raharto, 2002). Kinship ideology and kinship groupings become powerful social forces that pressure daughters and young women to live overseas. This asymmetrical power relationship often results in young girls and women being the least powerful people in the family, controlled by family rules and kinship obligations (Heyzer, et al., 1994). Hugo (1996, 2002) identified several areas in the family that are affected by migration. They are family structure and composition, family headship, marriage and divorce, intergenerational and intra-familial relationships, care of children
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and the aged, the economic situation of the family, the role and status of women and power relationships in the family. Similarly, ILO (2006) emphasizes the economic contribution of the female migrant workers to family life. But, this does not mean that the women are totally free to make independent decision regarding their work and migration. With lack of knowledge and skills, Indonesian female migrant domestic workers sacrifice themselves in dealing with demands of their work environment and cultural shock (Migrant Care, 2011; Voice of America, 2011). On the other hand, feminist economists raise an important issue of family matters in transnational domestic work. Barker and Feiner (2009) mentioned that children of both female workers and employers couldn’t access completely their own mothers. The children spend less time with their own mothers because the mothers are working, often taking care of someone else’s children.Furthermore, while the domestic workers migrate to solve the problems of social reproduction of working women in the richer countries, their own families are forced to overcome the problems in her absence. The domestic workload of the migrant female worker is shifted to other women and girls in the family. This scheme of responsibility leads to the increase in unpaid female labor with consequences, such as the educational and employment deprivation of the unpaid female workers that leads to the transmission of female poverty (Heyzer, et al., 1994). At the family level, domestic workers ease the women’s burden of housekeeping. However, their presence often creates tension in the family due to the jealously of female employers and sexual advances of the male employers. Problems still continue after finishing their contract. In some cases, returning women experience trauma and are socially rejected because of unexpected pregnancies due to being raped by their male employers. These women face the shame of bearing children outside wedlock, and suffer as victim blaming by their own family and friends. In addition, other situations faced by the female migrant workers are their husbands taking mistresses and/or their children no longer know them. Those are human costs for which no amount of money can compensate (Heyzer, et al., 1994). Considering the drawbacks associated with transnational domestic care, family intervention programs should integrate women’s needs of protection from abuses and violations that are often faced by illegal women workers who work overseas under illegal procedures (Lesmana, 2002). Diverse family cultures may have differences in structure regarding communication style, family hierarchy and power structure, and the family’s relationship to the dominant external culture (Fong &Furuto, 2001). Therefore, cultural sensitivity should also be taken into account to improve services for the women, especially for service of a short-term nature in which cultural beliefs of clients are considered and integrated (Ramos&Carvin, 2003).
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Improving the family’s roles to prevent women from the influence of illegal agencies or sponsors can support protection and empowerment efforts. However, family support programs have not become concerns of the Indonesian government yet. Therefore, future policy changes should support low-income families of migrant workers and consider them as experts and partners. Policy makers should aim to gain more comprehensive understanding of the issue and enhance protection, empowerment for the women and their contributions to family lives, especially for caring for children as a future investment in the family. - Supporting groups and community Employers often say that the socio-cultural background of female domestic workers is often identified as a barrier to the adjustment process (ILO, 2006; Silvia, 2002). The training and preparation process is not sufficiently designed to help the women to cope with issues such as cultural shock and adjustment (Raharto 2000, Migrant Care, 2011). Resilience of the women usually works as the main and immediate solution to tackle daily problems. Therefore, the women workers who socialize with other Indonesian workers tend to discuss their problems and gather with their Indonesian friends. However, the majority of Indonesian female migrant domestic workers in Malaysia are not allowed to call back home, communicate with other Indonesian migrant workers, or socialize with their employers (Orange et al., 2012). Consequently, there are significant cases of runaway female workers. They feel unsatisfied with the protection from the agency or sponsor and the problems are frequently not resolved due to employers keeping their immigration documents. Runaway workers often go to the Indonesian Embassy’s shelters or stay temporarily with friends in their contacts. In Jeddah (Saudi Arabia), there are numerous runaway migrant workers who are reported living under the bridge of the city or at ‘unoccupied land’ together with other workers who face similar violated conditions. To respond to such condition, the Indonesian government has gradually sent back the workers who become homeless in the host country (Media Indonesia, 2011; Migrant Care, 2011). In some destination countries, the women’s movement provides service-oriented groups for transnational domestic workers. Yeoh and Annadhuri (2008) described how women’s organizations in Singapore assist and create ‘social space’ for the women to meet their compatriots in similar employment situations. These organizations ensure the women’s voices to be heard and provide advocacy-oriented groups to fill ‘the vacuum in areas’ which the government has left unattended or not done enough. All of these three points are main areas in which social workers might play an important role through improving policies, programs, and services that consider the female workers as key partners and experts, not just as passive
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service recipients.Furthermore, collaboration between academics, NGOs, and individual migrants should aim to improve the condition of migrant workers and protective legal mechanisms. - Collaborative and partnership with all stakeholders As one of the reasons of female domestic workers to work overseas is socio-economic reason, community development programs might be offered to alleviate poverty, social exclusion, and social isolation. The idea of Muhammad Yunus (a Nobel Peace Prize recipient) from Bangladesh might be adopted to enhance rural and poor women so that they become financially independent, skilled, and contribute to the life of family. Moreover, natural and human resources and other social capital (values, norms and principles) existingin the life of community need to be developedand diversified to be local excellent products. This economic program might be used to recruit local human resources, improve their capabilities, and increase income to communities. Such efforts could provide an alternative to the rural women for leaving at home, but still be able to contribute financially to the life of family. On the other hand, schools and universities or other educational institutions, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) play important roles to fill the gaps that cannot fully addressed by the governments. For instance, these institutions might help students to avoid failed or drop out from basic education levels or tertiaryeducation; even they could help families and communities, and support the learning process for the future success of students. This effort mightalso create a safe place for the women to improve their capabilities before deciding to work overseas. They will migrate with sufficient knowledge, skills and social supports. In other words, civic society should be involved to actively control the processes of working overseas. Furthermore, fields of studies in Higher Islamic Education institutions that specifically aim to promote the notion of community development and social welfare enhancement need to apply ‘single-loop learning process’, seeing students as object of teaching process, focusing on internal function and ignoring the important role of families and communities. Furthermore, the educational institutions need to develop double-loop learning, enhance dialog and partnership with families and communities, even apply triple-loop learning process that acknowledge other components of society to achieve desirable outcomes and create fundamental changes (Lawson et al., 2010, 2013). The genuine collaboration and active partnership in planning, implementing and evaluating programs have to involve all stakeholders, especially female domestic workers.All of them are responsible to create effective changes. This cooperation and supporting networks become a crucial point to avoid overlapping activities or programs, and address the
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basic and complex problems faced by female migrant domestic workers (Yazid, 2008; Silvey, 2003).One-stop services need to be provided as integrated assistances and services available for women, families, and communities. It provides a mean to voice their needs and aspiration, considering them as partners or experts to the problems they face daily. Furthermore, illegal procedures and agencies that recruit female domestic workers should be controlled and eliminated to ensure prosperity and justice in the life of female domestic workers. Conclusion Exploring the complex socio-cultural, economic and political meanings and specific interventions available for protecting and empowering the female workers canbring a greater clarity and implications drawn for future interventions of protection and empowerment.At the top level, the governments are expected to apply an integrated and integrity approach in understanding and finding solutions to transnational domestic work problems, and other problems examined by marginalized or vulnerable groups. Through this process, communities are positioned as partners and experts to explore situations, problems and solutions. They should access to sufficient information and proper public facilities before asking them to be responsible to work. Educational, religious organizations, andother non-governmental institutions are among key elements that can help achieve the expected outcomes and changes. Islamic boarding schools and universities, for instance, could improve their roles to educate, empower and develop people capabilities. Additionally, religious and community leaders have to contribute actively to address problems since they have been cultivated relationship with their communities. They have been kept in touch daily with communities, knowing strengths and weaknesses owned by communities. Individuals, families also have a vital contribution to support the process of change and bring justice for all of the family’s members, especially for girls and women. All attempts for creating gender equality and social justice will help family life to improve their prosperity and welfare condition. References Albin, E. &Mantouvalou, V. (2012).The ILO convention on domestic workers: From the shadows to the light. Virginia: UCL Labor Rights Institutes Anggraeni, D. (2006). Dream Seekers: Indonesia Women as Domestic Workers in Asia. Jakarta: Equinox Publishing
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Bacchus, N. (2005).The effect of globalization on women in developing nations. New York: Pace University Press Bell, D. & Piper, N. (2005). Justice for migrant workers?. The case of foreign domestic workers in Hong Kong and Singapore. In Kymlicka, W. & He, B. (eds), Multiculturalism in Asia. Oxford: Oxford University Press Briar, K.H., & Lawson, H.A. (1996).Expanding partnerships for vulnerable children, youth, and families. Virginia: The Council of Social Work Education, Inc. Brueggemann, W.G. (2006). The Practice of Macro Social Work. Chicago: Nelson-Hall Publishers Chang, G. (2000). Disposable domestic: Immigrant women workers in the global economy. Cambridge: South End Press Dominelli, L. (2002). Feminist social work theory and practice. New York: Palgrave Macmillan Ehrenreich, B., &Hochschild, A.R. (2004).Global women: Nannies, maids, and sex workers in the new economy. Canada: Owl Books Esim & Smith, (2004). Gender and migration in Arab States: The case of domestic workers. Gil, D. (1998). Confronting injustice and oppression: concepts and strategies for social workers. New York: Columbia University Press Gilbert, N., &Terrel, L. (2005). Dimensions of Social Welfare Policy. Boston: Pearson Allyn and Bacon. Greenwood, D., & Levin, M. (2007). An introduction to action research. Thousand oaks, CA: sage Publication Haslam, A. P., & Schafer, J. &Beaudet, P, (2009).Introduction to international development: approaches, actors, and issues. Oxford: USA Heyzer N., &Nijeholt G.L.A &Weerakoon, N. The Trade in Domestic Workers: Causes, Mechanisms and Consequences of International Migration. International Review of Victimology: Zed Books Hugo, G. (2000). Migration and women’s empowerment, in Presser &Sen (eds)., Women’s empowerment and demographic processes: Moving beyond Cairo. New York: Oxford University Press Ife, J. (2001). Human rights and social work: Towards rights-based practice. Australia: Cambridge University Press Ife, J., &Tesoriero, F. (2002). Community Development. Australia: Pearson Longman International Labor Organization. (2006a). UsingIndonesian law to protect and empower Indonesian migrant workers. Geneva: ILO International Labor Organization. (2006b). Remuneration in domestic work. Geneva: ILO International Labor Organization. (2009). Protecting the rights of migrant workers: A shared responsibility. Geneva: ILO
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International Labor Organization. (2012). Effective protection for domestic workers: A guide to designing labor laws. Geneva: ILO Jureidini, R. &Mourkarbel, N. (2004). Female Sri Lankan domestic workers in Lebanon: A case of ‘contract slavery’?.Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 30, 581-607 Lawson, H.A. (2001). Introducing globalization’s challenges and opportunities and analyzing economic globalization and liberalization. In K.B. Lawson, H.A. Lawson, C.B. Hennon, A.R. Jones, Family-centered policies and practices Lawson, M.A. (2011). A case study of school-linked, collective parent engagement.American Educational Research Journal, 20, 1-34 Lawson, T. (2005). Sending Countries and the Rights of Women Migrant Workers: the Case of Guatemala. Boston: Harvard Law School Loveband, A. (2003). Positioning the product: Indonesian migrant women workers in contemporary Taiwan. Working Papers Series, 43, 1-15 McGovern, L.L. (2009). Neo-liberal globalization in the Philippines: Its impact on Filipino women and their forms of resistance. Indiana University: Political Science Moniaga, R. (2008). Indonesian migrant domestic workers. GPIA: The New School Graduate Program in International Affairs Novirianti, D. (2011). District legislation and access to justice: A case study of female migrant workers in Cianjur. Nussbaum, M. (2000).Women and human development.Boston: Cambridge University Press Orange, G., Seitz., V., &Kor, A.L. (2012). Information dissemination needs of Indonesian migrant domestic workers in Malaysia. Journal of Southeast Asian Research, 2012, 1-16 Padi, T. (2005). Indonesian Laundry Service.Journal of Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, 6, 1-11 Parrenas, S.R. (2001). Servants of Globalization: Women, migration and domestic work. California: Stanford University Press Payne, M. (2005). Modern social work theory. Chicago: Lyceum books Piper, N. (2003). Bridging gender, migration and governance: Theoretical possibilities in the Asia context. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, 12, 21-48 Piper, N. (2004).Gender and Migration Policies in Southeast Asia and East Asia: Legal Protection and Socio-Cultural Empowerment of Unskilled Migrant Women. Canberra: the Australian National University Preskill, H., & Jones, N. (2009).A practical guide for engaging stakeholders in developing evaluation questions. New Jersey, Princeton: Robert Wood Johnson Foundation Pyles, L. (2009). Progressive Community Organizing: A Critical Approach for a Globalizing World. New York: Routledge.
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Raharto, A. (2002). Indonesian Female Labor Migrants: Experiences Working Overseas. Jakarta: Indonesian Institute of Sciences Rahman, M. (2011). Gender Remittances and Development. National University of Singapore: Department of Sociology Sabban& Smith (2001).Women migrant domestic workers in the United Arab Emirates. The ILO publication Satterthwaite, M. (2004). Intersecting protection, migrating women: Using human rights law to empower women migrant workers. Marginalization, Discrimination and Equality Series, 6, 5-42 Shu-Ju& Cheng (2006).Serving the households and the nation. UK: Lexington Books Silvey, R. (2004). Transnational Migration and the Gender Politics of Scale: Indonesian domestic workers in Saudi Arabia. Tropical Geography, 25, 141-155 Silvey, R. (2006). Consuming the transnational family: Indonesian migrant domestic workers to Saudi Arabia. Global Networks, 6, 23 – 40 Stiglitz, J.E. (2003). Globalization and its discontent. New York: Norton Company Inc. Varia, N. (2010).’Sweeping Changes?’A Review of Recent Reforms on Protections for Migrant Domestic Workers in Asia and the Middle East.New York: Human Right Watch Williams, L., &Labonte, R. (2007). Empowerment for Migrant Communities: Paradoxes for Practitioners. Canada: Taylor and Francis World Bank. (2008). The Malaysia-Indonesia remittance corridor. Washington DC: The World Bank
ZAKAT AS A DEDUCTIBLE INCOME TAX: THE EFFECT ON TAX REVENUES AND SOCIAL JUSTICE IN THE FEDERAL TERRITORY OF MALAYSIA#
Eko Suprayitno1 Abstract: This paper attempts to examine the role of zakat administration policy in Malaysia and its impact on the tax revenue in Federal Territory of Malaysia. The administration of zakat in Malaysia pertains to Islamic laws and customs. It lies under the jurisdiction of individual states. The practice of zakat is based on the Shariah while the taxation practice is based on the Malaysian Income Tax Act, established in 1967. Zakat is used as a fiscal policy tool whereby income tax payers were given 100 per cent rebates on zakat that they paid. Thus, the objective of this study is to identify the existence of the relationship between zakat and tax revenues in Federal Territory of Malaysia by employing various econometric procedures such as the unit root tests, the vector error-correction model (VECM), and the Granger causality tests and social justice for muslim taxpayers in discriptive. The finding shows that the existence of the long–run relationship or cointegration beetween zakat and tax revenue in Federal Territory of Malaysia. In the short–run, zakat influences tax significantly. In addition, zakat has a positive relationship in influencing tax. In other words, zakat could boost tax revenue in the Federal Territory of Malaysia both in the short–run and long–run. The last by this rebate, mainly Muslim zakat payers, will feel the justice by not imposing them a double tax accounting by the government. Keyword: Zakat, tax revenue, VECM, social justice.
1.
INTRODUCTION Zakat is an obligatory lbadah and a Rukn (pillar) of Islam ordained in the Qur'an along with the prayer. Zakat was also an obligatory lbadah during the times of other prophets in the past, which signifies its importance as an lbadah and also for its role in the socio-economic life of Muslims2. Zakat is not only an Ibadah, its significant role in the development of a healthy and peaceful social environment, which is full of mutual # Papers Presented at the Annual International Conference on Islamic Studies (AICIS) ke13 Direktorat Pendidikan Tinggi Islam Direktorat Jenderal Pendidikan Islam Kementerian Agama RI tanggal 18–21 Nopember 2013 di Mataram. 1 PhD Student in Islamic Finance, Faculty of Economics and Administration, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Lecturer Faculty of Economic, Islamic State University Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang. Email:
[email protected] 2 Maududi, Abul’Ala (1988). Ma,ashiaat-i-Islam, Islamic Publication, Lahore. pp. 303313
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cooperation and sympathy. Zakat is an obligatory tax levied on the wealth of Muslims and is the third pillar of Islam. Zakat is regarded as one of the most important sources of fund available within the Islamic economy and financial system. It produces economic and social benefits to the Muslim countries. It is the main mechanism used to reduce economic inequalities, poverty and other misery within the Muslim community. Moreover, zakat also form of social bonds and acts as a social security system among Muslims because in Islam all Muslims belong to the family of Islam. When they help each other, the entire society will get benefit, including the wealthy people who help others. Zakat is one of the five pillars of Islam. Zakat is not viewed solely from the perspective of religion as a form of religious rite but more than that, it plays an important role socially and economically in ensuring justice and economic welfare of the society as a whole. In this context, zakat serves as an instrument for the redistribution of wealth from the rich to the poor. Zakat means growth or increase. And by paying zakat we purify and clean our wealth and heart. All Muslim whose wealth is above the minimum zakatable limit (nisab) are required to pay zakat. Zakat also plays an important role in Islamic social welfare system, that is to alleviate poverty in Muslim nations. In Malaysia, the administration of zakat pertains to Islamic laws and customs. It lies under the jurisdiction of individual states. This is specifically laid down under Article 74(2) of Federal Constitution3. The management and administrative model of zakat in Malaysia, according to Constitution Clause 3 (4) which provides that Islam is under the authority of the Sultan or Raja for states with rulers and is under the King for states without rulers such as Federal Territory, including Labuan, Putrajaya and Kuala Lumpur. The administration of zakat in Malaysia is under the jurisdiction of the state government. In Malaysia, there are states which have corporatized the zakat institution and there are states which have not done so. States that have corporatized the zakat board are Federal Territory, Selangor, Penang, Pahang, Negeri Sembilan and Malacca. While the states have not corporatized the zakat institution are Johor, Terengganu, Perak, Kedah, Kelantan, Sarawak, and Perlis. Besides, in recent years, the government has acknowledged as well as encouraged Muslims taxpayers. Zakat can be deducted from individual income tax under the Income Tax Act 1967 Section 6A (3) for the current year4. Apart from that, in Malaysia, zakat payment deducts tax up to 100 3 Nawai, Norhaziah dan Marzuki, Ainulashikin. (2007). The Role of Zakat in Developing Muslims Economy. In Nik Salida Suhaila Nik Saleh et. Al (eds). The Development of Economics and Muamalat Practices: In Conjunction with the Renaming of KUIM to USIM. Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia. pp 3–14. 4 Pusat Pungutan Zakat MAIWP. (2001). Laporan Zakat Tahunan 2001. Malaysia. download from www.zakat.com.my/buku-laporan-tahunan-ppz.
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percent. According to the Income Tax Act 1967, those who pay zakat are exempted from paying income tax at the rate zakat is paid. This is stated in item 6A (1) of the act: 6A (1). Subject to this section income tax charged for each year of assessment upon the chargeable income of every individual resident for the basis year for that year shall be rebated for that year of assessment in accordance with subsection (3). A rebate shall be granted for a year of assessment for any zakat, fitrah or any other Islamic religious dues payment of which is obligatory and which are paid in the basis year for that year of assessment, and evidenced by a receipt issued by, an appropriate religious authority established under any written law. The zakat Collection Centre in the Federal Territory of Malaysia is an agency under the Majlis Agama Islam Wilayah Persekutuan (The Islamic Religious Council of Federal Territory) and is authorized to carry out its primary reponsibility to collect zakat. This zakat collection centre covers the three Federal Territories, namely: Kuala Lumpur, Putrajaya, and Labuan. On the other hand, the distribution of zakat in the Federal Territory is done by the Baitulmal which established in 1974. From these facts, it’s clear that public awareness to pay zakat is growing from year to year. This is most likely because the government gives incentives to the Muslims payer, so that encouraging Malaysian Muslims to pay zakat. The main problem to be discussed and debated until now, especially in Indonesia, is an incentive for Muslim taxpayers. Zakat is used as a reduction of income tax. The Law system for Muslim taxpayers in Indonesia, paying zakat only reduces gross income, it means that zakat payers still hit with a double tax accounting, so that the principles of justice achieved for zakat payers. In addition, among many economists who think that if zakat is used as a tax reduction, it will give negative effect on tax receipts. That is, if the charity is used as a tax reduction, it would reduce tax receipts. In this study will be reviewed in depth about the influence of zakat as a deduction income tax in Malaysia’s tax receipts. This study is very important because it will give a real picture of the influence of charity tax receipts, until the results of this study can be used as a basis in making zakat and tax policy in Indonesia. 2. THE ZAKAT AND TAX: AN OVERVIEW 2.1 The Zakat System in Malaysia: An Overview. Zakat is the third basic mandatory pillar of Islam and its importance is the same as the other four pillars. Zakat ensures that the wealth is distributed to the needy and thus eradicates poverty among the Muslims. According to Islam, sharing of wealth could be done among others trough zakat, taxation, sadaqat, waqaf, and Infaq. An Malaysia, zakat and taxation run in parallel with each other. Therefore, the administration
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of zakat in Malaysia lies with the respective Islamic Council of each state and the federal territories also have their own councils. Thus under this system all religious matters are under the jursidiction of each state in this country. Due to that, the quality of services provided by the respective Islamic Council in zakat administration is different from one state to the other. The practise of zakat is based on the Shariah while the taxation practise is based on the Malaysian Income Tax Act, established in 1967. In 1991, an innovative step was introduced by the Federal Territory Islamic Council by setting up Pusat Pungutan Zakat (PPZ) to administer the zakat collection in the Federal Territory. PPZ acted as an amil, which receives management fees, and since then has changed the focus of zakat collection in Malaysia.5 Followed by Selangor, in 2006, through Central Zakat Selangor (MAIS) elevated to the Board of Zakat Selangor (MAIS) privatized under the Trustee Act (Incorporation) Act 1952. With the privatization of Selangor Zakat Board to form The Selangor Zakat Board (LZS) followed by other states6. Tabel 1. The corporatized institution status in Malaysia No. corporatized institution status 1 Pusat Pungutan Zakat Wilayah Persekutuan , MAIWP 1 2 Lembaga Zakat Selangor, MAIS 2 3 Pusat Urusan Zakat Pulau Pinang, MAIPP 2 4 Pusat Pengumpulan Zakat Pahang, MAIP 1 5 Pusat Zakat Melaka, MAIM 1 6 Pusat Zakat Negeri Sembilan, MAINS 2 No. Non - corporatized institution status 1 Jabatan Zakat Negeri Kedah Darul Aman 2 Majlis Agama Islam Sarawak 3 Majlis Agama Islam dan Adat Istiadat Melayu Terengganu 4 Majlis Agama Islam dan Adat Istiadat Melayu Perlis 5 Majlis Ugama Islam Sabah 3 6 Majlis Agama Islam dan Adat Istiadat Melayu Kelantan 7 Majlis Agama Islam dan Adat Istiadat Melayu Perak 8 Majlis Agama Islam Negeri Johor 3 Source: Abd Halim Mohd Noor dan Azizan Dolah, 2006. 5 Suhaila Abd Hamid. (2007). The Zakat and Tax Practices for Individuals in Malaysia. In Nik Salida Suhaila Nik Saleh et. Al (eds). Ibid. pp.15–25. 6 Abd. Halim Mohd Noor dan Azizan Dolah. (2006). “Profesionalisasi/Pengperusahaanan Institusi Zakat Ke Arah Peningkatan Pengelolaan dan Tadbir Urus Zakat Yang Terbaik”. Makalah dipresentasikan dalam Konferensi Zakat Asia Tenggara: Membangun Peradaban dan Syi’ar Zakat Di Asia Tenggara. 30 Oktober s/d 3 November 2007, Padang Sumatera Barat.
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1. The zakat collection unit only 2. The zakat collection and zakat distribution unit 3. In proceess. Previously, the emphasis of zakat collection in Malaysia was only on zakat fitr and a smaller amount of zakat on wealth. However, in the recent years the management of the Islamic Councils has become more proactive and innovative in increasing the amount of zakat being collected. For instance, some authorities have introduced the use of auto teller machine (ATM) kiosk, internet transfer, implemented the monthly salary deductions and collabarated with banks to provide similar services offered by the Inland Revenue Board (IRB). The result of these innovative efforts perhaps could be seen from the significant amount being collected by the authorities7. For instance, Lembaga Zakat Selangor managed to surpass its target from RM145 millions to RM160 millions8. 2.2 The Taxation System in Malaysia: An Overview. Malaysia has experienced a fast wave of change and transparent taxation system in the country with the introduction of the self-assessment system. The self-assessment for individuals with employment income, businesses and partnership was started in the years of assessment 20049. Under this self-assessment system, taxpayers have greater responsibility to declare their income and the duties of the IRB are more focused on assisting and conducting tax audit on taxpayers. Comencing at the year 2004, individuals are charged with tax on gains or profits which are income in nature irrespective whether the income is received from inside Malaysia or foreign source remitted back to Malaysia and irrespective of resident status of the taxpayer. Individual taxpayers10 notify the IRB of their tax chargeability and submit the tax return before 30 April every year. For individual expatriates they must also inform the IRB within 2 months after arriving in Malaysia. Any changes in correspondence addres must be notified to the IRB within 3 months from the changes date. Under the self-assessment system, the taxpayer will determine his own tax changeability and has to pay any tax due before submitting the return to the IRB. Currently, taxpayers could submit their tax forms through e-filling and pay any tax due via banks. Suhaila Abd Hamid. (2007). Ibid. Normala. (2007). RM160 juta Kutipan Zakat 2006: Melebihi Sasaran. Berita zakat. Access 24 January 2007. http://www.ezakat.com.my/baru/sistem/berita2/baca.asp?jdno=411.p1. 9 A deduction on the amount of zakat on business income paid to the religious authority limited to 2.5% of the company’s aggregate income in the relevant year commencing Year of assessment 2005. 10 For Individual taxpayers, the amount of paid to the religious authority is 100% to reduced the tax payers. 7 8
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2.3 The Link Between Zakat and Taxation for Individuals In recent years, the government has acknowledged the role of zakat in enhancing the quality life of the society and encouraged the Muslims to pay zakat. The acknowledgement as well as the encouragement is given to Muslim taxpayers through two tax incentives. The first incentive is on the Schedular Tax Deduction (STD) payment which is imposed on those employed individuals who meet the minimum criteria stipulated by the Income Tax Act 1967. Effectively, from January 2000, an employed individual who deducts zakat from his employment income on monthly basis and at the same time is also subjected to STD payment by IRB could request from the employer to deduct the amount of monthly zakat from STD. Therefore, the amount of STD remitted the IRB is the net amount after deducting the zakat paid. If the amount of zakat deducted on monthly basis is more than or equal to the amount of STD, thus there is no STD remitted to IRB. The amount zakat paid is entitled to be claimed as rebates pursuant to Section 6A(3) of the Income Tax Act 1967. In addition, any payment which is related to Islamic religious due such as zakat fitr, is also entitled for rebates under the same section. However, if the amount of zakat paid is more than the final tax due, no refund will be granted by the IRB. Its means that the amount of zakat can be claimed rebates tax paid until 100%. In the 2005, budget for instance provides a new incentive for those corporate taxpayers who pay zakat on business income. A deduction on the amount of zakat on business income paid to the religious authority limited to 2.5% of the company’s aggregate income in the relevant year commencing year assessment 2005. 3.
LITERATURE REVIEW Ibrahim studied the effect of zakat distribution on income distribution to the poor and needy recipients of zakat in Selangor, Malaysia, based on the 2001-2002 data. His study found that the distribution of zakat managed to reduce poverty rate from 62 percent to 51 percent. Poverty gap is reduced from RM315 to RM281 while the income distribution gap is reduced from 59 percent to 53 percent. The Sen Index, which measures the pressure of poverty by taking into account the level of social welfare, has decreased from 0.47 to 0.32. The FGT index decreased from 0.27 to 0.17 in the Selangor. Reduction of poverty and income inequality reflects an increase in income to the zakat recipients as well as having an effect on the increase in public consumption11. 11 Ibrahim, Patmawati. Hj. (2007). Peranan Agihan Zakat dalam Meningkatkan Tahap Ekonomi Ummah. Paper Presented at Konvensyen Zakat dan Cukai Peringkat Kebangsaan 2007 di PWTC, Kuala Lumpur.
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Shirazi studied the effect of infaq fund in the reduction of poverty in the urban as well as in the rural areas of Pakistan. He found that infaq fund reduced poverty by 3.78 percent in urban areas and 2.06 percent in rural areas, and reduced poverty level by 2.16 percent throughout the whole of Pakistan. More importantly was the impact of infaq that could reduce poverty gap and severity of poverty index. Poverty gap declined by as much as 4.16 per cent and the severity of poverty gap was reduced to 8.62 per cent throughout Pakistan. Thus, the reduction of poverty would have an impact on the increase in public consumption, especially the poor recipients of zakat and infaq12. Metwally studied consumption behavior in Muslim countries by using the sample data of 24 Muslim countries from 1979 to 1989. Muslim countries in this study are the countries where the populations are at least 50 percent Muslim. He tested 12 of the econometric models of aggregate consumption, income and current prices and found the best regression analysis from the 12 models. The result of Metwally analysis showed that the aggregate consumption behaviour in 7 Muslim countries was pursuing the fixed income level, while 17 other countries having behaviour in pursuiting of a higher level of consumption. The limitation of the model is the enforcement of Islamic law in these Muslim countries13. 4. RESEACRH METHODOLOGY 4.1 Data This study uses the annual data from 1990 – 2009. The zakat collection data in the Federal Territory are collected from Annual Report of Zakat Collection Centre, Federal Territory of Malaysia and the data of Tax in the Federal Territory are gathered from the Department of Statistics of Malaysia and the Department of Auditing of Malaysia. 4.2 Specifications This study aims to identify the impact of zakat on tax revenue in Federal Territory of Malaysia. The model used in this study is based on a model developed by Von Firstenberg, Green dan Jeong14, Blackey15, Anderson,
12 Shirazi, Nasim Shah, 1994, An Analysis of Pakistan’s Poverty Problem and Its Allevaiation Through Infaq, Dissertation Doctor of Philosophy In Economics, International Institute of Islamic Economics, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan. 13 Metwally. (1995). Theory and Model in Islamic Economics. Translated Edition. PT. Bangkit Daya Insana. Jakarta. 14 Von Furstenberg, G., Green, R. J., & Jeong, J. H. (1995). Have taxes led government expenditures? The United States as a test case. Journal of Public Policy 3:pp 321 – 348. (See also (1986). Tax Spend, or spend and tax? Review of Economics and Statistics 68 (May): pp 179–188.)
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Wallace, and Warner16. However, the teory of the model is not fully acceptable in the model of zakat. So, the model can developed and join together with Kahf model17 and Metwally model18. In this study, we specify our model as: Where Tx is the total income tax revenue in the Federal Territory measured in Ringgit Malaysia (RM), Zk is the total zakat collection in the Federal Territory measured in Ringgit Malaysia (RM), β’s are the parameters to be estimated, and µ is the error term. The hypothesis is that the relationship between zakat collection and tax revenue is positive. The model is estimated in log form. The econometrics procedures used in this study include the unit root tests, the co-integration tests, the error–correction model (ECM), and the Granger causality with the bound tests19. The bound tests method was applied in the exogeneity Wald tests. The unit root tests is carried out on the time series data to check the stationarity of the variables in order to avoid the spurious regression. Using the bound testing approach to cointegration and error-correction models, developed within an autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) framework by Pesaran and Shin20. The ARDL approach does not involve pre-testing variables, which means that the test on the existence relationship between variables in level is applicable irrespective of whether the underlying regressors are purely I(0), purely I(1) or mixture of both. Furthermore, the ARDL method avoid the larger number of specification to be made in the standard cointegration 15 Blackley, P. (1986). Causality between revenues and expenditures and the size of the federal bugdet. Public Policy Finance Quarterly 14:pp 139–156. 16 Anderson, W., Wallace, M. S., & Warnet, J. T. (1986). Govenrment spending and taxation: what causes what? Southern Economic Journal. pp 630–639. 17 Kahf, Monzer. (1989). Zakat in Macro Economic Context, www.kahf.net/articles/english/ . See also Kahf, Monzer. (1999). The Performance of The Institution of Zakah Theory and Practice, International Conference on Islamic Economic Toward the 21st century, April 26-30, Kuala Lumpur. 18 Metwally, M. M. (1988). “Macroeconomic Models of Islamic Doctrine”. Departement of Economics, University of Queensland . 19 Pesaran, H. M., Shin, Y., & Smith, R. J. (2001). Bound Testing Approach to the Analysis of Level Relationship. Journal of Applied Econometrics, 16, 289 – 326. 20 Pesaran, H. M., & Shin, Y. (1995). A utoregressive Distribued Lag Modelling Approach to Cointegration Analysis. DAE Working Paper Series No. 9514. Department of Applied Economics, Uvinersity of Cambridge. (See also Pesaran, H. M., & Shin, Y. (1999). Autoregressive Distributed Lag Modelling Approach to Cointegration Analysis, Chapter 11, in: Storm, S., (ed). Econometrics and Economic Theory in the 20th Century: The Ragnar Frisch Centennial Symposium(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Pesaran, H. M., Shin, Y., & Smith, R. J. (1996). Testing the Existence of A Long-run Relationship. DAE Working Paper Series No. 9622. Department of Applied Economics, Uvinersity of Cambridge. And Pesaran, H. M. (1997). The Role of Economic Theory in Modelling the Long-run. Economic Journal, Vol 107. 178 – 191.)
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test. These include decisions regarding the number of endogenous and exogenous variables (if any) to be included, the treatment of deterministic elements, as well as the optimal number of lags to be specified. Basically, the ARDL Bound test approach cointegration21 involves estimating the conditional error correction (EC) version of the ARDL model as shown at equation (2) and (3). In this study, equation (1) is written in error-correction model (ECM) as suggested by Engle and Granger (1987) shown at equation (4) :
Where Δ is the first difference, εt are residual white noise, α and β are the short-run coefficient, and ECT is the error-correction terms which are the stationary residuals generated from the long-run co-integration regression. The F test is used for testing the existence of long-run relationship. When long-run relationship exist, F test indicates which variable should be normalized. The null hypothesis for no cointegration among variables is against
the
alternative
hypothesis
The F test has a non-standard distribution which depend on (i) whether variables included in model are I(0) or I(1), (ii) the number of regressors, and (iii) whether the model contains an intercept and/or a trend. 5. RESULTS 5.1 The Zakat Collection and the Tax Revenue in Federal Territory of Malaysia: Discriptive Analysis Income Tax Act 1967, enabling all individual Muslims to pay zakat enabled a reduction of income tax. Unlike the enterprise of charity, they are not allowed to make a deduction from the amount of corporate tax. Enterprise sector is allowed to use zakat payment to reduce the aggregate income of enterprises with total maximal RM50, 000. In 1978, the Malaysian government confirmed order payment of tithes for every individual can be a tax reduction. In 1990, the tax reduction was given to the enterprises that pay zakat with very small deduction. If the individual zakat payment can be 100 percent tax withholding, in 2005, the 21
Pesaran, H. M., Shin, Y., & Smith, R. J. (2001). Ibid.
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Malaysian government issued a decision to receive zakat enterprise into tax reduction of only 2.5%22.
a. Income Tax Act
Reduction in assessment should be given to all kinds of zakat payment, fitrah or other obligatory payments in Islam, and is paid in the same year, and is evidenced by a receipt issued by the relevant religious authorities established under the laws of the place. Table 2. Example 1. Calculation of the Tax based on Income Tax Act Individuals Income tax the year assessment Rp 1.500.000 2009 Zakat paid in 2009 Zakat Earnings / on Income Rp 350.000 Zakat on saving Rp 100.000 Zakat on Stock Rp 200.000 Zakat on Gold Rp 50.000 Qadha Zakat Rp 300.000 Total zakat Rp 1.000.000 The amount of tax to be paid Rp 500.000 Note: Based on example above, the amount of tax must be paid by the individual is Rp 500.000,00. Where a lesser extent that still has to be paid is largely tax payable reduced by payment of tithes by the individual concerned in the same year.
b. Taxes Act 1967 Section 6A (3) Based on the above ITA 1967, each payment of individual zakat, good charity or zakat fitrah rebate or reduce the income tax. Reduction is available only if the payment of zakat is made in the same year with income tax assessment. Table 3. Example 2. Calculation of Income Tax Individuals Income tax the year assessment 2009 Zakat paid in 2009 Zakat Earnings / on Income Zakat on saving Zakat on Stock Zakat on Gold Qadha Zakat for 2008
Rp 1.500.000 Rp 450.000 Rp 300.000 Rp 200.000 Rp 100.000 Rp 300.000
22 Mohd. Shukor, (2007). Layanan Bayaran Zakat Mengikut Peruntukan Akta Cukai Pendapatan 1967. Kertas kerja dibentangkan dalam Konvensyen Zakat dan Cukai Peringkat Kebangsaan 2007 di PWTC, Kuala Lumpur.
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Qadha Zakat for 2007 RP 250.000 Total zakat Rp 1.600.000 The amount of tax to be paid NIHIL Note: Based on the above example, the amount of tax to be paid by the individual is NIHIL, or the individual is not obliged to pay taxes. This is mainly due to the total zakat paid substantially larger than the obligation on the income tax of individuals.
c. Zakat Deduction Under the Income Tax Act 1967 on Industry. a. Offshore Industry/ Enterprise/Corporation/Company Zakat payment confirmed as reducing income taxes under the Tax Act Offshore Trading Labuat 1990 (LOBATA). Under LOBATA, enterprises have two (2) payment options: 1) Company tax burden of 3 % of net profits, or 2) Companies can choose to pay taxes RM20,000.00 For companies in Labuan Offshore, zakat can be used as an income tax reduction as large as zakat is paid. For example: PT. AZT is an offshore company, providing reports net profit of the Labuan Offshore effort during the year ended 31/12/2007 as big as RM 1,000,000. This company pays zakat for the year as big as RM 25,000.00 The Income Tax calculation for the year 2007 is: Net profit RM1, 000,000 Lease of RM 1,000,000 x 3 % = RM 30,000 Minus: Zakat RM25,000 Tax that must be paid RM5,000 If the firm chooses to pay lease RM 20,000 then the calculation is: Lease = RM 20,000 Zakat deducted RM 25,000 Tax that must be paid NIHIL b. Enterprise/Corporation/Company Zakat payments certified as tax reduction under section 44 (11A) of the ITA 1967. With the effect from year of assessment 2005, zakat is used as a reduction of income before taxes, and the amount of Muslims charity is 2.5% maximum.
4. Reconciliation of Zakat Payment with Monthly Tax Deduction. Payment for all types of zakat can be reduced from individual income taxes payable provided the charity before December 31 of each year and set in from the return or income tax forms. Every Muslim who has to pay zakat
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can claim this reduction by attaching original receipt and sent to the Inland Revenue Board System Tax Deduction (STD). Example 1: Example 2: PCBs for February PCB for May 2008 2008 Zakat paid: RM55 Zakat paid: RM85 PCBs should be cut: RM95 PCBs should be cut: RM50 PCBs have to be cut RM40 PCBs have to be cut: Nihil Note: The advantage of zakat RM35 (RM85 - RM50) in Example 2 can be used to reduce PCBs in the following month, but only in the same year. With this incentive, the collection of zakat will increase a high enough income. The comparison between the amount of zakat collection and the tax collection in the table 4 shows that the amount of zakat collection was higher than the tax collection. In 1997 the collection of zakat revenue reached RM91.45 million, or as large as 1.4 % compared to income tax collection RM6 532 million increase to RM641.67 million or as large as 4.12% of income tax collections of RM15, 574.59 million. Rebate that was given expressly did not reduce government income tax receipts. This can be seen in the table and the graphic below. The table 4 shows that the increase acceptance of zakat is not lowering the income tax receipts. The increase acceptance of zakat is also followed by a rise in government tax receipts. This means that the government fears of the rebate against tax would lower tax receipts is baseless. Table 4. Comparison of Zakat Collection on Individual Income and Tax Collection on Individual Income of the Federal Territory Comparison
Years
Federal Territory Tax Zakat (RM million) (RM million)
1997
6532
91.45
1,40%
1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
6869 6447 7042 8399 7109 7572 9471 10,222.92 10,409.65 11,592.18
98.56 102.21 117.60 148.80 152.28 191.56 246.24 281.13 299.42 368.63
1,43% 1,59% 1,67% 1,77% 2,14% 2,53% 2,60% 2,75% 2,88% 3,18%
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2008 14,346.52 492.25 3,43% 2009 15,574.59 641.67 4,12% Source: Lembaga Hasil Dalam Negeri (LHDN, manyTahun),Laporan Zakat Tahunan (PPZ, many tahun) Graph 1.Income tax and Zakat on income
Income Tax RM (million) 20.000,00 15.000,00 10.000,00 5.000,00 -
Very impressive increase is likely due to the measures taken by the government to provide tax rebate on the payment of zakat. Futhermore, by this rebate, mainly Muslim zakat payers, will feel the justice by not imposing them a double tax accounting by the government. That is, if they have to pay zakat on income, it can be used as a reduction of income taxes payable land subsidence, up to 100%. In addition, with the reduction will provide incentives and encouragement to people to meet their obligations. Based on the percentage above, it can be concluded that zakat is potentially used as one of Malaysia's fiscal policy, particularly in the state fiscal policies. 5.2 The Unit Root Test
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Prior to the testing of cointegration, we conducted a test of order of integration for each variable using Augmented Dickey-Fuller23, PhillipsPerron, PP24 (see Table 5). Even though the ARDL framework does not require pre-testing variables to be done, the unit root test could convenience us whether or not the ARDL model should be used. The results in Table 4 show that there is a mixture of I(1) and I(0) of underlying regressors and therefore, the ARDL testing could be proceeded. Table 5. Results of ADF Tests for Unit Root Variable ADF test statistic PP test statistic (with trend and intercept (with trend and intercept) Level First Level First Difference Difference Tx -1.085228 -3.9841362** -1.130659 -4.074822** Zk -0.967532 -4.1405867** -1.327328 -4.752045** Note: ** indicates significant at 5% level. The next step is estimated to examine the long-run relationships among the variables. As sugested by Pesaran and Shin25, since the observation as annual, we chose 2 as the maximum order of lags in the ARDL and estimate for the period of 1990 – 2009. In fact, we also used the Schwarz-Bayesian criteria (SBC) to determine the optimal number of lags to be included in the conditonal ECM (error correction model), whilst ensuring there was no evidence of serial correlation. The lag lenght that minimizes SBC is one. The calculated F-statistics for the cointegration test is dispplayed in Table 5. Table 6: F-statistic of Cointegration Relationship with Bound Test Model States F-Statistik Federal Territory 5.9807** Note. UCB value at 5% = 5.473, 1% = 7.873 LCB value at 5% = 4.267, 1% = 6.183 ** indicates significant at 5% level 5.3 Engel-Granger Causality Tests 23 Dickey, D. & Fuller, W. A. (1979). Distribution of the Estimators for Autoregressive Time series with a Unit Root. Journal of American Statistical Association, 74, 427 – 431. (See also Dickey, D. & Fuller, W. A. (1981). Likelihood Ratio Statistic for Autoregressive Time Series with a Unit Root. Econometrica, 49, 1057 – 1072.) 24 Phillips, P. C. B. & Perron, P. (1988). Testing for a Unit Root in Time Series regression. Biometrica, 75, 335 – 446. 25 Pesaran, H. M., & Shin, Y. (1999). Ibid. See also Narayan, P. K. 2005. The Govenrment Revenue and Government Expenditure nexus: Empirical Evidence from Nine Asian Countries. Journal of Asian Economics 15: 1203 – 1216.
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Engel and Granger26 says that if the data co integrated in the long run then any disturbance to the imbalance is temporary and can be shown by the Error Correction Model (ECM) as in equation 3 above . Furether more, Engel and Granger27, states that if there are two variables cointegrated time series data or long-run relationship exists, then at least there is a causative relationship between the two variables. Since co integration tests in this study acknowledge the existence of a long-term relationship, then of the Granger Causality testing to be done28. This relationship causes important reasons for testing the hypotheses that the collection of zakat is the cause of the collection of taxes or otherwise, the collection of taxes as a cause of zakat collection. To test the theory endoginity, refers to the hypothesis in equation (9) and (10). Causative relationship between charity and taxes incurred in the ARDL model as equation (3) and (11). Granger causality test29 is used. However, if the variable - co integrated variables in the first degree or integration with one or I (0), then the delayed error correction term should be included in the model before testing Granger cause possible reasons. Failure to take into account the delayed error correction will result in a test conducted, produced specification error model (model misspecification)30. Therefore, testing grounds Granger causes the version to be estimated vector error correction model (Vector Error Correction Model / VECM) as follows: H0: there is no relationship between the variables studied (9) H1: there is a relationship between the variables studied (10)
Where Δ is the symbol of differentiation, also is the error / residual (white noise), and α and β are the coefficients of the variables that need to be 26 Engle, R. F., & Granger, C. W. J. (1987). Co-integration and error Correction: Representation, estimation and testing. Econometrica 55: 251 – 276. 27 Engle, R. F., & Granger, C. W. J. (1987). Ibid. (See also Granger, C. W. J. (1988). Causality, Cointegration and Coontrol. Journal of Economic Dynamics and Control, 12. 551 – 559.) 28 Norlida, H. M. S., Othman, R., & Sarmidi, T. (2012). Pelaburan langsung asing dan perkembangan pelancongan: Kointegrasi dan ujian penyebab granger di sepuluh destinasi utama pelancongan. International Journal of Management Studies (IJMS) 19(1). 193 – 210. 29 Granger, C. W. J. (1969). Investigating Causal relationship by econometric models and cross-spectral methods. Econometrica July: 424 – 438. 30 Engle, R. F., & Granger, C. W. J. (1987). Op cit. (See also Toda, H. Y., & Phillips, P. C. B. (1993). Vectors Autoregression and Causallity. Econometrica 61: 1367 – 1393.)
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estimated, and refers to the collection of zakat and tax revenue from the states in Malaysia. If the null hypothesis is not rejected, that means no relationship Granger cause of short-run relationship for the series studied. But if the null hypothesis is rejected, then there is a short-run relationship between zakat and tax or tax and zakat. Granger Causality test results with ECM methods are shown in Table 6. Table 6 shows the Granger Causality in the short-term and long-term in the Federal Territory of Malaysia. Table 7. The Result of ARDL Approach on ECM Model. State Depende ΔLZaka ΔTax FΔConsta ECT nt Statistik t nt Variables Federal ΔLZakat 0.3201* 0.2014* 8.1109* Territo ** * 0.2015* ** ry (2.1412) ** ΔLCukai 0.4709 (4.281) ** (9.0908* (2.1006 0.8205* 3.0115) ** ) ** (4.0108) 0.3265* * (2.1076) **, indicates significant at 5% level *** indicates significant at 1% level However, from the analysis above shows that zakat certainly gives influence on Malaysia’s tax revenue either short term or long term, so that zakat can be used as one of the state government's fiscal policy in Malaysia. Zakat and tax can move in parallel. Thus, charity is not a rival to the tax, but it can complement each other. Zakat is a collection of expenditure savings or distribution to overcome poverty, social welfare and emergency assistance. It is a contrast to the tax. Taxes are used for the general expenses. However, the general expenses shall cover the distribution of poverty and social welfare too. Therefore, zakat can help complement the government's role in social welfare which has not been met by general government production. Until, the government can participate and contribute effectively to the development of the state as a whole. That means, the more zakat fund collected, the more extensive role played by the distribution of alms and the more space that can be supported by the charity which has to be borne by the government through general spending and tax collection. The increase in the distribution of zakat in the short term will increase the income of the recipient charity. In multiplier, it
652 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
will impact on the income, consumption and investment so that it will influence the increase in tax collection. Therefore, if the government gives a rebate or deduction for businesses, it does not mean a loss for the government. Contrarily, it will give more profit to the government. Such a case can occur because of two factors. Firstly, with the tax rebate, businesses will be given encouragement to provide a more transparent report to the government. Secondly, if the collection of zakat business grew, it will increase the share of zakat. Furthermore, the government spending to poverty and social welfare will be more accomodated. A long-run implication of tax collection is that it will increase as incomes rise and poverty decrease. Thirdly, the traders will be more comfortable and more enthusiasm to fulfill their zakat and tax obligations in the common manner and without double taxation. Thus, traders will increasingly comfortable in doing business so as they will increase the quantity and quality of their business, and subsequently will improve the collection of zakat and taxation. This case will be different if the dealer does not get a tax rebate for zakat payers. They are burdened with the double taxations, so many traders strive to perform avoidance (Avoidance of tax) and even avoidance (Evasion of tax) tax payment for multiple loads. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS In conclusion, the results of this study demonstrate that there is a positive relationship and has Grenger causality between zakat and tax in Federal Territory of Malaysia. This means that the charity can be used as one of the state government's fiscal policy in Malaysia. Zakat and tax can move in parallel. Thus, charity is a policy that can mutually complement each other. Zakat can help complement the government's role in social welfare which has not been met by general government production. Until, the government can participate and contribute effectively to the development of the state as a whole. A growing number of collection of zakat funds, the more extensive role played by the distribution of zakat, the more space can be supported by the charity which has to be borne by the government through general spending and tax. The increase in the distribution of zakat in the short term will increase the income of the recipient charity, and in the long-term will impact on the multiplier like the income, consumption, and investment so that it will impact on the increase in taxpayers and will be impact on the tax collection.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 653
References Abd.
Halim Mohd Noor dan Azizan Dolah. (2006). “Profesionalisasi/Pengurusan Institusi Zakat Ke Arah Peningkatan Pengelolaan dan Tadbir Urus Zakat Yang Terbaik”. Makalah dipresentasikan dalam Konferensi Zakat Asia Tenggara: Membangun Peradaban dan Syi’ar Zakat Di Asia Tenggara. 30 Oktober s/d 3 November 2007, Padang Sumatera Barat. Anderson, W., Wallace, M. S., & Warner, J. T. 1986. Government Spending and Taxation: What Causes What? Southern Economic Journal 630 – 639. Blackley, P. 1986. Causality between Revenues and Expenditures and the Size of the Federal Budget. Public Finance Quaterly 14: 139 – 156. Dickey, D. & Fuller, W. A. 1979. Distribution of the Estimators for Autoregressive Time series with a Unit Root. Journal of American Statistical Association, 74, 427 – 431. Dickey, D. & Fuller, W. A. 1981. Likelihood Ratio Statistic for Autoregressive Time Series with a Unit Root. Econometrica, 49, 1057 – 1072. Engle, R. F., & Granger, C. W. J. 1987. Co-integration and error Correction: Representation, estimation and testing. Econometrica 55: 251 – 276. Granger, C. W. J. 1969. Investigating Causal relationship by econometric models and cross-spectral methods. Econometrica July: 424 – 438. Granger, C. W. J. 1988. Causality, Cointegration and Coontrol. Journal of Economic Dynamics and Control, 12. 551 – 559. Ibrahim, Patmawati. Hj. 2007. Peranan Agihan Zakat dalam Meningkatkan Tahap Ekonomi Ummah. Paper Presented at Konvensyen Zakat dan Cukai Kebangsaan 2007 di PWTC, Kuala Lumpur. Kahf, Monzer. (1989). Zakat in Macro Economic Context, www.kahf.net/articles/english/ . See also Kahf, Monzer. (1999). The Performance of The Institution of Zakah Theory and Practice, International Conference on Islamic Economic Toward the 21st century, April 26-30, Kuala Lumpur. Maududi, Abul’Ala. 1988. Ma’ashiaat-i-Islam, Islamic Publication, Lahore. Pp.303-313 Metwally, M. M. (1988). “Macroeconomic Models of Islamic Doctrine”. Departement of Economics, University of Queensland. Metwally. (1995). Theory and Model in Islamic Economics. Translated Edition. PT. Bangkit Daya Insana. Jakarta.
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Mohd. Shukor, 2007. Layanan Bayaran Zakat Mengikut Peruntukan Akta Cukai Pendapatan 1967. Kertas kerja dibentangkan dalam Konvensyen Zakat dan Cukai Peringkat Kebangsaan 2007 di PWTC, Kuala Lumpur. Narayan, P. K. 2005. The Govenrment Revenue and Government Expenditure nexus: Empirical Evidence from Nine Asian Countries. Journal of Asian Economics 15: 1203 – 1216. Nawai, Norhaziah dan Marzuki. Ainulashikin. 2007. The Role of Zakat in Developing Muslim Economy. In Nik Salida Suhaila Nik Saleh et al. (eds). The Development of Economics and Muamalat Practices: In Conjunction with the Renaming of KUIM to USIM. Universiti Sain Islam Malaysia. pp. 3-14. Normala. 24 January 2007. RM160 juta Kutipan Zakat 2006: Melebihi Sasaran. http://www.ezakat.com.my/baru/sistem/berita2/baca.asp?jdno=411.p1. Pesaran, H. M. 1997. The Role of Economic Theory in Modelling the Long-run. Economic Journal, Vol 107. 178 – 191. Pesaran, H. M. & Pesaran, B. 1997. Microfit 4.0 (England: Oxford University Press) Pesaran, H. M., & Shin, Y. 1995. A utoregressive Distribued Lag Modelling Approach to Cointegration Analysis. DAE Working Paper Series No. 9514. Department of Applied Economics, Uvinersity of Cambridge. Pesaran, H. M., & Shin, Y. 1999. Autoregressive Distributed Lag Modelling Approach to Cointegration Analysis, Chapter 11, in: Storm, S., (ed). Econometrics and Economic Theory in the 20th Century: The Ragnar Frisch Centennial Symposium(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press). Pesaran, H. M., Shin, Y., & Smith, R. J. 2001. Bound Testing Approach to the Analysis of Level Relationship. Journal of Applied Econometrics, 16, 289 – 326. Pesaran, H. M., Shin, Y., & Smith, R. J. 1996. Testing the Existence of A Long-run Relationship. DAE Working Paper Series No. 9622. Department of Applied Economics, Uvinersity of Cambridge. Phillips, P. C. B. & Perron, P. 1988. Testing for a Unit Root in Time Series regression. Biometrica, 75, 335 – 446. Pusat Pungutan Zakat MAIWP. (2001). Laporan Zakat Tahunan 2010, Malaysia, diunduh dari www.zakat.com.my/buku-laporan-tahunanppz . Shirazi, Nasim Shah. 1994. An Analysis of Pakistan’s Poverty Problem and Its Allevaiation Through Infaq, Dissertation Doctor of Philosophy In
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Economics, International Institute of Islamic Economics, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan. Suhaila Abdul Hamid. (2007). The Zakat and Tax Practices for Individuals In Malaysia. Dalam Nik Salida Suhaila Nik Saleh, et. Al. ed, The Development of Economics and Muamalat Practices. In Conjunction with the Renaming of KUIM to USIM, Bandar Baru Nilai. Negeri Sembilan Darul Khusus. Toda, H. Y., & Phillips, P. C. B. 1993. Vectors Autoregression and Causallity. Econometrica 61: 1367 – 1393. Toda, H. Y., & Yamamoto, T. 1995. Statistical Inference in Vector Autoregressions with Possibly Integrated Processes. Journal of Econometrics 66: 225 – 250. Von Furstenberg, G., Green, R. J., & Jeong, J. H. 1985. Have Taxes Led Government Expenditures? The United States as a Test Case. Journal of Public Policy 3: 321 – 348.
FIQHI KERATON: Diskursus Hukum Islam dalam Bingkai Tradisi Lokal pada Masyarakat Buton Muhammad Alifuddin
[email protected] Abstrak: Tulisan ini adalah upaya akademik untuk menjelaskan fenomena pengamalan hukum Islam (baca: fiqhi) yang mewujud dalam sistem sosial dan budaya masyarakat Keraton Buton, sekaligus untuk memperoleh gambaran mendalam tentang implikasi sistem sosial dan budaya terhadap pemahaman fiqhi pada ruang sejarah masyarakat Buton. Seluruh data dalam tulisan ini diperoleh melalui serangkain wawancara mendalam, observasi dan telaah dokumen. Untuk memperoleh kesimpulan, maka data-data tentang fokus masalah dianalisis secara kritis. Kesimpulan kajian menunjukkan bahwa; sekalipun Islam bagi masyarakat Buton telah menjadi basis ideologi kultural, namun dalam tataran empirik warna dan corak budaya lokal masih mewarnai pengamalan keagamaan mereka. Pengamalan keagamaan masyarakat Buton secara ideologis selalu merujuk pada pemahaman keraton, yang dapat dinyatakan sebagai fiqhi keraton. Fiqhi keraton adalah prodak ijtihad yang didesain berdasarkan karakter lokal masyarakatnya, yang merupakan hasil dari proses pergumulan antara hukum Islam dengan tradisi lokal. Legitimasi dari eksistensi fiqhi keraton, paling tidak dapat dirujuk pada sejarah perkembangan pemikiran hukum Islam, yang memberikan ruang akomodasi atas tradisi, di atas landasan paradigmatik “adat al-muhakkamat”. Fiqhi Keraton secara prinsip dikonstruksi di atas landasan semangat pembaruan metodologis, yaitu dengan melakukan reinterpretasi, dimana teks dipandang sebagai sesuatu yang “hidup”. Konten fiqhi keraton berpijak pada asumsi pembaruan yang berada pada level etis, yang didasarkan atas prinsip kewajaran sosial yang rasional dan empirik. Sedangkan dalam tataran epsitemologis, fiqhi keraton adalah pengejawantahan dari gagasan fiqhi sebagai konsep yang terbuka dan dinamis dalam menghadapi realitas social budaya yang berkembang. Kata kunci: Fiqhi Keraton, Islam dan Budaya lokal.
A. Latar Belakang Studi tentang kaitan Islam dan kebudayaan dengan lokus masyarakat Buton telah banyak dilakukan oleh para peneliti. Salah satu tulisan yang banyak dirujuk oleh para peneliti kebutonan adalah karya Abdul Mulku Zahari: Adat Fi Darul Butuni,1 yang mengurai tentang sejarah dan adat istiadat Buton. Tulisan Zahari merupakan karya enskolopedis tentang Buton yang lebih menitik beratkan pada aspek kesejarahan. Selain 1 Abdul Mulku Zahari, Adat Fi Darul Butuni, Kebudayaan,1977)
~ 656 ~
(Jakarta: Proyek Pengembangan
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 657
Zahari, Pim Scoorl seorang antropolog asal Belanda juga melakukan penelitian tentang budaya dan masyarakat Buton. Demikian pula tulisan yang merupakan hasil disertasi Abdul Rahim Yunus, Posisi Tasawuf dalam Sistem Kekuasaan di Kesultanan Buton Abad XIX. 2Satu lagi tulisan atau hasil penelitian tentang Islam Buton (2007) yang dilakukan oleh Muhammad Alifuddin.3 Sejumlah tulisan di atas, mengarah pada satu kesimpulan; bahwa dalam persepektif sejarah, Islamisasi di Buton merupakan proses yang bersifat evolusioner. Diawali oleh konversi kekuasaan lokal ke dalam Islam pada abad ke-16, kemudian berkembang ke tingkat rakyat bawah. Pembentukan tradisi Islam pada sistem sosial budaya masyarakat berada dalam suatu ruang yang sarat dengan proses dialektis antara Islam dengan tradisi lokal. Oleh karena itu, sekalipun pada abad ke-17 Islam dinyatakan sebagai landasan konstitusional atau sumber “hukum”, tetapi tidak berarti pengaruh Islam bersifat tunggal tanpa pengaruh budaya lokal. Dalam banyak hal eksistensi budaya lokal masih tetap “kukuh” baik dalam sistem sosial kemasyarakatan maupun dalam sistem religi masyarakat setempat.4 Dalam kondisi hubungan yang dialektis seperti yang digambarkan, maka Islam dituntut untuk mampu mendefinisikan keberadaannya di dalam budaya lokal, dan sebaliknya budaya lokal secara bertahap mendefinisikan keberadaannya dalam Islam. Dengan kata lain, konversi masyarakat terhadap Islam lebih menunjukkan pada suatu proses panjang menuju “kompromi” yang lebih besar terhadap “eksklusivisme” Islam. Kendatipun sejumlah tulisan di atas telaahnya terkait dengan problem Islam, kesejarahan dan budaya yang berkembang pada masyarakat Buton, namun belum ada yang secara spesifik mengungkap tentang kaitan fiqhi dengan tradisi dan politik lokal di Buton sebagaimana yang akan dikaji dalam tulisan ini.5 Berangkat dari kenyataan tersebut, maka penulis tertarik untuk mendeskripsikan sekaligus menelaah diskursus dan fenomena pengamalan hukum Islam (baca: fiqhi) yang mewujud dalam sistem social dan budaya masyarakat Keraton Buton. Dengan tema tersebut, tulisan ini bertujuan untuk memperoleh gambaran mendalam tentang implikasi sistem sosial dan budaya terhadap fiqhi pada ruang sejarah masyarakat Buton, sekaligus untuk megetahui faktor-faktor yang melatari dan membentuk fiqhi keraton sebagai implikasi dari tekanan budaya lokal. 2Abdul Rahim Yunus, Posisi Tasawuf dalam Sistem Kekuasaan di Kesultanan Buton Abad XIX, (Jakarta : INIS, 1995) 3 Muhammad Alifuddin, Islam Buton (Interaksi Islam dengan Budaya Lokal),(Jakarta: Balitbang depag RI, 2007) 4 Ibid 5 Tulisan Schoorl misalnya lebih banyak mengulas tentang budaya masyarakat, sedangkan tulisan Yunus lebih fokus pada aspek tasawuf dalam hubungannya dengan sistem kekuasaan.
658 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
Seluruh data yang dimuat dalam tulisan ini diperoleh melalui serangkaian wawancara, observasi, dan telaah terhadap sejumlah dokumen/naskah klasik Buton. Data-data terkait fokus kajian yang diperoleh di lapangan, dianalitis secara kritis sebelum dituangkan dalam tulisan. Dengan demikian, tulisan ini diharapkan dapat memberi informasi akurat dan sistematis tentang tema yang diangkat. B.
Determinisme Budaya Lokal dalam Tradisi Fiqhi di Buton: Beberapa contoh Kasus Perpaduan antara nilai lokal dengan Islam di Indonesia merupakan realitas tak terbantahkan, sehingga hal tersebut tampaknya telah menjadi kecenderungan umum, termasuk orang Buton. Hal ini disebabkan karena sebelum Islam tiba, berbagai macam adat kuno dan kepercayaan lokal menjadi bagian tak terpisahkan dari praktek kehidupan masyarakat dan telah menyatu dalam sistem sosial budaya masyarakat Indonesia. Ketika Islam datang, agama ini berhadapan atau bertemu dengan kenyataan tersebut. Menurut Geertz, kepercayaan tersebut justru diakomodir oleh “Islam” dan pada akhirnya disinkretisasikan dengan tradisi lokal, seperti yang dapat dilihat pada tipologi Islam abangan di Jawa.6 Sebagaimana Geertz, Schwarz menyebutkan; “Islam dengan segelintir pengecualian, dipraktekkan di seluruh Indonesia sebagai agama tradisional rakyat, dimana-mana (terlihat) Islam di satukan dengan kepercayaan lokal. 7 Dalam proses selanjutnya, sebagai akibat dari “percampuran” yang sedemikian rupa, menjadikan masyarakat sulit untuk membedakan mana yang merupakan adat dan mana yang merupakan ajaran agama. Dalam konteks masyarakat Buton, kondisi ini semakin dikukuhkan dengan tidak jelasnya perbedaan antara pengertian agama dan adat dalam pespektif orang Buton. Terkadang “agama” dimaknai sebagai “adat” demikian pula sebaliknya, hal ini dapat diperhatikan pada penerjemahan dua kata tersebut seperti yang dilakukan Zahari terhadap tuntunan kehidupan atau etik birokrat kerajaan, yang tersimpul dalam kalimat: “Taposangu, taposanguyaku adati. Tapoga-a, tapoga-aka adati” Artinya ; “Bersatu, bersatukan karena agama. Bercerai berceraikan agama”8 Kata ”adati” oleh Zahari diterjemahkan dengan agama. Landasan argumen dari terjemahan tersebut didasarkan pada filosofi masyarakat Buton yang menjadikan atau menempatkan agama dalam posisi terpenting 6 Clifford Geertz, Islam Observed (Chicago : The University of Chicago Press, 1975), hlm. 28/ Adam Scwarz, A Nation in Waiting Indonesia in 1990s, (Australia : Allen and Unwin Pty Ltd, 1994), hlm. 165/ 7 Adam Scwarz, A Nation in Waiting Indonesia in 1990s, (Australia : Allen and Unwin Pty Ltd, 1994), hlm. 165/ 8Zahari, Sejarah…..hlm. 134
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bagi kehidupan mereka, yang harus didahulukan dari; harta, diri dan negara. Penerjemahan ”adat” dengan makna agama meski tidak dapat diartikan sebagai dua hal yang identik dan persis, tetapi dalam banyak hal keduanya hampir tidak dapat dipisahkan. Pengaitan agama dengan adat atau sebaliknya dari sudut padang singkronis dapat dikatakan sebagai bagian dari world view orang Buton, sedang dari sudut pandang diakronis, baik agama dan adat keduanya telah mengalami proses kesinambungan dan perubahan. Dalam realitasnya perpaduan antara kultur lokal dan agama (baca: Islam) dapat dilihat dalam berbagai corak yang termanifestasi dalam kehidupan masyarakat Islam Buton. Berikut ini akan dideskripsikan beberapa contoh kasus yang merupakan hasil ”perkawinan” adat/budaya lokal dengan hukum Islam.9
1. Kankilo : Thaharah dalam Perspektif Orang Buton
Dalam kumpulan naskah-naskah klasik peninggalan para ulama di Buton, terdapat beberapa naskah yang menjelaskan atau membahas tentang tatacara bersuci (thaharah). Salah satu diantaranya ditulis oleh Sultan Muhammad Idrus Qaimuddin (1824-1851), dengan judul: fakihi (baca:Fiqhi). Sesuai dengan namanya, buku ini membahas tentang beberapa aspek mengenai masalah fiqhi, khususnya masalah thaharah. Hal ini dapat disimak dalam kata pengantar buku tersebut sebagai berikut : Kupebaangi Kutula-tula Kangkilo Aku mulai menceritakan kebersihan Osiytumo Puuna Pai amala Itulah pohonnya segala amal Kapupuana Bicarana Sambaheya Kesudahan masalah hukum sembahyang Osyitumo Ariyna Islamu10 Itulah tiangnya Islam Bagi orang Buton, ritual bersuci (didalamnya tercakup wudlu, istinja, mandi janabat dan berbagai assesorisnya) telah menjadi bagian dari tradisi mereka yang hingga kini hidup dan dipelihara, ritual bersuci tersebut mereka namakan kankilo. Secara substansial kankilo adalah ritual bersuci11 yang dalam tradisi Islam dapat disejajarkan dengan thaharah. Meskipun secara teknis metodologis terdapat beberapa perbedaan antar kedua tradisi, namun bagi orang Buton kankilo adalah thaharah, dan thaharah adalah kankilo. Kankilo sebagai konsep thaharah
Alifuddin, Islam……h. 360 Muhammad Idrus Qaimuddin, Fakihi, (Bau-Bau : tp. t.th), hlm. 3 11 Kankilo, secara literal mengandung arti, suci, bersuci atau pensucian diri; JC. Anceaux, Wolio Dictionary (Wolio-English-Indobesia) (USA Holland Providence, 1987), h.66/ 9
10
660 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
yang hidup dalam kultur Buton, merupakan ijtihad ulama setempat yang berhasil mengawinkan antara Islam dengan tradisi local. Dengan demikian, kankilo pada prinsipnya adalah thaharah yang lahir dari konstruksi masyarakat muslim lokal, yang juga didasarkan atas prinsip-prinsip norma yang termuat dalam Qur’an dan hadis, sehingga dapat dinyatakan bahwa kankilo adalah fiqhi thaharah berbasis budaya lokal. Berikut ini akan dideskripsikan beberapa konsep kankilo yang hidup dalam kultur orang Buton hingga kini, yang mengurai tentang istinja dan wudlu. a. Istinja: dalam Kangkilo Patangauna disebutkan sebagai berikut: Setelah najis keluar, kita mengambil batu atau kayu-kayu yang tidak berguna dan kering. Kemudian disapu sampai kering, kemudian dijaga dengan hati-hati jangan sampai najis tersebut mengenai kulit yang lainnya. Jika najis tersebut mengenai kulit yang lainnya, tidak sah mencebok karena gosokan merupakan istinja awal. Kemudian kita mencebok atau membasuhnya, pertama-tama ibu jari kita membasuh pusar kita. Telunjuk kita membasuh selangkang kita disebelah kanan, kelingking kita membasuh pangkal paha disebelah kiri kita, jari tengah membasuh surga, jari manis kita membasuh neraka, tiga kali sebelah kanan tiga kali sebelah kiri. Kemudian seterusnya putar kanan terus sampai hilang sisa-sia najis itu, huruf dal asal tanah. Jika telah kesat atau bersih perasaan kita maka niatkanlah menghilangkan sisa najis itu menjadi huruf mim asal air. Jika telah resah perasaan kita maka pandangilah air seakan-akan menghilangkan huruf najis itu menjadi huruf Ha asal angin. Setelah bersih perasaan kita renungkanlah menghilangkan keragu-raguan najis di alam diri kita huruf alif asal api, kemudian mencuci zurriyyat adal tiga kali sambil membaca: Allahumma thahri qalbi minal nifaqi wahasinu farji minalfawahisyi ( Ya Allah ya Tuhanku sucikanlah hatiku dari sifat munafiq dan sucikanlah kemaluanku dari segala yang kotor).12 b. Wudhu: konsep wudhu dalam Kangkilo Patangauna disebutkan sebagai berikut: 12 Amapupuaka inaisi molimba itu taalamo batu atawa okau-kau, inda mokoampadea momatau. Kasimpo tapenkuri pokawaaka omatau onajisi itu. Maka janganiya booli ajampe ikuli mosaganana najisi itu. Barangkala ajampe ikuli mosaganana indamo osaha itu tapekaobusa karana tapenkuri itu osytumo istingga awwali. Kasimpo tapekaobusa, baabaana onganga ogeta abanui puseta syahadata abanui puuna kalata ikana. Kancilita abanui kancilta puuna kalata ikai lakina limata ibanui syoroga. Sosota ibanui narakaa talu wulinga palikana talu wulinga palikaai.Kasimpo tapalipali kaanamo pokawaaka aila ipupuna najisi itu, tantomakamo paila pupuna najisi itu hurufuna dale asala tana. Amararoaka onamisita tantomakamo paila lumuna najisi itu horofu mimu asala uwe. Amahuhiaka onamisita tantomakamo paila bouna najisi itu horufu ha asala ngalu. Amangkiloaka onamisita tontomakamo paila mokonamu-namu inajisi inuncana karota siy horufu alefu asala waa. Kasimpo tabanui zurriyati aadamu taluwulinga temomubaca inciasi. Allahumma thahri qalbi minal nifaqi wahasinu farji minalfawahisyi. (Naskah Kankilo Pantangauna (anonym))
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Kemudian membasuh tangan membersihkan daging kita, kemudian mulut membersihkan jantung kita, kemudian membasuh hidung membersihkan nafsu kita. Kemudian membasuh muka kita dengan niat; nawaitu raf’al hadasi asghorul istibahati shalati fardhan lillahi ta’ala”, saya berniat berwudhu menghilangkan hadas kecil untuk mendirikan shalat wajib karena Allah taala, bersamaan dengan tibanya air pada dahi kita, kemudian membasuh mata untuk membersihkan hati kita. Kemudian membasuh tangan sampai siku membersihkan dara kita. Kemudian membasuh ubun-ubun membersihkan otak kita. Kemudian membasuh telinga membersigkan empedu kita, kemudian membasuh leher membersihkan paru-paru kita, kemudian memabsuh kaki sampai mata kaki membersihkan malaikat; Jibril, Mikail,Israfil dan Izrail. 13
c. Mandi Wajib dalam Tradisi Kangkilo
Kemudian ketika mandi junub pertama renungkanlah wadi masuk pada madi, madi masuk pada mani, mani masuk pada manikam. I’tikadkanlah semua hal itu menyatu dengan air yang akan dipakai mandi. Kemudian mulai membasuh dibagian kanan dengan niat: nawaitu raf’al haditsil akbaru istihatisshalati fardhan lillahi ta’ala, bersamaan dengan sampainya air pada kulit. Kemudian membasuh bagian kanan kemudian kiri kita, setelah itu dibagian belakang kita, rambut kita diratakan semua, kulit hidung, telinga, mata, pusar, keseluruh badan, sulbi ratakan semua lipatan dan juga jangan ada yang menghalangi turunnya air pada diri kita. Setelah bersih renungkanlah nurul iman seperti cahaya yang berada dipintu jantung dan meleburlah, maka sucilah diri kita seperti kesucian kita di alam missal, itulah yang disebut dengan junub.14 d. Bingkai Islam dalam Tradisi bersuci Orang Buton Sebagai tradisi yang hidup dalam komunitas Orang Buton, kankilo memiliki kaitan erat dengan pandangan hidup Orang Buton.15 Dalam 13 Kasimpo tabaho limata tapekankilo antota. Kasimpo tabaho ngangata apekankilo baketa, kasimpo tabaho angota tapekankilo nafsuuta. Kasimpo tabaho routa niatimo, nawaitu raf’al hadasi asghorul istibahati shalati fardhan lillahi ta’ala”, asaubawa tee tumpuna uwe ibawona routa. Kasimpo tabaho matata tapekankilo yaeta, kasimpo tabaho limata kawana sikuta tapekankilo raata, kasimpo tabaho uwu-uwuta tapekangkilo otata. Kasimpo tabaho talongata tapekankilo piuta, kasimpo tabaho barokota tapekankilo kumbata. Kasimpo tabaho yaeta kawana biku-bikuta tapekangkilo Jabaraili, Mikaili,Iisrafili, Izraili. (Naskah Kankilo Pantangauna (anonym)) 14 Kasimpo tabaho weta ikanata, kasimpo tabaho weta ikaita, kasimpo tabaho weta iaroata. Kasimpo tabaho italingata tapalipua bari-baria bulata. Kasimpo tabaho ngangata, oangata, matata, opuseta, karota, isulubita, patipua, bari-baria lapita tee moduka booli temoempe siy tumpana uwe ikarota. Amankiloaka tapebaho tontomakamo iweitu tamangkilomo itu simbou kankilota iaalamu misali, Isyitumo isorongiaka jinubu 15Salah satu muatan kankilo yang diwariskan secara turun temurun adalah; empat tuntunan bersuci, yaitu; istinja yang diibaratkan sebagai kesucian di alam arwah, mandi junud diibaratkan sebagai kesucian di alam mitsal, berwudhu diibaratkan sebagai kesucian di
662 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
konteks tersebut, maka kankilo pada prinsipnya mengkomunikasikan ide dan gagasan masyarakat Buton tentang konsep bersuci, yang meliputi jasad kasar dan jiwa. Peraktek bersuci sebagai wujud gagasan sebagaimana yang terdapat dalam konsep kankilo, memiliki makna penting bagi orang Buton, dalam upaya mereka mencapai kesucian diri dan jiwa.16 Konsep bersuci kankilo yang hidup dalam kultur keagamaan orang Buton selama ini diajarkan secara turun temurun atau diwariskan melalui tradisi lisan.17 Patut duga bahwa sebelum Islam menapakkan pengaruhnya di wilayah ini, tradisi atau ritual bersuci dan mensucikan diri telah menjadi bagian penting dalam tradisi hidup orang Buton. Ketika Islam mulai menanamkan pengaruhnya, dan juga membawa konsep bersuci seperti yang termuat dalam kitab-kitab fiqhi thaharah, maka konsep istinja, wudlu maupun mandi jinabat, kemudian diajarkan kepada masyarakat terkait. Namun demikian agar konsep bersuci tersebut tidak terkesan mengganti konsep bersuci “ala” kankilo, maka beberapa aspek dari tradisi kankilo yang ada dimasukkan ke dalam muatan thaharah yang berada dalam bingkai Islam Secara teknis metodologis, beberapa bagian dari tatacara, istinja, mandi jinabat dan wudhu sebagaimana yang terurai dalam bagian a, b dan c, tidaklah ditemukan dalam tradisi Islam awal atau sebagaimana yang termuat dalam teks-teks hadis yang membahas masalah terkait. Dapat dipastikan, bahwa sebagian dari ketentuan-ketentuan bersuci sebagaimana yang termaktub di atas adalah merupakan konstruk lokal. Fakta tersebut menggambarkan pada terjadinya interaksi antar budaya yang saling menyapa. Dari uraian tentang aspek-aspek fiqhi thaharah atau kangkilo yang berkembang dan diajarkan di Buton sebagaimana yang telah dideskripsikan, tampak jelas terjadinya interaksi antar budaya yang saling menyapa. Gambaran interaksi budaya yang disutradarai oleh ”Ulama” Buton masa awal yang mengawinkan antara tradisi lokal dengan Islam, adalah pilihan “terbaik” ketimbang mereduksi nilai-nilai lokal yang telah berurat berakar pada masyarakat setempat. Sekaligus menegaskan terjadinya determinasi budaya local dalam bagunan konsep fiqhi thaharah di Buton.
2. Konsep Shalat dalam Fiqhi Keraton LaOde Muchiru dalam Sara Patanguna menulis; tradisi Buton masa lalu mengenal empat pembagian salat yaitu ;(1). Salât al-nafs atau salat alam ajsam dan keyakinan yang ditempatkan dalam hati, diibaratkan sebagai kesucian di alam insane. Jika keempat hal tersebut dilakukan maka ia akan menghasilkan pribadi yang suci. Wawancara : LaOde Abu/13-8-013 16 Anceaux, Wolio….h. 66 17 Meskipun terdapat buku yang secara khusus mengurai tentang tradisi kankilo, namun kini sangat sulit ditemukan
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al-jasad, sesuai hukum, salat ini merupakan kewajiaban yang telah ditetapkan waktunya. (2), Salât Jum’at/ jamâ’ah, sesuai hukum, salat ini merupakan kewajiban mingguan, yang dilaksanakan secara beramairamai di Masjid. (3). Salât al-wusta yaitu salat sunat termasuk di dalamnya salat layl. Dan (4). Salât azmi yaitu salat para nabi-nabi dan awliya.18 Untuk kepentingan melihat determinisme budaya lokal dalam fiqhi shalat di Keraton Buton, maka pada tulisan ini penulis memilih untuk mendeskripsikan tentang Salât al-nafs dan Salât Jum’at/ jamâ’ah pada masyarakat Keraton.
i). Salât al-Nafs
Salah satu kewajiban mendasar yang diharuskan bagi umat Islam adalah sembahyang lima waktu atau biasa juga disebut dengan salat fardu. Tradisi propetik Muhammad SAW., meletakkan salat fardu sebagai tiang agama. Bahkan dalam sebuah pernyataan yang lebih keras dinyatakan, bagi seorang muslim yang dengan sengaja meninggalkan kewajiban ini dapat dianggap sebagai orang yang kufur. Itulah sebabnya para orang tua memiliki tanggung jawab sekaligus diperintahkan untuk memperkenalkan ibadah shalat kepada anak dan keturuanan mereka sejak berusia tujuh tahun. Meskipun di tanah Buton ajaran Islam yang mula-mula berkembang banyak dipengaruhi oleh tradisi tasawuf yang berafiliasi pada ajaran Martabat Tujuh dengan nuansa paham wujûdiyah yang sangat “kental”, namun tidak berarti pengamalan aspek-aspek syariah menjadi suatu hal yang diabaikan. Yunus menyebutkan hal tersebut sebagai berikut : Ajaran tasawuf yang dianut di Buton pada abad ke-19, yang diajarkan oleh para tokoh sufi tampaknya tidak demikian. Pelaksanaan syariat di samping tasawuf, tetap dipentingkan. Hal ini ditandai dengan perhatian mereka pada pelaksanaan perbuatan lahiriah seperti salat, puasa, dan haji, sebagaimana yang terungkap dalam tulisan-tulisan mereka (para ulama Buton; pen.) Dalam hal ini Idrus (Kobadiana / Sultan ke-29 berkuasa th. 1824-1851; pen.) menyatakan bahwa nikmat yang paling tinggi adalah pada saat melihat Tuhan dalam mushâhadah. Tetapi ini dapat dicapai setelah segala perintah Tuhan seperti salat, puasa, dan zakat dilaksanakan…19 Dalam perspektif sejarah kesultanan Buton dipastikan pernah ada penekanan yang keras bagi masyarakat untuk menjalankan ibadah salat. Hal ini dibuktikan dalam sejarah Buton pernah terjadi seorang anggota masyarakat dihukum mati lantaran meninggalkan salat. Peristiwa tersebut terjadi pada masa kekuasaan Sultan Muhammad Idrus Qaimuddin. Dari kabanti yang ditulisnya, tampak jelas bahwa Idrus 18 19
Muchiru, Sara Patangauna, (Bau-Bau: tp.2006), h. 167 Yunus, Posisi…..hlm. 100
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sangat menekankan kepada rakyatnya untuk memelihara dan menjalankan ibadah salat, sehingga bagi mereka yang melanggar atau sengaja meninggalkan ibadah salat, maka mereka harus menerima konsekuensi hukum yang berat. Idrus menyebutkan sebagai berikut; Barang siapa yang tidak menjalankan sembahyang Maka sesungguhnya orang itu telah kufur Tiada berdosa orang yang membunuhnya Kepada mereka yang melawan itu Yaitu yang melawan perintah TuhanNya Yang tidak taat kepada nabiNya Barang siapa yang melawan Quran atau hadis Sesungguhnya orang itu dalah kafir Wajib bagi kita berani menyembelinya Sangat banyak pahala menyembeli (orang yang tidak sembahyang) Yang menyembelih yang menebang batang lehernya. Teks di atas secara jelas menunjukkan penekanan yang kuat oleh sultan terhadap rakyatnya agar memelihara ibadah salat, sehingga bagi mereka yang melanggar aturan tersebut dapat dikenakan hukuman mati, sedangkan bagi pelaku eksekusi tidak memiliki konsekuensi dosa dengan sebab mengeksekusi pelaku pelanggar syariat dimaksud (salat). Sekaitan dengan masalah tersebut, dalam sejarah masyarakat Buton dikenal satu istilah masubu yang dinisbahkan kepada seorang yang dieksekusi mati pada zaman Idrus, lantaran meninggalkan ibadah salat subuh.20
ii. Shalat Jumat
Pada bagian penjelasan mengenai kewajiban menjalankan ibadah salat, telah diterangkan, bahwa dipastikan terdapat suatu perintah yang bersifat instruktif dari pihak kesultanan, khususnya pada masa berkuasanya Sultan Idrus Qaimuddin atau Kobadiana, mengenai pentingnya salat sebagai kewajiban yang harus dijalankan oleh setiap warga masyarakat. Bagian ini secara khusus akan mendeskripsikan tentang upacara Shalat Jumat yang dalam kategorisasi Muchiru disebut sebagi salat jama’ah atau kewajiban mingguan. Berdasarkan hasil pengamatan penulis selama melakukan penelitian, secara umum teknis pelaksanaan salat Jumat di Kabupaten Buton diselenggarakan dengan mengikuti pola tradisi ritual Jumat yang berlaku sejak zaman Khalifah Usman, yaitu dengan menggunakan dua 20 Hasinu Da’a (seorang tungguna abba jabatan yang merupakan rujukan dalam menanyakan segala hal-ihwal mengenai adat istiadat di Kesultanan Buton) wawancara. /Alifuddin, Islam,…..h. 213
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 665
kali adzan yang didahului dengan pembacaan salawat Nabi sebelum muadzzin melakukan azan. Sesaat sebelum khatib naik ke mimbar seorang petugas sara membacakan sebuah hadis yang intinya menyerukan agar jamaah diam (tidak berisik apalagi berkata-kata) apabila khatib sedang berkhutbah. Di beberapa masjid yang penulis kunjungi tidak jarang para ibu atau jamaah wanita turut serta dalam Shalat Jumat. Salat Jumat di keraton Buton hingga kini proses atau tata cara pelaksanaannya masih mengikuti tradisi masa kesultanan. Tradisi salat Jumat ini meskipun secara substansial tidak berbeda dengan pelaksanaan Jumat di tempat lain, yang terdiri dari khutbah dan dua rakaat salat, tetapi jelas terlihat dalam beberapa aspek terdapat perbedaan dalam pelaksanaannya. Berikut ini penulis deskripsikan suasana ritual Jumat yang penulis hadiri pada tanggal 23 Agustus 2013. “Menjelang Jumat tungguna ganda memukul beduk sebagai tanda atau panggilan bagi masyarakat sekitar untuk siap-siap menjalankan ibadah Jumat. Memasuki masjid Agung Keraton, di sudut pintu masuk diletakkan masing-masing enam buah tongkat, sementara dibagian pendopo bagian kanan terlihat imam masjid duduk bersila sambil berdoa dan berzikir. Imam ini baru masuk ke masjid manakala waktu Jumat sudah masuk dan pelaksanaan ritual akan dimulai kira-kira lima menit sebelum azan pertama dikumandangkan. Pada bagian depan pintu masuk ke ruang utama masjid, duduk empat orang tungguna ganda, yang bertugas menyambut para jamaah yang hadir. Di bagian depan masjid terdapat ruang mihrab dan terletak sebuah mimbar yang tidak persis disudut tetapi menyisahkan sedikit ruang kira-kira berukuran satu meter. Tempat bagian depan mihrab adalah tempat imam, dan sedikit bergeser ke belakang (masih dalam wilayah mihrab) adalah tempat para khatib yang terdiri dari empat orang dan lakina agama. Sementara di samping bagian utara masjid adalah tempat kedudukan sultan, tempat ini sejajar dengan tempat duduk khatib tetapi diantarai oleh sebuah mimbar. Di belakang para khatib atau di bagian tubuh masjid duduk sepuluh orang moji yang seluruhnya memakai pakaian surban berwarna putih. Empat dari sepuluh orang moji bertugas untuk mengumandangkan azan pertama, sementara di bagian kanan arah utara duduk lagi seorang muazzin yang bertugas mengumandangkan azan kedua dan di ujung paling kanan duduk seorang petugas yang menyerahkan tongkat pada seorang khatib menjelang khutbah akan dimulai. Menjelang pelaksanaan salat Jumat, masuklah imam masjid dengan didampingi oleh tungguna ganda menuju tempat khusus yang berada pada bagian terdepan dari mihrab. Segera setelah imam berada pada tempatnya, maka empat orang moji mengumandangkan azan secara
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bersamaan, sebelum azan dikumandangkan, keempat moji terlebih dahulu duduk berdoa dengan meletakkan tangan di atas lantai, dan menjelang azan dikumandangkan terlebih dahulu mereka membaca salawat. Tradisi empat orang muazzin yang mengumandangkan azan secara bersamaan, menurut masyarakat setempat didasarkan pada empat orang Imam mazhab. Menurut Hazirun simbol tersebut menandakan pada adanya pengakuan terhadap ke empat Imam mazhab tersebut sekaligus sebagai simbol toleransi intern di antara umat beragama.21 Sumber lain menyebutkan tradisi tersebut disimbolkan dengan empat orang sahabat utama nabi, yaitu Abu Bakar,Umar,Usman dan Ali. Setelah dikumandangkan azan, para jama’ah serentak melakukan salat sunat dua rakaat, dan dilanjutkan dengan pembacaan salawat dan seruan yang intinya agar jamaah tidak gaduh dan berbicara disaat khatib sedang berkhutbah.22 Sesaat menjelang khatib naik ke mimbar, maka salah seorang di antara moji berdiri dan mengambil tongkat yang diletakkan di bagian kanan mimbar. Tongkat tersebut diambil terlebih dahulu oleh moji yang bertugas, maju dan menghadap ke arah tongkat yang diikat dan diletakkan pada bagian kanan mimbar, sesaat sebelum tali pengikat tongkat dilepas, sang moji berhenti sejenak sambil berdoa. Tongkat kemudian dilepaskan dari tali pengikatnya dan dipegang oleh moji. Selanjutnya moji yang mengambil tongkat tersebut perlahan lahan berbalik kiri sambil menggerakkan tongkat yang di isaratkan dengan menulis kalimat Lâ Ilâha Illâ Allâh, hingga perputaran tersebut 180 derajat dan akhirnya berhadapan dengan jamaah. Di saat berhadapan dengan jamaah, tongkat yang dipegang kemudian digoyangkan sebagai isarat yang bertuliskan Muhammad, sambil menulis kata Muhammad, sang moji berniat di dalam hati yang intinya mengumpulkan seluruh keinginan-keinginan buruk dan jahat para penjahat. Kumpulan dari segala niat buruk tersebut selanjutnya diletakkan ke dalam simbol huruf mim, yang merupakan huruf awal dari nama Muhammad, untuk selanjutnya ditusuk dengan tombak, sebagai simbol, bahwa segala niat jahat manusia yang akan membuat kerusakan dimusnahkan dari wilayah Buton.23 Setelah prosesi doa pemberian tongkat selesai, lalu majulah seorang khatib ke depan dan moji yang menyerahkan tongkat kepada khatib membacakan sebuah hadis nabi yang intinya menyerukan agar para Hazirun, wawancara, Seruan tersebut adalah hadis yang bersimber dari Abu Hurairah, yang menyebutkan, bahwasanya nabi SAW bersabda ; Apabila engkau katakan diam pada temanmu pada hari jumat sewaktu imam berkhutbah, maka sesungghunya engkau telah menghapus pahala salah Jumatmu ( HR. Bukhari), Bukhari, Sah ih Bukhâry II,….hlm. 16 23 Zadi, wawancara, selain Zadi hal yang sama juga disebutkan oleh beberapa informan penulis, yaitu Tahir. 21 22
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jamaah diam dan mendengar khutbah yang akan dibacakan oleh khatib. Tongkatpun diberikan dan diterima oleh khatib dengan penuh khusyuk, seterusnya khatib dengan khusyuk naik ke tangga mimbar hingga sampai di atas dan mengucapkan salam sebelum kemudian duduk. Dan seketika itu pula seorang moji kembali berdiri dan mengumandangkan azan ke dua, sebagai pertanda ritual inti dari Jumat segera akan dimulai. Khatib kemudian berkhutbah dengan memegang tongkat yang dibawanya. Khutbah yang dibaca tersebut ditulis pada secarik kertas yang panjang dan tergulung. Oleh karena itu, ketika membaca konsep tersebut perlahan lahan gulungan khutbah diulurkan hingga selesai. Menjelang khutbah kedua dibacakan, seorang moji membaca salawat, dan setelah pembacaan doa selanjutnya khatib kembali berdiri dan membaca khutbah kedua. Isi dari khutbah kedua adalah doa yang dipanjatkan untuk keselamtan negeri dan penduduknya. Dengan berakhirnya khutbah kedua berarti salat akan dimulai, yang didahului dengan mengumandangkan iqamat. Imam kemudian berdiri dan memimpin salat Jumat. Berakhirnya salat Jumat tidak berarti tugas para perangkat sara berakhir, tetapi masih terus berlanjut hingga menjelang Asar. Para petugas sara setelah selesai salat Jumat dan para jamaah kembali ke rumah masing-masing, mengadakan doa dan zikir-zikir tertentu. Mereka duduk membujur menghadap ke barat dengan letak Imam berada paling depan. Para petugas sara berdoa bagi keselamatan rakyat dan penduduk negeri baik dari serangan wabah penyakit pada manusia maupun wabah tanaman yang dapat menyebabkan kelaparan bagi para penduduk. Demikian pula doa agar masyarakat dihindarkan dari gangguan keamanan baik yang berasal dari dalam negeri maupun yang berasal dari luar”.Ritual doa setelah Jumat ini dilakukan hingga menjelang waktu Asar.24
24Deskripsi di atas adalah hasil observasi penulis/ /Model salat Jumat yang dideskripsikan di atas, adalah model salat Jumat yang dilakukan sejak masa masih aktifnya kesultanan. Corak salat Jumat tersebut di masa berkuasanya pemerintahan Orde Baru, tepatnya pada masa berkuasanya Bupati Zainal Arifin Sugianto tahun 1977 dilarang untuk dipraktekkan, dan selanjutnya diseragamkan dengan cara Jumat yang berlaku umum di tengah masyarakat. Menurut Riha Madi, pelarangan tersebut terkait erat dengan situasi dan kodisi politik pada waktu itu. Lebih lanjut Madi, menyebutkan bahwa aparat sara agama keraton dan penduduk keraton umumnya berafiliasi pada tradisi NU, dan pada masa itu saluran politik NU lebih dekat dengan PPP, sementara pemerintah pada sisi lain merupakan perpanjangan tangan dari Golkar. Beranjak dari aspek politis tersebut, maka sistem ritual Jumat di keraton sejak tahun 1977 dihentikan. Ritual Jumat seperti yang dijelaskan di atas kembali dihidupkan atas usulan beberapa tokoh agama pada masa Bupati Hamzah, yaitu setelah PEMILU 1982. Perlu juga dijelaskan, bahwa di masa kesultanan, salat Jumat di Buton dipusatkan pada satu tempat, yaitu di masjid Agung Keraton. Riha Madi, Hazirun dan Zadi, wawancara
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Ritual Jumat sebagai ritual mingguan dapat dipandang sebagai ritual komunal yang diselenggarakan tidak saja semata-mata untuk tujuan ibadah vertikal an-sich, tetapi juga sebagai upaya untuk membangun solidaritas sosial. Oleh karena itu, di antara doa penutup yang sering dikumandangkan oleh khatib adalah doa memohon keselamatan kepada seluruh komponen masyarakat muslim baik bagi mereka yang masih eksis di dunia nyata, maupun mereka yang telah lebih dahulu menghadap Tuhan (meninggal dunia). Penyelenggaraan salat Jumat di keraton sebagaimana yang telah dideskripsikan menunjukkan pada kuatnya penekanan bagi terciptanya kesadaran komunal. Apa yang tergambar pada tradisi “penancapan” ujung tombak dalam prosesi menjelang salat Jumat di dalam simbol huruf mim dengan disertai niat untuk mengenyahkan semua maksud buruk yang ingin dijalankan oleh para “penjahat”, secara eksplisit menunjukkan pada kesadaran untuk membangun keselamatan komunal. Meskipun ritual ini dalam persepktif sejarah kesultanan merupakan ekspresi politik etis penguasa untuk melindungi dan mengamankan negeri dari ancaman serangan para penjahat, tetapi dalam perkembangan selanjutnya (yaitu di masa tidak berkuasanya lagi para sultan), ibadah mohon keselamatan yang terdapat dalam rangkaian prosesi ritual Jumat di keraton dewasa ini, lebih tertuju pada aspek sosial kemasyarakatan tanpa dilatar belakangi oleh tendensi politik. Selain itu sebagai masyarakat agraris, maka pesan-pesan “agraris” dalam bentuk doa bagi kesuksesan panen juga include dalam ritual Jumat yang masih tampak terlihat di keraton hingga kini. Doa bagi keselamatan negeri yang meliputi permohonan untuk mendapatkan hasil tanam yang memadai dalam bentuk keterhindaran dari wabah penyakit tanaman menjadi bagian dari salah satu rangkaian yang dimasukkan dalam ritual Jumat di tempat ini. Demikian pula dengan permohonan untuk terhindar dari wabah penyakit yang mengancam kehidupan manusia. Seluruh ritual dalam bentuk doa bagi keselamatan negeri, demikian pula untuk menghindari wabah (kalele), adalah doa kolektif bagi seluruh masyarakat Buton. Itulah sebabnya tradisi salat Jumat seperti yang terdapat di masjid keraton hanya dilakukan di keraton. Hal ini juga tidak lepas dari keyakinan masyarakat setempat tentang sakralitas masjid Agung Keraton, demikian pula dengan kedudukannya di antara masjid-masjid lainnya yang dianggap berbeda, sehingga masjid ini dalam tradisi setempat dinamakan dengan masjid poago. Adapun mengenai kesakralan masjid ini dapat ditelaah pada pernyataan Muchiru sebagai berikut : “Masjid Keraton adalah suatu tempat yang secara mistik dipercayai sebagai masjid para ahli tahkik. Dalam kaitan ini Muchiru
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 669
menyebutkan, bahwa masjid keraton Buton adalah masjid tempat muraqabah para ahli sufi dalam menjaga dan membentengi keselamatan negeri dan seluruh masyarakat secara ijtihad bathiniyah atau yang dikenal dengan istilah; masjid al-murâqabah shafi shaf’ul mu’minîn.25
3. Warisan
Dalam perspektif historis, Buton secara formal pernah menerapkan hukum Islam, tepatnya pada masa Sultan Muhammad Idrus Qaimuddin atau sultan yang ke-29. Sultan yang dikenal cakap ini, pada masa pemerintahannya pernah berusaha memformalkan hukum Islam sebagai hukum negara.26 Maskipun kecenderungan formalistik tersebut ingin diterapkan dalam wilayah kekuasaannya, namun dalam kasus-kasus tertentu sultan ini memiliki pemikiran yang sangat moderat dan liberal. Pemikirannya dalam bidang waris yang dituangkan dalam sebuah buku mawaris dijadikan sebagai salah satu perundang-undangan di wilayah kesultanan Buton hingga berakhirnya masa kesultanan. Buku yang membahas tentang hukum pembagian waris tersebut menunjukkan kecenderungan dan gaya berpikir Idrus yang moderat, khususnya dalam memahami hak-hak wanita dalam sistem pewarisan.27 Pemikiran Idrus tentang waris memberikan ruang yang sangat besar bagi kesetaraan antara pria dan wanita. Gagasan tersebut selanjutnya digunakan sebagai dasar dan pegangan oleh masyarakat Buton, hingga sebelum berakhirnya masa kesultanan. Konsep waris dalam perundangan-undangan yang ditulis oleh Idrus memberikan hak yang sama antara pria dan wanita, yaitu 1:1. Dalam Bab IV yang membahas bahagian anak sama satu sama lain, disebutkan sebagai berikut : “Bab ini menyatakan bahagian anak itu sama satu sama lain berdasarkan wasiat, karena sebelumnya bahagian anak itu berbeda antara anak laki-laki dan perempuan, yaitu bahagian anak laki-laki sebagai dua orang perempuan. Peraturan yang menyatakan berbeda 25 Muchiru, Sara Patangauna…. hlm. 44 / Masjid ini hingga sebelum terbakarnya zâwiyah yang berada di keraton hanya digunakan untuk salat Jumat dan dua hari raya. Bagi sebagian masyarakat Buton masjid ini memiliki nilai kesakralan tersendiri. Muchiru menyebutnya sebagi masjid tahkik, atau dalam bahasa setempat disebut sebagai masjid poago,maksudnya yang didalamnya dilakukan ibadah untuk meminta keselamtan negeri, atau bila terjadi kekurangan rezki, wabah penyakit atau bila negeri mendapat ancaman dari serangan musuh. Ritual khusus untuk mendoakan keselamatan negeri pada ritual jumat dapat dilihat pada upacara penyerahan tongkat dari seorang moji kepada khatib. Keterangan diperoleh dari LaOde Zadi, wawancara. 26Zahari, Adat…III, hlm. 28-30/ Schoorl, Masyarakat, Sejarah dan Budaya Buton, terj. G.Widya, (Jakarta : Jambatan, 2003), h. 145 27Buku Idrus tentang waris atau faraid diterjemahkan oleh Zahari, dengan judul : Soal Pembagian Harta Pusaka Menurut Hadat Negeri Keradjaan Buton,( Bau-Bau: tp., 1955)
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antara bahagian anak laki-laki dan perempuan itu adalah sebagai yang ternyata dalam buku faraid”.28 Landasan argumen yang dijadikan sandaran berpijak bagi legalitas undang-undang tersebut, bersumber dari konsepsi Quran yang menyatakan, bahwa manusia diciptakan dari satu asal, seperti bunyi ayat; wa khalaq al-insân min mâin mahîn. Pencipataan manusia dari sumber asal yang sama, dipahami oleh Idrus sebagai prinsip kesetaraan, dan oleh karena itu dalam pembagian warisan tidak ada beda antara laki-laki dan perempuan.29 Selain bersandar pada argumen wahyu, Idrus juga mendasari pikirannya atas kondisi aktual kehidupan masyarakat Buton pada saat itu. Bahwa kebiasaan masyarakat Buton untuk merantau dalam rangka mencari penghidupan baik sebagai pedagang maupun pelaut, berkonsekuensi pada kedudukan isteri yang ditinggalkan. Dalam kondisi yang demikian seorang isteri, selain berkedudukan sebagai ibu bagi anak-anak mereka, sekaligus mengambil alih peran seorang ayah sebagai kepala rumah tangga yang berkewajiban menghidupi anak dan keluarganya hingga sang suami kembali ke tempat asal.30 Kondisi seorang ibu yang ditinggalkan kadang bertahun-tahun oleh suaminya menjadikan peran mereka sangat signifikan dalam kehidupan rumah tangga, demikian pula dalam kaitannya dengan pengumpulan harta bersama. Atas dasar kondisi tersebut Idrus berijtihad, bahwa selama menyangkut harta warisan antara laki-laki dan wanita ditetapkan 1:1. Demikian pula dengan kedudukan anak dalam sebuah keluarga, baik pria maupun wanita memiliki hak waris yang sama. Sebagai dasar argumen dari pandangannya yang seolaholah bertentangan dengan nash Quran, beliau menyatakan dalam pembangunan kerajaan baik anak perempuan maupun pria memiliki andil yang sama besarnya, demikian pula kewajiban mereka atas kerajaan sebangun dan sefungsi. Buktinya terlihat dari masing-masing tugas mereka, kewajiban yang diemban seorang permaisuri dalam membangun bangsa dan negeri tidak berbeda dengan kewajiban yang diemban oleh sultan. Dengan demikian, adalah wajar dan rasional bila hak pembagian waris antara keduanya adalah satu berbanding satu.31 Pandangan dan ijtihad Idrus pada awal abad ke-19 mengenai hak waris yang memberikan porsi seimbang antara pria dan wanita dapat dikategorikan sebagai ijtihad yang luar biasa dan melampaui pemikiran zamannya. Pemikiran serupa di zaman modern pernah dilontarkan oleh mantan Menteri Agama Munawir Dzadzali, yaitu sekitar akhir tahun 28Idrus,
Soal…..hlm. 9 / Hazirun, wawancara, 30Hazirunadan Zadi, wawancara, 31Idrus, Soal…..hlm. 31 29Ibid
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80-an. Upaya Munawir menawarkan gagasanya kontan mendapat tanggapan penolakan dari berbagai pihak, khususnya kalangan tradisionalis. Berbanding dengan upaya Munawir, ijtihad dan gagasan Idrus tentang keseimbangan dalam porsi pembagian waris antara pria dan wanita pada masanya mendapat respon positif atau minimal tidak mengalami rintangan. Hal ini diduga kuat terjadi karena gagasan tersebut dilontarkan oleh seorang sultan yang berkuasa dan dipuja oleh rakyatnya.32 C. Akar Paradigma Fiqhi Keraton dalam Tradisi Islam: Landasan Legitimasi Sebagai sebuah kenyataan, agama (termasuk didalamnya masail alfiqhiyah) dan kebudayaan dapat saling mempengaruhi, sebab keduanya merupakan nilai dan simbol. Agama adalah simbol yang melambangkan nilai ketaatan terhadap kekuatan yang adikodrati, sedangkan kebudayaan adalah nilai dan simbol yang mengarahkan manusia agar bisa hidup di lingkungannya. Berbeda dengan kebudayaan yang sifatnya dapat berubah, agama seperti yang diyakini oleh sebagian besar pemeluknya bersifat “final” dan tidak mengenal perubahan. Tetapi meskipun agama disebut bersifat “abadi” atau “final”, karena ia berada dalam ruang dan proses sejarah maka dapat saja kedudukan agama itu tergeser oleh kebudayaan. Interaksi dua arah itu terjadi karena baik agama dan kebudayaan merupakan kenyataan sejarah.33 Kenyataan seperti yang digambarkan di atas tampaknya terjadi pada tradisi fiqhi masyarakat Buton. Orang Buton sebagai masyarakat yang berbudaya, sudah barang tentu memiliki ciri dan karakteristik tersendiri yang membedakannya dengan etnik atau masyarakat lain. Perbedaan tersebut terbangun beriringan dengan proses perjalanan sejarah peradaban mereka, dan agama sebagai sekumpulan nilai yang hidup dalam masyarakat tanpa terelakkan ikut dalam arus sejarah yang terbangun. Atas dasar realitas kesejarahan itulah maka nuansa nilai-nilai lokal dalam konsep keagamaan yang terbangun dalam suatu komunitas sulit untuk dapat dihindari, karena ia lahir dari proses budaya masyarakat terkait. Dengan demikian, fenomena lokalitas dalam suatu agama (baca: fiqhi) seperti yang tergambar dalam pemahaman dan pengamalan orang Buton merupakan gejala umum dan alami yang dapat ditemukan dalam setiap masyarakat, etnik dan agama manapun. Perpaduan antara warna lokal dengan Islam dalam tradisi keberagamaan orang Buton merupakan suatu fakta yang tak terbantahkan dalam praktek kehidupan beragama mereka. Sebagai implikasi dari terjadinya proses perpaduan tersebut, terlihat bahwa dalam tataran empirik 32 33
Alifuddin, Islam,….h. 262 Kuntowijoyo, Muslim Tanpa Masjid, (Bandung: Mizan, 2005). h. .201
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perpaduan antara kultur local dengan Islam “ideal” dapat diperhatikan dalam berbagai bentuk yang membumi dalam kultur keberagamaan masyarakat Buton. Karena itulah kadangkala untuk tidak mengatakan selalu, sebagian besar orang Buton tidak dapat membedakan secara tegas antara nilai-nilai local dengan ajaran Islam. Dari uraian tentang aspek-aspek fiqhi thaharah atau kangkilo, ritual Jumatan maupun hukum waris yang berkembang dan diajarkan di Buton sebagaimana yang telah dideskripsikan, menggambarkan pada terjadinya interaksi antar budaya yang saling menyapa. Fenomena yang terjadi di Buton merupakan gejala local, dan lokalitas tersebut sekaligus mengglobal. Artinya dimensi lokalitas dalam tradisi fiqhi dapat ditemukan disemua tempat dan telah berlangsung melintasi zaman. Pandangan tersebut sangat beralasan, jika disepakti bahwa fiqhi pada hakikatnya adalah prodak pemahaman yang dihasilkan melalui proses interpretasi. Fiqhi secara faktual adalah aktivitas nalar yang bertujuan untuk memahami ketentuan-ketentuan terinci (al-mufasshalat) dan ketentuan yang bersifat garis besar (al-mujamalat) untuk mendorong serta menciptakan tindakan-tindakan yang diperlukan dalam ajaran agama. Dalam konteks tersebut, maka fiqhi pada hakikatnya adalah merupakan hasil dari tafsiran para fuqaha terhadap teks-teks keagamaan (baca: Qur’an dan hadis), yang terkait dengan masalah hukum. Dalam proses selanjutnya makna teks yang diproduksi tersebut kemudian menjelma menjadi konsep hukum yang kemudian mengakar dalam ruang sejarah umat Islam dan selanjutnya diperaktekkan oleh pemeluk agama sebagai pemilik teks. Oleh karena itu, ketentuan fiqhi sebagai hasil dari proses intrepretasi, sesungguhnya bukanlah prodak yang sepenuhnya “steril” dari pengaruh faktor sosial, budaya bahkan politik yang berkembang ketika difatwakan oleh seorang mujtahid. Salah contoh klasik untuk memperkokoh pandangan di atas adalah konsep qawl jadid dan qawl qadim dalam pandangan-pandangan keagamaan Imam Syafi’i, yang secara jelas menunjukkan adanya faktor “determinisme” budaya terhadap penafsiran teks-teks hukum keagamaan. Sebagai prodak tafsir atas teks, fiqhi sesungguhnya tidak berdiri sendiri tetapi dipengaruhi oleh banyak faktor, diantaranya; faktor lingkungan, politik, sosial dan budaya yang mengitari penafsirnya. Dengan demikian, dialektika antara hasil tafsir dengan lingkungan yang mengitari penafsir menjadi sesuatu yang niscaya. Dalam konteks di atas jelas telah terjadi tarik ulur antar kedua elemen yaitu; antara teks dengan lingkungan yang mengitari penafsir. Keadaan tarik menarik tersebut diyakini akan mendorong terciptanya akomodasi antar nilai yang dibawa oleh teks dengan penafsir. Kondisi ini jelas (akan) berimplikasi pada hasil penafsiran terhadap suatu teks. Dalam konteks Buton, hal ini dapat dilihat dari fiqhi mawaris yang dikembangkan oleh Sultan Idrus Qaimuddin. Fatwa Idrus tentang pola
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pembagian harta waris yang memberikan keseimbangan antara hak lakilaki dan perempuan tidak berdiri sendiri, tetapi didasari oleh argumentasi yang sarat dengan pertimbangan sosial budaya atau bahkan politik. Sehingga dalam konteks tersebut, Idrus secara jelas dan nyata tidak terjebak dengan makna tekstual ayat mawaris yang terkesan membedakan antara jata laki-laki dan perempuan (2:1). Memperhatikan padangan Idrus sebagaimana yang telah dideskripsikan, maka paling tidak Idrus dalam kebijkannya telah melakukan tiga hal yaitu: Pertama, Idrus secara prinsip melakukan pembaruan metodologis dalam memahami ayat mawaris, dengan melakukan reinterpretasi terhadap teks-teks fiqih klasik, yang dipandangnya sebagai teks yang hidup (corpus terbuka). Kedua, fiqhi keraton tentang mawaris, berupaya melakukan pembaruan pada level etis, yang didasarkan atas prinsip kewajaran social yang rasional dan empirik. Ketiga, pembaruan pada tataran epsitemologis, dengan menjadikan fiqhi sebagai konsep terbuka dinamis dalam menghadapi realitas social budaya yang berkembang. Fiqhi sebagai aktivitas nalar yang mewujud sebagai model-model pengetahuan yang digunakan untuk mengintrepretasi dan memahamai serta mendorong bagi terciptanya tindakan-tindakan yang diperlukan, selain dipengaruhi oleh tradisi juga rentan dengan “persilungkuhan politik”. Dalam konteks tersebut Michel Foucalt, menyebutkan, bahwa diskursus kebenaran berada dalam relasi-relasi sirkular dengan sistem kekuasaan yang memproduksi kebenaran dan menjaga kebenaran itu. Dengan demikian kebenaran adalah kekuasaan, lebih lanjut ia menyebutkan: Dalam setiap masyarakat, terdapat sejumlah hubungan kekuasaan yang merasuki, mencirikan dan membentuk sendi masyarakat . Hubungan kekuasaan itu sendiri tak dapat disusun, dimapankan dan diwujudkan tanpa penimbunan, pengedaran, serta berfungsinya wacana tertentu. Adalah mustahil kekuasaan terlaksana tanpa adanya suatu ekonomi wacana kebenaran yang beroperasi melalui dan berdasarkan relasinya dengan kekuasaan itu. Kita ditundukkan untuk memproduksi kebenaran melalui dengan kekuasaan, dan kita juga tak dapat melaksanakan kekuasaan tanpa melalui suatu produksi kebenaran.34 Foucault berpendapat bahwa “kekuasaan dan pengetahuan secara langsung saling menyatakan antara satu dan yang lainnya. Tidak ada relasi kekuasaan tanpa dinyatakan dalam hubungannya dengan pengetahuan. Subyek yang mengetahui harus dipandang sebagai akibat dari implikasiimplikasi fundamental pengetahuan/kekuasaan dan transformasitransformasi historis mereka. Dengan kata lain, kekuasaan dan pengetahuan saling bertautan dan berkaitan erat. Oleh karena itu 34 Michel Foucalt, Power/Knowledge: Selected Inteviews and Other Writings, ed. Colin Gordon, (Great Britain: The Harvester Press, 1972), h. 52
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munculnya sebuah diskursus dalam wilayah sosial dan budaya manusia menurut Foucault adalah merupakan usaha untuk menguatkan klaim-klaim kekuasaan dan pengetahuan para profesional dan ahli.35 Upacara shalat Jumat di Keraton Buton yang merupakan kesinambungan dari sejarah masa lalu, dapat ditelaah atau dibaca melalui perspektif Foucault. Fiqhi Keraton tentang shalat Jumat sebagaimana yang diurai sebelumnya menunjukkan pada relasi antara bentuk ritual yang diarahkan untuk memperkuat basis kekuasaan kesultanan pada masanya. Penyelenggaraan salat Jumat di keraton sebagaimana yang telah dideskripsikan menunjukkan pada kuatnya penekanan bagi terciptanya kesadaran komunal. Apa yang tergambar pada tradisi “penancapan” ujung tombak dalam prosesi menjelang salat Jumat di dalam simbol huruf “mim” dengan disertai niat untuk mengenyahkan semua maksud buruk yang ingin dijalankan oleh para “penjahat”, secara eksplisit menunjukkan pada kesadaran untuk membangun keselamatan komunal disatu sisi, dan pada sisi lain dapat dibaca sebagai upaya untuk memperkuat basis kekuasaan politik Sultan yang sedang berkuasa. Dalam konteks Buton, seorang sultan yang di masa kekuasaannya tidak dapat memberikan layanan stabilitas kepada rakyatnya, niscaya untuk lenser sebagai bentuk pertanggung jawaban social. Sebagaimana dalam tradisi kankilo, determinisme budaya local dalam tradisi ritual Jumat dalam fiqhi keraton juga kasat pandang. Adanya permohonan yang berbasis pada pesan-pesan “agraris” dalam bentuk doa bagi kesuksesan panen juga include dalam ritual Jumat yang masih tampak terlihat di keraton hingga kini. Doa bagi keselamatan negeri yang meliputi permohonan untuk mendapatkan hasil tanam yang memadai dalam bentuk keterhindaran dari wabah penyakit tanaman menjadi bagian dari salah satu rangkaian yang dimasukkan dalam ritual Jumat di tempat ini. Demikian pula dengan permohonan untuk terhindar dari wabah penyakit yang mengancam kehidupan manusia. Kental pekatnya nilai-nilai lokal dalam tradisi fiqhi keraton sebagaimana yang tergambar dalam tradisi kankilo maupun pada upacara Jumatan, bukanlah dalil yang serta merta dapat diklaim sebagai tradisi yang terkontaminasi oleh aroma “bid’ah”. Nurcholis Majid menyebutkan, bahwa pengaruh kondisi obyektif seseorang/masyarakat dengan lingkungannya, termasuk model pilihan keberagamaan tidaklah bermakna sebagai pembatalan segi universal suatu agama (Islam). Lebih lanjut Majid menyatakan; kondisi tersebut hanyalah membawa akibat adanya realitas keragamaan dalam penerapan prinsip-prinsip umum dan universal suatu agama, yaitu keaneka ragaman berkaitan dengan tatacara atau 35 Alaxander Aur, “ Pasca Strukturalisme Michel Foucault, dalam ,Teori-Teori Kebudayaan, Ed. Muji Sutrisno, (Yogyakarta: Kanisius, 2005), h. 147
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technicalities.36 Dengan demikian mereka yang melakukan praktek-praktek keagamaan yang seolah-olah “menyimpang” tidak perlu dituduh sebagai keluar dari Islam, selama ajaran yang terumus dalam rukun iman dan rukun Islam tampak jelas dalam ungkapan religius mereka.37 Secara historis, pertautan antara adat di satu sisi dengan Islam di sisi lain sebagai sebuah paradigma, bukanlah merupakan suatu yang asing dalam konteks sejarah Islam masa awal. Dalam sistem jurisprudensi Islam keberadaan dan sumbangan ide budaya lokal atau adat sangat dimungkinkan, hal ini paling tidak terungkap pada istilah al-adat almuhakkamah yang sangat populer dalam ilmu ushul fiqih. Dengan demikian, dalam konteks tertentu adat atau budaya lokal diakui keberadaannya sebagi sumber hukum. Tentu saja dengan catatan, bahwa budaya lokal yang layak untuk dijadikan sumber hukum ialah yang tidak bertentangan secara diametral dengan prinsip-prinsip Islam. Sebagai sebuah keniscayaan, dapat dinyatakan, bahwa proses hubungan yang dialektis dan timbal balik antara agama dan budaya lokal merupakan fenomena umum yang terjadi di mana-mana, sehingga apa yang terjadi di Buton dapat dinyatakan sebagai hal yang lumrah. Dalam kaitan ini Amin Abdullah menyatakan, bahwa dalam banyak hal, penyimpanganpenyimpangan atau kelainan-kelainan lokal yang terjadi pada pengamalan Islam di suatu daerah berfungsi sama dengan agama-agama yang tidak memiliki tradisi tulis.38 Menurut Geertz; Agama adalah satu sistem kebudayaan yang memerlukan penafsiran akan makna melalui simbolsimbol yang ditampilkannya. Islam tidak memandang wilayah teritorial, dan agama memang berasal dari Firman Allah, akan tetapi penafsiran manusia tentang ajaran agama berhubungan erat dengan kondisi sosio kultural masyarakat dimana Islam dipraktekan oleh masyarakatnya. 39 Oleh karena itu, seperti apapun pemaksaan Islam dalam bentuk purifikasi oleh pemeluknya, sejarah membuktikan bahwa masyarakat memiliki rasionalitasnya sendiri. Varian-varian Islam yang ditampilkan oleh wajah Islam di Indonesia termasuk fenomena fiqhi keraton di Buton, membuktikan bahwa masyarakat memiliki pemaknaan sendiri tentang ajaran agama yang berasal dari Tuhan yang satu. Perbedaan akan varianvarian Islam tersebut disebabkan oleh bangunan ideologi kultural masyarakat yang bersangkutan, historisitas masuknya agama dalam wilayah tersebut, tingkat penerimaan masyarakat terhadap ajaran agama yang datang kemudian, serta unsur-unsur luar yang menjadikan agama tersebut bisa diterima atau ditolak oleh masyarakatnya. 36
hlm. 545
Nurcholis Majid, Islam Doktrin dan Peradaban, (Jakarata :Para Madinah, 2000),
Alfani Daud, Islam Masyarakat Banjar, (Jakarta: Rajawali,1997), h. 581 Amin Abdullah, “ Kata Pengantar” dalam, Agama dan Pluralitas Budaya Lokal, Ed. Zakiyuddin Badhawy, (Surakarta : UMS Press, 2003), hlm. xviii-xix 39 Cilifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures, (New York: Basic Books, 1973) 37
38M.
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D. Penutup Fiqhi Keraton sebagai prodak ijtihad sebagaimana yang dideskripsikan pada beberapa contoh kasus, secara prinsip dikonstruksi di atas landasan semangat pembaruan metodologis, yaitu dengan melakukan reinterpretasi, dalam konteks tersebut teks yang ada dipandang sebagai teks yang hidup (corpus terbuka). Dalam kasus mawaris misalnya, konten fiqhi keraton berpijak pada asumsi pembaruan yang berada pada level etis, yang didasarkan atas prinsip kewajaran social yang rasional dan empirik. Dalam tataran epsitemologis, fiqhi keraton adalah pengejawantahan dari gagasan fiqhi sebagai konsep yang terbuka dan dinamis dalam menghadapi realitas social budaya yang berkembang. Pada akhirnya dapat dinyatakan bahwa; “Fiqh Keraton” adalah prodak pemikiran fiqh yang didesain berdasarkan karakter lokal masyarakatnya. Lokalitas yang kasat pandang pada muatan fiqhi keraton, adalah hal yang tak terhindarkan, mengingat kualitas individu dan budaya dimana sebuah hukum agama tumbuh bukanlah merupakan kaset kosong atau ruang hampa budaya, sehingga agama (baca: fiqhi) dan budaya pada akhirnya merupakan dua hal yang selalu bersekutu membentuk dan menggagas hidup bersama, dan oleh karena itu agama tidak dapat menghindar dari lokalitas kultur yang bersifat relatif dan particular. Legitimasi dari eksistensi fiqhi keraton, paling tidak dapat dirujuk pada sejarah perkembangan pemikiran hukum Islam, yang memberikan ruang akomodasi atas tradisi, di atas landasan paradigmatik “adat al-muhakkamat” DAFTAR PUSTAKA Abdullah, M. Amin, Studi Agama Normativitas atau Historisitas, Yogyakarta : Pustaka Pelajar , 1996 ______Dinamika Islam Kultural, Bandung : Mizan , 1999 Alifuddin, Muhammad, Islam Buton (Interaksi Islam dengan Budaya Lokal), Jakarta: Balitbang Depag RI, 2007 Anceaux, JC. , Wolio Dictionary (Wolio-English-Indobesia), USA Holland Providence, 1987 Aur, Alaxander “ Pasca Strukturalisme Michel Foucault, dalam ,Teori-Teori Kebudayaan, Ed. Muji Sutrisno, (Yogyakarta: Kanisius, 2005), h. 147 Azra ,Azyumardi, Konteks Berteologi di Indonesia Pengalaman Islam, (Jakarta:: Paramadina, 1999 Connoly, Peter (ed). Approaches to The Study of Religion, terj. Imam Khoiri, Berbagai Pendekatan Studi Agama, Yogyakarta: LKiS, 2002
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Cortesao, Arnando (ed.) The Suma Oriented of Tom Pires Jilid I. London : Hukluyt Society, 1944 Foucalt, Michel, Power/Knowledge: Selected Inteviews and Other Writings, ed. Colin Gordon, Great Britain: The Harvester Press, 1972 Ganiu, H. Abdul, Ajonga Ynda Malusa, terj. A.Mulku Zahari, (Bau-Bau, tp. t.th) Geertz, Clifford, “Religion as a Culture System” dalam, Michael Banton (ed.), Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion, (London, 1965) --------The Religion of Java, terj. Aswab Mahasin (Jakarta : Pustaka Jaya, 1983) --------Islam Observed, Religious Development in Marocco and Indonesia, (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1975) Khaldum, Ibnu, Muqaddimah Ibnu Khaldum, Beirut : Dar el-Fikri, 1981 Koentjaranigrat, Pengantar Antropologi, Jakarta : Dian Rakyat, 1974 ______Sejarah Teori Antropologi I &II ,Jakarta ; UI Press, 1990 Kuntowijoyo, PMuslim Tanpa Masjid Bandung: Mizan Majid, Nurcholis, Islam Doktrin dan Peradaban, Jakarta : Yayasan Wakaf Paramadina, 1992 Mulder, Niels ,Agama Hidup Sehari-Hari dan Perubahan Budaya, Jakarta : Gramedia, 1999, Scwarz, Adam , A Nation in Waiting Indonesia in 1990s, Australia : Allen and Unwin Pty Ltd, 1994 Schoorl, J.W., Masyarakat, Sejarah dan Budaya Buton, terj. G.Widya, Jakarta : Jambatan, 2003 Soekanto, Sosiologi Suatu Pengantar, Jakarta : Rajawali Press, 2001 Yunus, Abdul Rahim, Posisis Tasawuf dalam Sistem Kekuasaan Kesultanan Buton Abd. XIX, Jakarta: INIS Zahari, A. Mulku, Adat Fi Darul Butubi, Jakarta: Proyek Pengembangan Kebudayaan, 1975
ISLAMIC COURTS AND LEGAL REASONING IN CONTEMPORARY INDONESIA Ahmad Rofii Faculty of Syari’ah IAIN Syekh Nurjati Cirebon Jl. Perjuangan By Pass Sunyaragi Cirebon 45121 West Java Abstract: This paper analyses the Indonesian religious courts’ reasoning as found in their decisions on inheritance, particularly since the promulgation of the Compilation of Islamic Law (KHI). It assumes that the procedural rules in the religious courts are identical to those of the general courts and that the notion of Islamic law as the courts’ substantive law has turned out to be the state-defined law. It, then, concludes that the structure of the courts’ decisions is not something unique. The very concept underlying the judicial decision making in the courts is likely to be found in most Civil Law courts; judges are merely to apply the regulations in given cases by using the syllogistic method of reasoning. In the case examples, the judges generally make reference to relevant regulations particularly the Compilation. Then, they consider whether or not those regulations are applied in certain facts. Islamic sources, whether the Qur’an or fiqh literatures, might be cited in order to support the judges’ interpretation of the facts and regulations. In some circumstances, the judges might place a great emphasis on Islamic sources and adat. However, the way they maintain these sources are not distinct from that of maintaining regulations. Keywords: the Religious Courts, Islamic legal reasoning, the Compilation of Islamic Law, inheritence
I. Introduction Modernity has brought serious challenges to Islamic legal system. The establishment of the modern state together with the colonialism has led to ‘a systematic demolition of legal authority’ in Islam.1 In contrast with the practice of the pre-modern Islam, now it is the state which produces the legal authority for Muslim people. As the state takes over the control of legal doctrines, the ‘ulamâ’ or fuqahâ’ (Muslim jurists) no longer enjoy their traditional status as the authoritative legal interpreters. Their privilege has been undermined by the state through the employment of professional lawyers who are educated in secular laws.2 South-East Asian states faced the similar challenges.3 The idea of modern nation-state is something new. 1 Wael B Hallaq, “Juristic Authority vs State Power: The Legal Crises of Modern Islam” Journal of Law and Religion 19 (2003-4), 244. 2 Ibid; Ann Elizabeth Mayer, “Islam and the State” Cardozo Law Review 12 (19901991), 1015. 3 See, eg, M B Hooker, Islamic Law in South-East Asia (Kuala Lumpur: Harvard University Press, 1984), 36.
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It is largely based on the principle of secularism in which applicable law is a matter of the state determination and is manifested in the state’s institutions. Nowadays, one finds Islamic law in state-defined forms in South-East Asia. The sovereignty of law comes from, instead of God’s revelation through Muslim jurists, the state itself. The significant transformation made by the modern state is likely to be apparent in the practices of courts. As a consequence of modern theories of nation-state, the courts are assumed to be the state institutions in which governmental powers and functions is vested. The legitimacy of modern Islamic courts is also derived from this doctrine. Accordingly, they articulate their function by applying the law on the basis of rules of law formulated by the state power. In Indonesia, the existence of Islamic courts has been established by state legislations. During the Dutch colonial period, Islamic courts were regulated by Staatsblad No 152/1882 and Staatblad No 116 and 610 of 1937. In the post-revolutionary era, the government first promulgated the regulation No 45/1957. The Law on judicial power of 1970 and the Marriage Law of 1974 granted them more legitimacy. Then, with the enactment of the Law on Religious Justice in 1989, as amended by Law No 3/2006 and later by Law No 50/2009, their jurisdiction was widened. In addition, their power to execute the decisions has been recognized. The fact is that since 1980s there have been improvements in this judicial institution particularly in terms of the qualifications of judges and procedural matters. The judges as required by Law of Religious Judiciary must have a university degree either in syari’ah or general law. They are arguably familiar with judicial issues. In deciding cases, they are provided with “Islamic codifications” such as Marriage Law and the Compilation of Islamic Law. The reliance of (Islamic) religious courts on those Islamic codifications, however, raises a question of whether this reliance could be read as an application of Islamic law in the traditional sense of the term. The fact that the Compilation, for instance, is based on, and derived from, authoritative literatures in Islamic law might indicate that it is an authentic expression of Indonesian version of Islamic family law. Nevertheless, this is likely to contradict the very nature of Islamic law as distinct from state law. While state law is defined by the government’s arms, Islamic law is basically jurists’ interpretations of the Islamic sources of law. Moreover, the religious courts’ judges are government employees. They are bound by the government’s ideology and policies. In this sense, they are required to decide cases in accordance with the principles and rules the state has laid down for them. It might be argued that the law on which the judges base their decisions is actually state-defined law. This paper deals particularly with judicial reasoning applied in the religious courts of Indonesia. It seeks to examine whether these courts use
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Islamic legal reasoning, especially in inheritance cases. It argues that judges generally have not used legal reasoning as elaborated in Islamic legal theory. In fact, they applied state laws using judicial methods which are common with other Indonesian courts. II. Islamic Courts and the Problem of Legal Reasoning In theory, there are two legal institutions which have functions of applying Islamic legal reasoning and articulating Islamic legal norms in a given case, namely fatwâ and qadlâ’. These institutions have played a vital, robust role in maintaining the legitimacy of legal system facing with daily problems. Fatwâ’ is an opinion on a point of religious law given by an authoritative figure or group in Muslim community. It is basically not binding in the sense that the questioner (mustaftî) could avoid the opinion and seek another view that pleased him or her. Qadlâ’, on the other hand, refers to an act of deciding dispute cases in accordance with God’s law (hukm syar‘î), by which judges’ decisions are binding to all parties.4 The religious nature of an Islamic court is embodied in the notion of application of divine law. Muslim writers said that the exercise of the court is a vital principle of religion, one of the noble acts of devotion, one of the important religious duties and a communal obligation in Islam (fardl alkifâyah). Judges are required to have such qualification as piety and knowledgeable of Islamic legal system and reasoning. They are obliged to decide cases in accordance with the rules of Islamic law. Does this mean that judges have to exercise legal reasoning accepted in Islamic legal methodology in deciding cases before them? The term legal reasoning here refers to, as John Makdisi called, “rationality in a legal system”.5 It means a coherent set of legal principles and established methods which are exploited in order to modify, determine and reconstruct the laws within a legal system. In Islamic legal system, legal reasoning is generally used to refer to ijtihâd. It means the total endeavor made by a jurist to formulate rules of Islamic law. It is the third main source of Islamic law after al-Qur’an and Sunna. It manifests in various sources such as consensus (ijmâ‘), analogy (qiyâs), juristic preference (istihsân) and public interests (mashlahah). The significance of this concept
4 The difference between what is called a rule of law according to judiciary and to religion, according to Mushthafâ Ahmad al-Zarqâ’, al-Madkhal al-Fiqh al-‘Âmm (Damascus: Dâr al-Qalam, 1998), vol. 1, 67-69, constitutes the salient feature of Islamic law. See also Muhammad Hashim Kamali, Shari’ah Law: an Introduction (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2008), 174-175. 5 John Makdisi, “Formal Rationality in Islamic Law and the Common Law” Cleveland State Law Review 34 (1985-1986), 97.
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lies in its role in mediating revelation and reason in the body of Islamic law.6 The concept of ijtihâd is in contrast with taqlîd. The term taqlîd means a submission to the authority or doctrines of a legal school. In this sense, the second category of mujtahid, namely mujtahid fi al-madzhab (a person who exercises ijtihâd but is still bound by the school’s principles or just acknowledges the imam’s authority) is also regarded as pursuing taqlîd. In a common usage, it relates to non-‘ulamâ’ or laymen who according to this concept are dependent for their knowledge of Islamic law on ‘ulamâ or mujtahid.7 Islamic legal theory requires that muftis should be mujtahids. The authority of legal interpretation and reasoning is basically attached to them. Are judges also required to be mujtahids, so they must exercise their own reasoning? According to the classical doctrines of Syafi’i, Hanbali and some Hanafi, it was necessary for judges to be qualified as mujtahids. The majority of Hanafi considered that non-mujtahids were allowed to be appointed as judges. The qualification of ijtihâd was not deemed necessary. However, it became apparent that this necessary qualification was only a matter of ideal. In practice, the medieval legal scholars unwillingly accepted the appointment of non-mujtahids.8 In fact, before the period of the establishment of legal schools, as Hallaq pointed out, there were many judges who are mujtahids.9 They accordingly exercised their own reasoning for the judgments. Whenever they faced difficult cases, they would consult more competent mujtahids. AlSyafi‘i (d. 204/820) even encouraged judges to look for legal advice from mufti-mujtahids authority. Thus, it is likely that the legal authority of judges at that time was dependent upon their competence on Islamic legal reasoning (ijtihâd). But, unlike judges, muftis were always mujtahids. Accordingly, they must be the authoritative figures to whom judges should seek the legal counsel. Islamic legal history shows that judges had largely consulted muftis’ works in dealing with cases before the courts or they 6 Mohammad Hashim Kamali, Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence, revised ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge Islamic Text Society, 1991), 366. See also Muhammad ibn ‘Ali ibn Muhammad al-Syaukânî, Irsyâd al-Fuhûl ilâ Tahqîq al-Haqq min ‘Ilm al-Ushûl (Beirut: Dâr alKutub al-‘Ilmiyya, 1999), vol 2, 205-6; Bernard Weiss, “Interpretation in Islamic Law: The Theory of Ijtihâd” The American Journal of Comparative Law 26(2) (1990-1991), 200. 7 See, eg, Muhammad ibn ‘Ali ibn Muhammad al-Syaukânî, Irsyâd al-Fuhûl, 239; Wael B Hallaq, “Was the Gate of Ijtihad Closed?” International Journal of Middle East Studies 16(1) (1984), 3-41. 8 See, eg, Abû al-Hasan al-Mâwardî, al-Ahkâm al-Sulthâniyyah wa al-Wilâyât alDîniyyah (Beirut: Dâr al-Fikr, 1996), 109-10; ‘Abd al-Karîm Zaydân, Nizhâm al-Qadlâ’ fî alIslâm, 2nd ed. (Beirut: Mu’assasah al-Risâlah, 1989), 29-30. 9 Wael B Hallaq, Authority, Continuity and Change in Islamic Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 172-3.
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regularly asked muftis for legal advice. This practice is apparent in the fatwa literatures. Most documentations of fatwa are suggested to stem from questions asked by judges to muftis regarding the cases before them. After the schools (madzhabs) were well-established and the doctrine of taqlîd became prominent the practice of adjudication seems, as contemporary advocates of judicial constraint would say, merely to administer justice according to the rules of law. Hallaq clearly describes the function of judges, [t]he locus of legal and hermeneutical creativity was thus the mufti whereas qadi applied the law much as a bureaucrat applies administrative rules. The mufti worked with textual and doctrinal evidence – the stuff of hermeneutic – but the qadi applied ready made solutions, reached by the mufti, to particular cases, after having heard the evidence.10 III. Judges, Procedures and Substantive Laws: The Contexts of Judicial Reasoning in the Indonesian Religious Courts A. Religious Courts’ Judges and the Procedural Unification Since the Dutch colonial era till the regime of New Order, Islamic courts had suffered low prestige, unqualified judges and lack of well-established standard of adjudication. Daniel S Lev has described the condition of the courts; many people untrained even in Islamic law sitting as judges. The judges were seen, instead of religious leaders, merely as beambten (official) of the Dutch or local government. They were not well educated in Islamic law and were detached from religious authorities in the Muslim communities.11 In the early 1980s, there was a policy of standardization of Islamic court judges introduced by the Department of Religious Affairs. It brought about Ibid., 76. Daniel S Lev, Islamic Courts in Indonesia: A Study in the Political Bases of Legal Institutions (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), 11-13. Many Islamic organizations at that time had also noticed the same condition of the courts. This is not because of the lack of qualified ulama, but those ulama generally did not want to work under the Dutch Colonial administration. See Muhammad Hisyam, Caught between Three Fires: the Javanese Penghulu under the Dutch Colonial Administration 1882-1942 (Jakarta: INIS, 2001). In the post-revolutionary period, it was recognized that there were very few well-trained judges and some even decided cases with the ignorance of the law. There were attempts and pressures to appoint well-educated judges, for instance through the recruitment from university graduates, but it was far from success. Daniel S Lev argued that the procedures of the courts were unsystematic. The cases before the courts were mostly maintained by judges’ common sense. Although there were improvements for example by the adoption to general courts’ system, it was very limited. Moreover, this was exacerbated by the absence of adequate supervision of Islamic trial courts by appeal courts. Even in the appeal courts, there were frequently judgments decided on procedural errors. Daniel S Lev, Islamic Courts, 93, 128-31. 10 11
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 683
significant changes in recruitment. The qualification of judges was one issue. With the policy of standardization Islamic court judges would hold a university degree and have knowledge of Islamic law as well as the national judicial system.12 The promulgation of the Law on Religious Justice in 1989 provided a robust basis for the improvement of the qualities of judges. This, in turn, would improve procedural standards of adjudication. This statute, however, should be read with a more general statute, namely the Law No 14 of 1970 on the Fundamental Provisions of Judicial Power. It will be obvious in the following paragraphs that Law of 1989 is maintained coherently with the Law of 1970. The amendment of Law of 1989 (Law No 3 of 2006 and Law No. 50 of 2009) is also enacted by reference to the amendment of Law of 1970 (as amended by Law No 4 of 2004 and Law No. 48 of 2009). In terms of the qualities of judges, the statute provides provisions such as the requirements of judges, procedures of appointment, removal and supervision. This statute considers a judge as ‘an officer who performs the duty of judicial power’ (Article 11(1)). To be appointed as the courts’ judge, one must meet some criteria. This includes a citizen of Indonesia, Muslim, devoted to God, loyal to Pancasila and the Constitution of 1945, civil servant and a degree in syari’ah or law knowledgeable of Islamic law (Article 13). The last two criteria were considered a significant change to the established requirements. As Cammack noted, ‘under the 1882 statute only the court chairman was civil servant, and prior law did not specify any educational qualifications for judges, the vast majority of whom did not have university degrees’.13 These qualifications are not subject to substantial changes when the legislature passed Law No 3/2006 on the amendment of Law No 7/1989. In 2009, with the promulgation of the second amandment of Religious Judiciary Law, two points were added to the prior qualificatons, namely succeeding the professional education for judges and aged 25-40 years old. Before holding the position, a judge must take an oath. In Law of 1989, the statements of oath consists of several pronouncements regarding the rejection of bribery and corruption, loyalty to Pancasila and the Constitution of 1945 and ethical conduct in dealing with cases before the court (Article 16). The amendment of this statute stipulates this in a simpler way. A judge is obliged to take an oath which is pronounced “[i]n the name of Allah, I swear that I will perform the judicial obligations for the best and justly, uphold the Constitution of 1945, enforce all regulations compliantly in accordance with the Constitution of 1945 and loyal to the 12 Mark Cammack, “Islamic Law in Indonesia’s New Order” The International and Comparative Law Quarterly 38 (1989), 69-70. 13 Mark Cammack, “Indonesia’s 1989 Religious Judicature Act: Islamization of Indonesia or Indonesianization of Islam?” Indonesia 63 (1997), 155 (citations omitted).
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country and nation”. In both statues, judges, accordingly, are obliged to do justice not in accordance with Islamic law but with the Constitution and state laws. Law No 3/2006 places a great emphasis on the ‘one roof’ policy. According to Law No 7/1989, administrative supervision of Religious Court is under the Ministry of Religious Affairs. Now, all kinds of supervision are under the Supreme Court (Article 5). Regarding the appointment and removal of judges, while in the law of 1989 such appointment and removal was performed by the President as proposed by the Minister of Religious Affairs, based on the approval of the head of the Supreme Court, now they are proposed by the head of Supreme Court with no reference to the Minister of Religious Affairs (Article 15). All these changes restate the previous idea of judicial power as stipulated in Law No 4/2004. In addition to the improvement of the qualities of judges, Law of 1989 also provides certain provisions concerning procedures. Chapter IV of the statute is devoted to the procedural law of the religious courts. This chapter was not subject for changes in Law of 2006. It consisted of three parts: general, trial on a dispute of marriage and costs. Interestingly, the chapter begins with the provision that ‘Procedural Law applied in courts within Religious Justice is the Civil Procedural Law applied in courts within General Justice, except those which are specifically regulated in this Law’ (Article 54). In the General Part, except that the courts are obliged in every decision to start with the statement of bismillah, there is no provision that is distinct from that of other courts according to Law No 14/970.14 By Law No 50 of 2009, there are three provisions (60A-C) which are inserted between Article 60 and 61. Article 60A states that the judge must be accountable of her decisions in that she must give judicial reasonings for every decisions she made. Article 60B and C requires the state to provide legal aids for justice seekers. Concerning the court’s decisions, the statute requires that every decision must contain not only the reasons and the basis but also certain articles and provisions of relevant regulations or the unwritten source of law which constitutes the basis of adjudication (Article 62(1)). This article provides the basic requirements of a decision. It demands that when deciding cases before the court, judges must take state regulations and/or unwritten law into consideration. The reference to statutory provisions in every judge’s decision becomes inevitable. While state laws in this statute are obvious,
14 Article 56 of Law of 1989 is comparable with Article 14 of Law of 1970, Article 57 with Article 4, Article 58 with Article 5, Article 59 with Article 17, Article 60 with Article 18, Article 61 with Article 19 and Article 62 with Article 23.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 685
what the unwritten law here means remains unclear. It may be any or all of adat or Muslim local customs or unlegislated Islamic law.15 The religious courts deliver decisions in a matter of a complaint (gugatan) against another Muslim in a dispute case and woman application (permohonan). In the elucidation of Article 60, the first type of decisions is called putusan (decision) and the second is penetapan (declaration). While the decision resolves the dispute and decides who wins the claim, the statement declares, for instance, the legality of a marriage performed before the promulgation of Marriage Law of 1974, the origins of a child (the elucidation of Article 49 (2)) and the validity of a talak divorce. From the courts’ decisions and statements one can ask for appeal to the Religious High Court (Pengadilan Tinggi Agama) (Article 61). And, if he or she wishes to challenge the High Court’s decisions, he or she could ask for cassation to the Supreme Court (Mahkamah Agung) (Article 63). With the promulgation of Law on Religious Justice it is likely that the procedures of the religious courts have been improved. They attempted to achieve the standards applied in other courts. Their judges, who have a university degree, must be qualified in applying those standards. The above discussion makes it clear that what are applied in the religious courts are procedural rules which in some respects might have nothing to do with Islamic procedural law. Moreover, the existing provisions do arguably put significant weight to the state laws concerning the courts’ activities in making decisions. B. The Substantive Laws of the Religious Courts Before Marriage Law No 1/1974 was enacted, there were no unified substantive laws applied in the religious courts. The courts relied much on Islamic legal scholarship maintained in the classical fiqh literatures. A demand for a codification of Islamic law actually appeared in the postindependence. However, because there was much opposition from the majority of Muslims, it did not succeed. The proposed codification was seen a radical change to the established religious doctrines.16 The courts remained in reliance on Islamic legal authorities particularly the Shafi’i author-jurists’ works. 17 In 18 February 1958, the Bureau of Religious Justice in the Ministry of Religious Affairs delivered Surat Edaran No
15 M B Hooker and Tim Lindsey, “Public Faces of Syari’ah in Contemporary Indonesia: Towards a National Mazhab?” Australian Journal of Asian Law 4 (2002), 277. 16 See Daniel S Lev, Islamic Courts, 137-8. 17 These books included, for instance, Mughnî al-Muhtâj, al-Mahallî, I‘ânah alThâlibîn, al-Syarqâwî ‘alâ al-Tahrîr, al-Iqnâ‘ and Fath al-Qarîb. See, eg, the decisions of the religious courts in Notosusanto, Peradilan Agama Islam di Djawa dan Madura (Jogjakarta: s.n., 1953), 82-181.
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B/1/735 which instructed judges of the religious courts to seek guidance from 13 books of the Shafi’i school in deciding cases.18 Since the promulgation of Marriage Law in 2 January 1974, the courts have been provided with the statutory provisions ascertaining the application of Islamic law as defined by the state. The reference to classical sources of Islamic law is possible so long as it does not contradict those provisions. In order to complement the statute in providing the unified applicable laws for the courts, the Compilation of Islamic Law (Kompilasi Hukum Islam) is laid down by the Presidential Instruction No 1/1991. Actually, there are many other regulations which provide the substantive laws of the religious courts. However, relevant to the topic being discussed, this paper will discuss only two sources of law for the religious courts, namely Marriage Law and the Compilation. Marriage Law was enacted after the bitter controversies about the provisions contained in the original bill. The statute to the large extent adopts the established doctrines in Islamic law regarding marital affairs. As Katz and Katz noted, ‘this is the first time in Indonesia that substantive marriage law for Moslems has been codified by the state to any appreciable extent’.19 Through this new law, however, Islamic legal tradition of marriage was modified to accept “modern” interpretations of Islamic law. Moreover, it was forced to acknowledge the government’s role in interpreting the Islamic tradition.20 Although the Islamic roots of the law are clear, one cannot deny the fact that this law was the result of a compromise among several elements of Indonesian society. More importantly it is the political product which provides the state definition of Islamic marriage law. The General Elucidation of Marriage Law indicates how the state ideology and legal politics constitute the foundations of the statute. It states that the statute accommodates the living legal traditions as well as the very principles embodied in Pancasila and the Constitution of 1945. In addition, it highlights certain legal policies underlying the law including the necessity of the registration of marriage, the principle of monogamy and the principle of making divorce difficult. Marriage Law consists of 14 chapters and 67 articles. It lays down the provisions regarding foundations of marriage, its prerequisites and prevention, marriage contract, rights and responsibilities of husband and wife, marital property, dissolution of marriage, position of children, rights See the General Elucidation of the Compilation of Islamic Law point 3. June S Katz and Ronald S Katz, “The New Indonesian Marriage Law: A Mirror of Indonesia’s Political, Cultural and Legal Systems” The American Journal of Comparative Law 23 (1975), 669-70. 20 Mark Cammack, Lawrence A Young and Tim Heaton, “Legislating Social Change in an Islamic Society: Indonesia’s Marriage Law” The American Journal of Comparative Law 44 (1996), 46. 18 19
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 687
and responsibilities between parents and children, guardianship, parentage of children and marriage outside Indonesia. In 1991, the government promulgated a new regulation concerning rules of law applicable in the religious courts. The Presidential Instruction No 1 of 1991 gave an order to the Minister of Religious Affairs to spread and apply the so-called Compilation of Islamic Law. The Minister then followed up this instruction with a decree (KMA) No 154 of 1991.21 The Compilation is, in fact, an Islamic Code for Indonesian Muslims; a code in which the idea behind it is arguably back to the Code of Majallah which governed most of the Muslim countries in the early of twentieth century.22 The Compilation becomes a legitimate source, though remains contested among constitutional theorists as well as judges of the Religious Courts,23 for the religious courts which provides certainty and uniformity in the application of Islamic law in Indonesia.24 As mentioned in the General Elucidation, the Compilation is made in order to provide a guidance of applicable laws for judges within the jurisdiction of the Religious Courts. It might be suggested that the motive behind the introduction of the Compilation is religious because it would provide the religious courts with certain Islamic rules adopted from Islamic legal authorities. However, it seems that the political background and reasons dominate the law making. Yahya Harahap, one of the committee members of the Compilation, pointed out that there were at least four objectives operative in the law making process.25 First, by providing the source of reference or substantive law, it was seen a necessary pillar for religious justice. Secondly, it was aimed to make legal unification and certainty. Thirdly, it was meant to strengthen ukhuwwah (brotherhood among Muslims) and to diminish conflicts among 21 On the historical account of the Compilation, see, eg, Ahmad Imam Mawardi, “The Political Backdrop of the Enactment of the Compilation of Islamic Laws in Indonesia” in Arskal Salim and Azyumardi Azra (eds), Shari’a and Politics in Modern Indonesia (Singapore: ISEAS, 2003), 127-31; Euis Nurlaelawati, Modernization, Tradition and Identity: the Kompilasi Hukum Islam and Legal Practice in the Indonesian Religious Courts (Leiden: EJ Brill, 2010), 8089. 22 On the Majalla, see Norman Anderson, Law Reform in the Muslim World (London: University of London Athlone Press,1976), 51-2. 23 On the contested authority of the KHI, see Amrullah Ahmad, et.al., Dimensi Hukum Islam dalam Sistem Hukum Nasional (Jakarta: GIP, 1996); Euis Nurlaelawati, Modernization, Tradition and Identity, Ch. III. Challenging the KHI’s patriarchal standpoints, Government sponsored Team of Gender Mainstreaming produced what is called “the Counter Legal Draft of the KHI”. However, after heated protests, the Government finally stepped down from continuig the project. See Marzuki Wahid, “Counter Legal Draft Kompilasi Hukum Islam (CLD-KHI) dalam Perspektif Politik Hukum di Indonesia” Paper originally presented at The 4th Annual Islamic Studies Postgraduate Conference, The University of Melbourne, 17-18 November 2008, 48-68; Euis Nurlaelawati, Modernization, Tradition and Identity, 125-129. 24 Mark Cammack, “Indonesia’s 1989 Religious Judicature Act”, 165. 25 See Ahmad Imam Mawardi, “The Political Backdrop”, 137.
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Muslims (khilâfiyyah). Finally, it was aimed to encourage disputes settlement in formal institutions. It is clear, then, that the very objective of the Compilation relates to the idea of providing the religious courts with substantive laws and accordingly establishing the legal unification and certainty in the country. The Compilation consists of three books, marriage (Article 1-170), inheritance (Article 171-214) and wakaf (Article 215-229). In many places, state legislations and regulations are quoted as the legitimate source of reference. The Compilation reveals the character of the modern codifications. The codification is a salient feature of the modern state sovereignty, which is established on the idea of a monopoly of law making authority.26 It symbolizes the state power in defining Islamic law. Islamic law is recognized to the point that it will not conflict with the national ideology and legal policies. Moreover, the nature of the Compilation itself indicates blatantly how the state control becomes possible particularly in the area of personal status. It might be true to name the Compilation merely as ‘a bureaucratic handbook’, as Hooker and Lindsey noted.27 This is because the notion of the application of Islamic law in the Compilation is subject to bureaucratic procedures. Its formulation, which is very simple statements and in accordance with the form of standard legislations, seems to make the courts greatly rely on it. As mentioned above, Law on Religious Justice requires the religious courts’ judges to greatly consider relevant statutory provisions and regulations in decision making. The discussion in this section also demonstrates that Marriage Law and the Compilation constitute substantive laws of the courts. It might be suggested that when dealing with cases before the court judges will consider these regulations. In what follows, this paper will examine the religious courts’ decisions on inheritance. It attempts to answer the question of whether the courts’ decisions greatly rely on Islamic sources – by using Islamic legal reasoning – or state regulations. IV. The Religious Courts’ Decisions and Legal Reasoning: The Case of Inheritance Inheritance law in Indonesia was linked to the struggles between religious and Indonesian identity, or the conflicts between the advocates of syari’ah implementation and the supporters of adat law. Devoted Muslims would encourage the application of Islamic rules of inheritance (farâ’idl), while adat supporters encouraged the reference to local custom as a form of
26 See, eg, Mark Cammack, Lawrence A Young and Tim Heaton, “Legislating Social Change”, 53; Wael B Hallaq, “Juristic Authority vs State Power”. 27 M B Hooker and Tim Lindsey, “Public Faces of Syari’ah”, 278.
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the adherence to indigenous identity.28 This struggle was particularly reflected in the religious courts’ jurisdiction over inheritance. The courts’ achievement to be legitimate in deciding inheritance cases was considered ideological. As Daniel S Lev pointed out, “the inheritance competence was regarded as ground won for Islam, in a critical historical social and political sense rather than merely a narrowly legal one.”29 From 1937 to 1989 inheritance had been no longer a jurisdiction of the religious courts in Java and Madura. Outside these islands, the courts continued to enjoy such jurisdiction. Although formally incompetent to decide inheritance cases, however, the courts in Java and Madura continued to do so. Inheritance problems on a large scale were brought to the courts. Judges after considering the problems and relevant Islamic doctrines gave legal opinions or fatwas. The format of fatwa seems to be the same as that of the courts’ decision.30 With the enactment of Law on Religious justice, inheritance is included as one of the jurisdictions of all religious courts in the country. The courts now can resolve inheritance problems in a formal manner. Before analyzing the courts’ decisions on inheritance, we need to make clear the nature of the courts’ decisions. The structure of decisions has not been the subject of significant changes since the Dutch period. The same format would also be found in general courts’ decisions.31 Law on Religious Justice adds only a provision that the decision must be commenced with Bismillah. The decisions mainly contain the identity of plaintiffs and respondents or appellants and respondents, the issue of a case at hand (duduk perkara), legal considerations (menimbang or tentang hukumnya) and a decision (memutus or mengadili). The identity of parties before the court includes their age, religion, professional work and address. The issue of a case consists of material facts, the plaintiff and defendant’s arguments and, if the appellate court is concerned, the trial court’s decision. Legal considerations generally include legal standing of the parties, the court’s view of the material facts, its evaluation of the plaintiff and defendant’s arguments and a reference to relevant regulations and/or Islamic literatures. Simple statements regarding the result of the case and costs of proceedings are also mentioned in this consideration. Finally, the result of a case is stated completely and clearly in the decision of the court.
28 Mark Cammack, “Islamic Inheritance in Indonesia: The Influence of Hazairin’s Theory of Bilateral Inheritance” Australian Journal of Asian Law 4 (2002), 295. 29 Daniel S Lev, Islamic Courts, 198. 30 Ibid., 199-204. 31 For Java and Madura it refers to HIR (Herziene Inlandsch Reglement) Article 184 and RBg (Rechtsreglement Voor de Bintengewesten) Article 195 for outside Java and Madura. See, eg, Riduan Syahrani, Himpunan Peraturan Hukum Acara Perdata Indonesia (Bandung: Alumni, 1991), 216, 266.
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The religious courts’ decisions that will be discussed are the decisions on inheritance since the promulgation of Law on Religious Justice and the Compilation of Islamic Law. The decisions at hand generally deal with the determination of heirs, their legitimate portion, the joint marital property, the portion of adopted children and the status of a gift and a bequest. To find the courts’ reasoning, the emphasis will be placed on the courts’ legal considerations. The term “menimbang” (in consideration of) arguably shows the grounds of their decisions. As is also the case with the general courts, the first part of consideration deals with ascertaining the material facts and legal standing of both the plaintiff and defendant. The courts are, then, concerned with the evaluation of the parties’ arguments and their own arguments and justification. Considerations regarding relevant statutory provisions and regulations are determinative of the courts’ decisions. It seems that the courts’ reasoning is merely to apply those regulations in given facts. The courts’ arguments are mainly about whether a claim is in accordance or conflict with relevant regulations. In this sense, Merryman’s description of the judges’ function and judicial process in Civil Law system is likely to suit the condition of Religious Court judges. As he noted, [t]he judge becomes a kind of expert clerk. He is presented with a fact situation to which a ready legislative response will be readily found in all except the extraordinary case. His function is merely to find the right legislative provision, couple it with the fact situation and bless the solution that is more or less automatically produced from the union. The whole process of judicial decision is made to fit into the formal syllogism of scholastic logic.32 The role of judges is to find a true meaning of law, statute. Courts are bound by a code, statute. Legislative acts, therefore, constitute the very source of judicial reasoning in the Civil Law world.33 As Pierre Legrand argues, all judicial decisions must adhere to the “law of the text”; ‘this text is experienced as sacred’.34 The above-mentioned courts’ approach can be traced in cases before them. For example, in H M Harun bin H M Soleh and others v Nurmalawati binti H M Ali. In this case the plaintiffs sued the defendant on the ground that the defendant had illegitimately controlled the deceased’s (Hj Mariyam binti H M Soleh) property. They argued that the defendant was not one of 32 John Henry Marryman, The Civil Law Tradition: An Introduction to the Legal Systems of Western Europe and Latin America, 2nd ed (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1985), 36. 33 René David and John E C Brierley, Major Legal Systems in the World Today: An Introduction to the Comparative Study of Law, 3rd ed. (London: Stevens, 1985), 134-7. 34 Pierre Legrand, “Review: Antiqui Juris Civilis Fabulas” The University of Toronto Law Journal 45 (1995), 311.
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the deceased’s heirs because she was an adopted child. The defendant in response argued that the property she currently controlled was a gift (hibah) from the deceased before she died. The plaintiffs challenged the validity of the gift because it was not in accordance with inheritance law in Islam (farâ’idl). The Religious Court of Palembang held that the plaintiffs’ claims were not supported by evidence. As the gift was registered as the gift act (akta hibah) almost a year before the deceased died, the gift accordingly was a pure gift in accordance with Article 212 of the Compilation. This was also supported by the yurisprudensi of the Supreme Court.35 The plaintiffs then appealed to the Religious High Court of Palembang.36 As the Court affirmed the trial court’s decision, they appealed to the Supreme Court. The Court allowed the appeal on the grounds that the accepted gift should not exceed one-third of the inherited property. The Court’s decisions are based mainly on whether the previous courts had correctly applied and interpreted relevant law. Because the provisions in the Compilation (Article 210) were not properly applied, the Court decided to set aside the previous courts’ decision.37 In the aforementioned case, the courts relied on the Compilation, although they interpreted it in different ways. The reference to Islamic sources was totally absent. The value of a gift in Islamic law is enshrined by many prophetic traditions (hadits). Once a property is transferred as a gift to someone, it becomes under his or her possession. Regarding the total amount of the property allowed to be given as a gift, the majority of ulama agree that one can donate all his property during her life. However, according to Muhammad ibn Hasan and other followers of the Hanafi School, someone who gives her whole property is mentally weak and for that reason her conducts to property must be interdicted.38 The courts’ decisions clearly ignored these sources of reasoning. The courts considered only whether Article 212 of the Compilation, which stipulates that a gift cannot be annulled except a gift from a parent to their children, or Article 210, which limits the gift to one-third of the property, could be applied in this case. In other cases the religious courts might cite Islamic sources. However, it seems that when Islamic sources are appealed, the courts would cite them at best as a support for their interpretation of relevant statutes and regulations. Sapari bin Sartawi alias Tawi v Sapari alias Suwarno bin Darjan and another might indicate this method. In this case, the plaintiff Putusan Pengadilan Agama Palembang No. 357/pdt.G/1996/PA.Plg. Putusan Pengadilan Tinggi Agama Palembang No. 13/Pdt.G/1997/PTA.Plg. 37 Putusan Mahkamah Agung No. 29/K/AG/1998. 38 See, eg, Sayyid Sâbiq, Fiqh al-Sunnah, 4th ed. (Beirut: Dâr alfikr, 1983), vol. 3, 392; Wahbah al-Zuhailî, Mawsû’ah al-Fiqh al-Islâmî wa al-Qadlâyâ al-Mu’ashirah (Damascus: Dâr al-Fikr, 2012), vol. 4, 697-699. 35 36
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sued the defendants on the grounds that because the plaintiff was the only child and heir of the deceased, he should share all the deceased’s property. The plaintiff claimed that the defendants had controlled illegitimately the deceased’s property. In their arguments the defendants rejected sharing the property because the plaintiff was not the deceased’s child. They argued that the deceased only had a wife, Sarmi, and never had the second wife who was allegedly the plaintiff’s mother. The Religious Court of Kisaran held that on the basis of agreed evidence the court recognized that the plaintiff was the deceased’s child. In dealing with evidence, the court referred to many provisions including the RBg of Article 308(1) and 309 which governed the value of witness and Article 180 which governed observation on a given object of disputes and Law No 5/1960. In the light of Article 174(1) of the Compilation, the court then decided that the plaintiff was the deceased’s heir. And, because he was the only heir of the deceased, the plaintiff took all the deceased’s property (‘ashâbah bi nafsih). To support this conclusion, the court referred to the authority of ijmâ’ as mentioned in Ibn Rusyd’s book, Bidâyah al-Mujtahid.39 The defendants appealed to the Religious High Court of Medan. The court affirmed the trial court’s decision and dismissed the appeal. In its considerations, this appellate court rejected the grounds of the defendants’ (here the appellants’) arguments and proposed evidence by reference to Law on Religious Justice and yurisprudensi. The appellants’ objection to the existence of the deceased’s marriage with the plaintiff’s (here the defendant’s) mother was regarded ill-founded. This was because, among other things, the statutes and regulations concerning marriage were not retrospective. To prove the existence of marriage and a child, the court only needed the available evidence as stipulated in the Shafi’i book, I’ânah al-Thâlibîn.40 The appellant then appealed to the Supreme Court. The Court allowed the appeal. The Court’s considerations are about misinterpretation and misapplication of the relevant statutes and regulations.41 The above-mentioned case was an action for a legitimate division of inheritance property. To decide whether the plaintiff could be allocated the assigned shares, the court initially held that the plaintiff was actually the deceased’s child. Having acknowledged that the plaintiff was the only heir of the deceased, the court then decided that he would own all the deceased’s property. The court’s decision here raised two legal issues, namely the evidences of the origins of a child and his allocated portion. Regarding the first, the trial court relied on the RBg while the High Court referred to the authority of the Shafi’i school. This reference by the High Court is made on the basis of the principle of non-retroactivity of the relevant regulations. In Putusan Pengadilan Agama Kisaran No. 147/Pdt.G/1994/PA-Kis. Putusan Pengadilan Tinggi Agama Medan No. 34/Pdt.G/1995/PTA-Mdn. 41 Putusan Mahkamah Agung No. 216 K/AG/1996. 39 40
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 693
this sense, the court’s consideration actually demonstrates how the court would be bound by these regulations prospectively. The issue of evidence is also a subject matter in Islamic legal literatures. In general, there are many kinds of evidence in Islamic fiqh: testimony, confession, oath, qasâmah and circumstantial evidence (qarâ’in). Muslim jurists have different opinions regarding the value of them.42 As for the claim for a right of inheritance, it is necessary to prove that the plaintiff has the blood relationship (nasab) with the deceased. In doing so, the court relies on the availability of the above mentioned evidence provided to the court. The second issue was dealt by the trial court on the basis of the Compilation (Article 174) and the consensus (ijmâ‘). Apart from a daughter, a son is a residuary heir in his own right (‘ashabah bi nafsih). He could inherit all the deceased’s property when he stands alone. This is clear from the court’s reference to the consensus. Islamic legal theory places the authority of consensus after Qur’an and Sunna. The court’s considerations, however, are likely to regard the consensus as merely an elaboration of the provisions in the Compilation. In Madli bin Aswan and others v Hj Khoiriyah, the court also took into consideration Islamic sources. In this case, the plaintiffs claimed that they shared the deceased’s property which was under the control of the defendant. They asked the court to include them as the deceased’s heirs and allocated each of them the assigned shares. Because it was a joint property between the deceased and the defendant, they claimed one-half of the property. In addition, because the defendant had controlled all the joint property, accordingly she had acted against the law. The defendant contended that the action should be dismissed because there were many heirs who were not included in the plaintiffs’ complaint, such as representative heirs (ahli waris pengganti) and an adopted child. Moreover, the alleged property in fact had been sold for medical maintenance of the deceased. The Religious Court of Pemalang held that the plaintiffs were entitled to legitimate portions of the property. The court argued that the problem of representative heirs was based on personal reasoning (ijtihâd). There was no consensus among ‘ulamâ’ on this issue. It is important to consider the court’s reasons for not acknowledging the existence of the representative heirs. Having stated that local custom as well as local ulama did not recognize them, the court pointed out that ‘if this case was maintained in accordance with this opinion, public benefits (kemashlahatan umat) and legal certainty would be achieved’. The court interpreted Article 185 of the Compilation, which explicitly recognized the existence of substitute heirs, as not pointing to the mandatory status of these heirs’ shares. In addition, the court considered that the adopted child according to 42 See ‘Abd al-Karîm Zaydân, Nizhâm al-Qadlâ’, 155-242; Wahbah al-Zuhailî, Mawsû’ah al-Fiqh al-Islâmî, vol. 6, 474-557.
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the Compilation was not an issue of inheritance but of bequest. Having accepted the plaintiffs’ complaint, the court decided that all the property in dispute was jointly owned and should be divided accordingly. The Qur’an an-Nisa 12 and 176 were quoted to highlight each share.43 Having not been satisfied with the result, the defendant appealed to the Religious High Court of Central Java (Semarang). The High Court decided to allow the appeal. According to the court, the petitum proposed by the plaintiffs was not valid. The complaint was also held unclear or obscures (obscuur libel). Accordingly, the plaintiffs’ claim could not be accepted.44 The High Court’s reasoning in the above case seems to be too procedural, judging the complaint merely on the basis of its fulfillment to the required procedures and administration. The grounds of the court’s decision are legal concepts unknown in Islamic law. The trial court interestingly appealed to the notion of local benefits and public interests (mashlahah) to annul the portion of representative heirs. In doing so, the court interpreted the provisions of the Compilation in a different way. Regarding the adopted child, the court referred only to the Compilation. This very fact demonstrates the significance of the Compilation in the judgment. It seems that the Compilation will always be considered even when the court gives unprecendented judgment. The appeal to the idea of public benefits and legal certainty aims to set a ground for the court to take another version of interpretation which deems the allocation of shares to the representative heirs as not compulsory. In fact, traditional Islamic law does not recognize the concept of representative heirs. Neither divine texts (nashsh) nor ulamâ’s opinions support it. This is a new formulation (ijtihâd) introduced by some ulamâ’ which is currently acknowledged by the state. As is also the case with every ijtihâd, the value of representative heirs is not absolute. Public benefits might provide a sound ground for admitting or rejecting this concept. The court’s reference to this notion is unfortunately not elaborated. There is no further explanation, for instance, of why this authority is taken into consideration and how it should be preferred to other authorities. This fact is likely to indicate that the court, instead of the elaboration of Islamic law, would only deal with its application. The above-mentioned case examples inform the readers about the practice of judicial reasoning in the religious courts particularly since the promulgation of the Compilation. It seems that the reasoning employed is generally legalistic. The task of the courts is merely to apply the law in given cases. Emphasis is much given to procedural matters. When the courts appeal to Islamic sources, it is likely to be additional and not constitute the very basis of the courts’ decisions.
43 44
Putusan Pengadilan Agama Pemalang No. 1470/Pdt.G/1996/PA.Pml Putusan Pengadilan Tinggi Agama Semarang No. 70/Pdt.G/1997/PTA.Smg
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 695
Why do the courts rely much more on statutory provisions and regulations than Islamic sources? And, why is the so-called “Islamic legal reasoning” likely to be absent in the judicial reasoning? There are two possible answers. First, in the previous section this paper argued that since the medieval Islam, the judges (qâdlis) have not been mujtahids. They should be affiliated to one school (madzhab) recognized by the rulers and Muslim community. In addition, there was a widespread belief in Muslim community that the task of the judges was merely to apply the law as bureaucrats applied the administrative law on the basis of the established madzhab and legal opinions of muftis.45 In Islamic point of view, what these judges usually do is to practice taqlîd, meaning to adhere to the well-established doctrines of Islamic law without much consideration of the basis (ushûl) and evidences (adillah) out of which legal rules are derived. Of course this is only a general description. As demonstrated in the above cases, the judges sometimes refer to Islamic sources in which they base their decisions. However, this reference is not coherent and comprehensive. Prof. Satria Effendi has clearly demonstrated how the courts’ decisions are far from being satisfactory in terms of the Islamic legal point of view. In his analysis on different decisions made by the Religious Court of Mataram and the Supreme Court regarding the division of inheritance property and determination of legitimate heirs, Effendi examined that the decisions of both the Religious Court and the Supreme Court have made reference to the different views in Islamic legal scholarship; the Religious Court indirectly refer to the view of the majority of jurist, but the Supreme Court relied on the opinion of Ibn ‘Abbas on the matter. However, they failed to provide reasons why they chose one view and discounted the other.46 What they did is merely to cite those views. They ignored the basis on which these views were formulated. This straightforward and simple reasoning is also evident in the Supreme Court’s decision on the share allocated to the deceased’s widow who was non-Muslim.47 Although the widow was not regarded as the deceased’s heir, the Court concluded that a certain part of the property should be assigned to her as washiyyah wâjibah (mandatory bequest). The Court’s standpoint was based mainly by the Previous Court’s relevant decision (Yurisprudensi) and quoting the authority of Yusuf al-Qaradlâwî. Here, no elaborative arguments, by employing Islamic legal reasoning, were given as to why the Court took that position. Wael B Hallaq, Authority, Continuity and Change, 76. Satria Effendi M Zein, Problematika Hukum Keluarga Islam Kontemporer: Analisis Yurisprudensi dengan Pendekatan Ushuliyah, (Jakarta: Kencana, 2004), 293-306. 47 Putusan Mahkamah Agung No. 16 K/AG/2010. Assigning washiyyah wâjibah to non-Muslim relatives constitutes the Supreme Court’s precedent (No. 368 K/AG/1995 and No. 51 K/AG/1999). 45 46
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The second consideration, still related to the first, is that since the establishment of modern nation-state the authority of law making has been taken up by the state. It alone is sovereign in making law. The state examines this authority by making codifications. The professional lawyers provide with their methods of interpretation, how these codifications are to be applied in given situations. The Indonesian legal system reflects this fact. Inherited from the Dutch legal tradition, Indonesian courts are obliged to apply the law according to legitimate methods of judicial reasoning. The religious courts accordingly should decide cases before the court on the basis of existing laws provided by the state and judicial methods which are commonly and legitimately used in all courts. Hooker and Lindsey accurately demonstrated the poverty of legal reasoning in the religious courts, their rare reference to Islamic sources and their dependence on state laws without much elaboration. They pointed out, [t]he reported yurisprudensi is sparse and when available minimalist, in the sense that, in most cases, decisions are given in a bare form – sometimes only one or two pages – with little concern expressed to explain the reasoning. The only constant feature of Religious Court decisions is the use of Pancasila and, to a lesser extent, the Kompilasi, as basic reference points but these tell us almost nothing about legal reasoning.48 Using the Islamic terminology, the judges are muqallids (people who perform taqlîd), not to the school doctrines but to the state-defined law. As Netherlands and then Indonesia belong to Civil Law system, the judges’ function as indicated by Merryman is merely to find the right provisions by using syllogistic methods. V. Conclusion This paper has argued that the judges of the religious courts generally have not used legal reasoning as elaborated in Islamic legal theory. In fact, they applied state laws using judicial methods which are common with other Indonesian courts. With regard to procedural rules the religious courts rely on the general court procedures. Accordingly, there is no significant difference between them in the proceedings, grounds of judicial reasoning and the structure of decisions. The applicable substantive laws in the religious courts are mainly Marriage Law, the Compilation of Islamic Law and unwritten laws, which might be read as adat and unwritten Islamic law. Although both Marriage Law and the Compilation are mostly derived from Islamic law, some provisions indicate a significant departure from the traditional interpretation. In addition, as codifications these regulations 48
M B Hooker and Tim Lindsey, “Public Faces of Syari’ah”, 276.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 697
greatly reflect the state policies. The notion of Islamic law as the courts’ substantive law has turned out to be the state-defined law. Reflecting on the religious courts’ decisions on inheritance particularly since the promulgation of the Compilation, this paper argues that the structure of the courts’ decisions is not something unique. The very concept underlying the judicial decision making in the courts is likely to be found in most Civil Law courts; judges are merely to apply the regulations in given cases by using the syllogistic method of reasoning. In the case examples above the judges generally make reference to relevant regulations particularly the Compilation. Then, they consider whether or not those regulations are applied in certain facts. Islamic sources, whether the Qur’an or fiqh literatures, might be cited in order to support the judges’ interpretation of the facts and regulations. In some circumstances, the judges might place a great emphasis on Islamic sources and adat. However, the way they approach these sources are not distinct from that of maintaining regulations. Accordingly, the notion of Islamic legal reasoning in judicial decision making seems to be absent. Bibliography Ahmad, Amrullah, et.al., Dimensi Hukum Islam dalam Sistem Hukum Nasional (Jakarta: GIP, 1996). Anderson, Norman, Law Reform in the Muslim World (London: University of London Athlone Press,1976). Cammack, Mark, “Indonesia’s 1989 Religious Judicature Act: Islamization of Indonesia or Indonesianization of Islam?” Indonesia 63 (1997). Cammack, Mark, “Islamic Inheritance in Indonesia: The Influence of Hazairin’s Theory of Bilateral Inheritance” Australian Journal of Asian Law 4 (2002). Cammack, Mark, “Islamic Law in Indonesia’s New Order” The International and Comparative Law Quarterly 38 (1989). Cammack, Mark, Lawrence A Young and Tim Heaton, “Legislating Social Change in an Islamic Society: Indonesia’s Marriage Law” The American Journal of Comparative Law 44 (1996). David, René and John E C Brierley, Major Legal Systems in the World Today: An Introduction to the Comparative Study of Law, 3rd ed. (London: Stevens, 1985). Hallaq, Wael B, Authority, Continuity and Change in Islamic Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
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Hallaq, Wael B., “Juristic Authority vs State Power: The Legal Crises of Modern Islam” Journal of Law and Religion 19 (2003-4). Hallaq, Wael B, “Was the Gate of Ijtihad Closed?” International Journal of Middle East Studies 16(1) (1984). Hisyam, Muhammad, Caught between Three Fires: the Javanese Penghulu under the Dutch Colonial Administration 1882-1942 (Jakarta: INIS, 2001). Hooker, M B, Islamic Law in South-East Asia (Kuala Lumpur: Harvard University Press, 1984). Hooker, M B and Tim Lindsey, “Public Faces of Syari’ah in Contemporary Indonesia: Towards a National Mazhab?” Australian Journal of Asian Law 4 (2002). Kamali, Mohammad Hashim, Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence, revised ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge Islamic Text Society, 1991). Kamali, Muhammad Hashim, Shari’ah Law: an Introduction (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2008). Katz, June S and Ronald S Katz, “The New Indonesian Marriage Law: A Mirror of Indonesia’s Political, Cultural and Legal Systems” The American Journal of Comparative Law 23 (1975). Legrand, Pierre, “Review: Antiqui Juris Civilis Fabulas” The University of Toronto Law Journal 45 (1995). Lev, Daniel S, Islamic Courts in Indonesia: A Study in the Political Bases of Legal Institutions (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972). Makdisi, John, “Formal Rationality in Islamic Law and the Common Law” Cleveland State Law Review 34 (1985-1986). Marryman, John Henry, The Civil Law Tradition: An Introduction to the Legal Systems of Western Europe and Latin America, 2nd ed (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1985). al-Mâwardî, Abû al-Hasan, al-Ahkâm al-Sulthâniyyah wa al-Wilâyât alDîniyyah (Beirut: Dâr al-Fikr, 1996). Mawardi, Ahmad Imam, “The Political Backdrop of the Enactment of the Compilation of Islamic Laws in Indonesia” in Arskal Salim and Azyumardi Azra (eds), Shari’a and Politics in Modern Indonesia (Singapore: ISEAS, 2003). Mayer, Ann Elizabeth, “Islam and the State” Cardozo Law Review 12 (19901991). Notosusanto, Peradilan Agama Islam di Djawa dan Madura (Jogjakarta: s.n., 1953).
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 699
Nurlaelawati, Euis, Modernization, Tradition and Identity: the Kompilasi Hukum Islam and Legal Practice in the Indonesian Religious Courts (Leiden: EJ Brill, 2010). Putusan Mahkamah Agung No. 16 K/AG/2010. Putusan Mahkamah Agung No. 216 K/AG/1996. Putusan Mahkamah Agung No. 29/K/AG/1998. Putusan Pengadilan Agama Kisaran No. 147/Pdt.G/1994/PA-Kis. Putusan Pengadilan Agama Palembang No. 357/pdt.G/1996/PA.Plg. Putusan Pengadilan Agama Pemalang No. 1470/Pdt.G/1996/PA.Pml Putusan Pengadilan Tinggi Agama Medan No. 34/Pdt.G/1995/PTA-Mdn. Putusan Pengadilan Tinggi Agama Palembang No. 13/Pdt.G/1997/PTA.Plg. Putusan Pengadilan Tinggi Agama Semarang No. 70/Pdt.G/1997/PTA.Smg Sâbiq, Sayyid, Fiqh al-Sunnah, 4th ed. (Beirut: Dâr alfikr, 1983), vol. 3. Satria Effendi M Zein, Problematika Hukum Keluarga Islam Kontemporer: Analisis Yurisprudensi dengan Pendekatan Ushuliyah, (Jakarta: Kencana, 2004). Syahrani, Riduan, Himpunan Peraturan Hukum Acara Perdata Indonesia (Bandung: Alumni, 1991). al-Syaukânî, Muhammad ibn ‘Ali ibn Muhammad, Irsyâd al-Fuhûl ilâ Tahqîq al-Haqq min ‘Ilm al-Ushûl (Beirut: Dâr al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyya, 1999), vol 2. Wahid, Marzuki, “Counter Legal Draft Kompilasi Hukum Islam (CLD-KHI) dalam Perspektif Politik Hukum di Indonesia” Paper originally presented at The 4th Annual Islamic Studies Postgraduate Conference, The University of Melbourne, 17-18 November 2008. Weiss, Bernard, “Interpretation in Islamic Law: The Theory of Ijtihâd” The American Journal of Comparative Law 26(2) (1990-1991). al-Zuhailî, Wahbah, Mawsû’ah al-Fiqh al-Islâmî wa al-Qadlâyâ al-Mu’ashirah (Damascus: Dâr al-Fikr, 2012), vol. 4. al-Zarqâ’, Mushthafâ Ahmad, al-Madkhal al-Fiqh al-‘Âmm (Damascus: Dâr al-Qalam, 1998), vol. 1. Zaydân, ‘Abd al-Karîm, Nizhâm al-Qadlâ’ fî al-Islâm, 2nd ed. (Beirut: Mu’assasah al-Risâlah, 1989).
The Principles of Islamic Corporate Social Responsibility for Social Justice Muhammad Yasir Yusuf Lectuter of Syari’ah Faculty and Islamic Economics, IAIN Ar Raniry, Aceh E-mail:
[email protected]; Tel: +60-81269838803 Abstract: One of the goals of Islamic corporate operations is to increase the economic growth towards a better and just society. This study aims at examining principles of Islamic CSR and its contribution to improve social justice. Specifically, the study analyses the various approaches utilized to improve the quality of life, and social justice, as well as scrutinize the methods used in applying Islamic corporate social responsibility. Based on the review of literature, the study reveals that there are five (5) fundamental principles considered as critical for corporate social responsibility to make considerable impact on the society. CSR concept in Islam is practiced in three areas of responsibility. First is the responsibility to God. Second is the responsibility towards mankinds, and third, the responsibility to the environment. These responsibilities are supported by the basic principles of monotheism (tauhid), the caliphate (khalifah), justice, brotherhood (ukhuwwah) and the creation of maslahah. The application of Islamic CSR in the society should be guided by two Islamic principles. First, the application of maslahah (the public good) which provides a better framework can be used by managers in dealing with potential conflicts arising from diverse expectations and interests of any corporation’s stakeholders. Secondly, CSR program should pay more attention to the importance of social capital in the society. Practices of CSR should not only be based on responsibility al kifayah (obligatory upon community) in order to get positive corporate image, but can also be deemed as a method to alleviate poverty and achieve the true economic goals of Islam. Keywords: Islamic Corporate Social Responsibility andSocial Justice
Background The concept of corporate social responsibility (CSR)1 is corporate responsibility for sustainable economic development in the effort to improve the quality of life and environment2. In the last thirty years, the 1Emerging deals of CSR begun from the United States in the 1970s. Corporates in America gets criticism from community because it is powerful corporate and that antisocial. The spirit of corporate to eliminate competitive in business and refuse the role of law and sometimes corporate can affect the state legally for corporate interest. Hence some corporate owners recognize the impact of criticism from the community. They advice to businessmen and corporate to use their power to achieve social goals and work not only for profit. This approach produces new entrepreneurs in the business. Finally this idea is known as CSR (Frederick, et al. (1988), Business And Society, Corporate Strategy, Public Policy, Ethics, (Amerika Serikat: McGraw-Will), p.28). 2 Musa Obaloha (2008), Beyond Philanthropy: Corporate Social Responsibility In The Nigerian Insurance Industry, Social Responsibility Journal, (Emerald Group Publishing
~ 700 ~
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 701
concept of CSR has been under scrutiny, especially with regard to the relationship between business and society. One issue discussed was the importance of harmonious relationship between the stakeholders3 with the corporate institutions. The concept of CSR began in the West in the 1970s and discussions on the concept of CSR often focused on the view that is founded on the norms, cultures and beliefs of the West, especially Europe and America. Western perspective of CSR has become common practice for a corporate to run CSR programs. Nevertheless, the concept of CSR can be studied and explored critically from different sources and cultures. The concept of CSR can be studied from the culture and norms of society like Middle East, Southeast Asia and China. The same concepts can also be found in religion and beliefs like Islam, Buddhism and Hinduism. Every culture, norms and beliefs of certain communities have different philosophies and epistemologies on the form and practice of CSR. In Indonesia the discourse about CSR has been growing significantly. This can be observed in article 74 of Act No. 40 in 2007, which refers to the obligation of corporations on corporate social responsibility and society. Inevitably, corporates in Indonesia are required to carry out CSR programs. If corporate fail to implement CSR programs, the government can impose penalties in accordance with the provision of applicable law (Article 74 paragraph 3). Therefore, CSR is undertaken by one of four reasons, first: responsibility of economy; second; the responsibility of law fulfilment; third; the responsibility of ethics, and fourth; charity4. CSR for community and increasing corporate participation in society must be interpreted as an effort to create a common good for the corporate and the society. As a result, the awareness about the importance of CSR becomes a collective responsibility to create harmony and alignment with the existing range of stakeholders5. Limited Vo. 4, No. 4), p. 538. Robert Hay dan Ed Gray (1994), Social Responsiblity of Business Manager, Academy of Manajement Jounal Managing Corporate Sosial Responsibility, (Little, Brown and Company, Boston, Toronto), p. 9. Asyraf Wajdi Dusuki dan Humayon Dar (2005), Stakeholder’s Perceptions Of Corporate Social Responsibility Of Islamic Banks: Evidence From Malaysian Economy”, (Proceeding of The 6th International Confernce on Islamic Economic and Finance, Vol. 1, Jakarta), p. 390 3The stakeholders are the parties interest and responsible for the existence of the corporation and has an influence on the decision. These include employees, suppliers, consumers, governments act as the maker (regulator), community and corporate owners (Frederick, et. al., 1988:77). 4 Carroll, A. (1999), Corporate Social Responsibility; Evolution of Definition Construct. (Business and Society, 38, 3), p. 264. 5According to Clarkson, corporate stakeholders can be divided into two groups, namely primary stakeholders and secondary stakeholders. The primary stakeholders are the parties who have an interest in economics to the corporate and bear
702 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
Therefore, the position of Islamic corporation is obliged to be the pioneer in carrying out CSR programs based on Islamic values, differ with what CSR developed in the West. It is not only to fulfillthe law order or good corporate governance.But far beyond that the implementation of CSR on Islamic corporation is based on strongfoundation and philosophy of Islam to be one of institution that can bring up prosperity for the community. CSR on Islamic corporation should be a form of accountability to Allah, humans and the environment. In addition, the implementation of CSR by Islamic corporation must be understood as the commitment to comply and fulfill demand of Shari’ah. CSR does not only serve as fame-seeking effort or merely to obey the obligations of law, but it must improve fundamental human rights of society such as alleviation of poverty and better living condition. CSR programs should not be a mask for the pursuit more profits6or not the desire to get law legitimation for operation the corporate7. This study aims at examining principles of Islamic CSR and its contribution to improve social justice. Specifically, the study analyses the various approaches utilized to improve the quality of life, and social justice, as well as scrutinize the methods used in applying Islamic corporate social responsibility. Literature Review of Islamic CSR Researchers vary in defining CSR8. For example, Bowen defines CSR as a corporate decision to give the benevolence to the community9. Fredrick defines CSR use community resource, economic and human beings as a whole to maximize the benefits to society in addition to corporate profits and corporate owners10. Based on the theory of Elkingston, CSR is a concept for the corporates obligation to consider the interests of customers, the risk of losses as investors, creditors, workers and communities. The government also included in the primary stakeholder groupsalthough not directly have economic ties but relations between them are more transactional. The second form is secondary stakeholders, namely the nature of their relationship but the interplay of corporate economic viability is not determined by this group of stakeholders. Examples of secondary stakeholders are the media and interest groups such as community social and unions (Clarkson, 1995: 92-117). 6The Economist (2005), The Good Company: A Survey of Corporate Social Responsibility, (The Economist, January 22nd). 7Rizk, et al., (2008), Corporate Social and Enviromental Reporting; A Survey of Disclosure Praktices in Egyp, Social Responsibility Jounal, (Emerald Group Publishing Limited), p. 306. 8Musa Obaloha, (2008), Beyond Philanthropy: Corporate Social Responsibility In The Nigerian Insurance Industry, Social Responsibility Journal, (Emerald Group Publishing Limited Vo. 4, No. 4), p. 539. 9 H.R Bowen, (1953), Social Responsibilities of the Businessman, (New York, Harper & Row). p. 2. 10 Frederick, et al. (1988), Business And Society, Corporate Strategy, Public Policy, Ethics, (Amerika Serikat: McGraw-Will), p.28.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 703
employees, shareholders, communities and the environment in all aspect of their operations. This obligation applies broadly beyond the obligations stipulated by law11. Carroll mentions that CSR takes the form of economic responsibility, law, ethics and charity. According to Carroll CSR is described to be pyramid like, where the economic responsibility is the key to corporate responsibility, followed by a responsibility to the laws, ethics and the last is charity12. Dashrud has reviewed 37 definitions that are often used by investigators in defining CSR; he concludes that there are five dimensions that are often used in CSR definition; environmental, social, economic, stakeholder and charity dimension13. From different existing definitions, it can be concluded that CSR is a form of corporate commitment to improve economic development in an effort to develop the quality of life in society and the environment. In other words, CSR is a form of corporate social responsibility executed through a number of activities or programs geared towards betterment of all members of society. A few decades ago, most studies on CSR have focused on the form of CSR in Western societies. CSR developments in the west are certainly influenced by ethical values, culture and beliefs of western society, particularly Europe and America. This may be found in several studies conducted by Bowen, 1953; Carroll, 1976, 1991, 1993, 2004; Davis, 1960, 1973; Freeman, 1984; Watrick and Cohchran, 1985; Wood, 1991; Donaldson and Dunfee, 1994; Donaldson and Preston, 1995; Smith, 2000; Post, Lawrence and Weber, 2002; Birch and Moon, 2004. These studies found that the values and culture that flourished in Western became the standard pattern of relationship between the corporate and the community. The concept of CSR developed in Western countries is not the same with the concept of CSR in Islam. Unlike western CSR which is based on values and culture, and the principles of values and culture, CSR in Islam built on the basis of tasawur (world view) and epistemology of Islam. The principles of Islamic CSR are based on corporate philosophy according the Al-Qur'an and Sunnah. While CSR in the West is based on the view of Western culture, different from Islamic CSR. Understandably, Islamic corporate are liable to adhere to Islamic values in implementing their CSR. 11J. Elkington, (1997), Cannibals with Forks. The Triple Bottom Line of 21st Century Business, (Oxford: Capstone Publishing Ltd), p. 5. 12 Carroll, A. (1999). Corporate Social Responsibility; Evolution of Definition Construct.Business and Society. Vol 38 (3): 264. 13Alexander Dashrud (2006), How Corporate Social Responsibility is Defined: an Analysis 0f 37 Definitions, (Wiley InterScience, John Wiley and Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment). p.1.
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Social responsibility in Islam is not a new theme. Social responsibility has been practiced for the past 14 centuries. The discussion of social responsibility is frequently mentioned in the Qur'an. Al Qur'an always indicates economic growths with successful business. Allah said in the Qur’an: “Give full measure when ye measure, and weigh with a balance that is straight: that is the most fitting and the most advantageous in the final determination” (al Isra, 17: 35) Islam gives considerable attention to moral aspect in business to achieve maximum profits. This shows that Islam is concerned with the economy and morality, both of which cannot be separated. This aspect is also affirmed by the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). The Prophet (PBUH) has said in the hadist narrated by Malik ibn Anas: “A worker/employee is entitled to at least get good food and clothing with a decent size and is not burdened with ability to work outside the limits14. The hadith above indicates that minimum wages should allow a worker or employee to obtain good food and feasible clothing, reasonable amount for himself and his family without having to work beyond his/her ability. Uthman ibn Affan, states:" Do not force woman beyond in her quest for life, because if you do that to her, she might be doing acts contrary to the moral, and not force your male man with a job outside limit of their ability, because if you do that against him, perhaps he would do the theft15. Al Qur’an also considers environmental sustainability as one area of social responsibilty. All the effort of business should ensure environmental sustainability. Responsible to environment, Allah states in al Qur’an: And when he turns his back, His aim everywhere is to spread mischief through the earth and destroy crops and cattle. But Allah loved not mischief” (al-Baqarah, 2: 205) Undoubtedly, all economic activities carried out by corporate or individuals should ensure environmental sustainability. The relationship between human and environment is very close and cannot be separated. Islam has clearly phohibited anything that is harmful to individual or hazardous to environment. Thus, it is one of obligation for mankind to take care of society’s well being by assuring enviromental sustanability for the next generation.
14Malik 15Malik
(1980), Al-Muwatta, Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, Lahore. Vol. 2. p. 980. (1980), Al-Muwatta, Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, Lahore. Vol. 2. p. 981.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 705
With regard to social welfare, Islam highly encourages Islamic charity through sadaqah16 and welfare loans (Qard hasan)17 in order to help those in need. Allah says in al Qur’an: “So fear Allah as much as ye can; listen and obey and spend in charity for the benefit of your own soul and those saved from the covetousness of their own souls,- they are the ones that achieve prosperity" (al Taghabun, 64: 16) The above verse describes the responsibility of Muslim to help others through charitable contributions and donations and stinginess is prohibited in Islam18. The benevolent loan (qard hasan) described in the al Qur’an: Who is he that will loan to Allah a beautiful loan, which Allah will double unto his credit and multiply many times? It is Allah that giveth (you) Want or plenty, and to Him shall be your return (al Baqarah, 2: 245). Besides positive contribution towards social welfare, the act of benevolent loans can also bring double benefits for individuals and corporations. First, benevolent loan can create positive image for individuals and corporations, and second, it may lead to improved business network which in the long run may result in increasing profits. The Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) said in a hadith narrated by Salman bin Amir, "Alms for the poor is charity. And the charity to family has two advantages, namely the rewarding for Allah and strengthening brotherhood”19. The above statement shows that the concept of social responsibility and the concept of justice has long existed in Islam, as long as with the presence of Islam brought by the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) realised social responsibility and created justice in line with the guidance of al Qur'an. Likewise, the practice of the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) in the application of social responsibility and justice in society becomes a source of reference for guidance for future generation, known as al Sunnah. Both al Qur'an and al Sunnah have been very harmonious in upholding true justice. Although the verses of Qur’an and the hadith do not directly refer to CSR but there are many verses in the Qur’an and hadith explaining the obligations of individuals to bear the needs of others. The existence of 16In Islam, the word has two meanings sadaqah. Sadaqah first significant donation to charity, and required that both voluntary donations as charitable contributions. 17Qard Hasan is good credit who do not take advantage. Total amount of loan repayments in accordance with the loaned property. 18 In the Al Qu'ran, Allah mentions in at least 64 section, which describes an important donation to charity. As of 2:43, 83, 110, 177, 215, 263, 264, 270, 271, 273, 274, 276, 277, 280, 4:77, 114, 162, 5:12, 45, 55, 7: 156, and others. 19Tirmizi, A. (1993). Sunan Al Tirmizi. Kuala Lumpur: Victory Agency. Hadith No. 653
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corporate were viewed as fard kifaya20 by jurists such as Shafi'i, Ahmad bin Hambal, Ibn Hamid al-Ghazali, Ibn al-Faraj, Ibn Al Jawzi. Corporates can do what individual finds difficult to do. Corporates can bear and take care the interests of a larger community, such as foundation. In fact CSR corporate not only bears and cares for living creatures around them, but more than that, CSR is the obligation of humans to comply with Allah’s laws. Allah has commanded humans to obey Him, and a form of obedience to Allah is to ensure the survival of mankind and environment. Allah says in the Qur’an: I have only created Jinns and men, that they may serve Me.(al Dzaariyat, 51; 56). Allah also says: It is He who hath made you (His) agents, inheritors of the earth: He hath raised you in ranks, some above others: that He may try you in the gifts He hath given you: for thy Lord is quick in punishment: yet He is indeed Oftforgiving, Most Merciful. (al An’am, 6: 165). The existence of Muslims in the face of the earth is twofold: to obey Allah and to be fair caliph. The two main tasks are in line and should not be separated from one another. As a servant who worships Allah, each individual has an obligation to make all events of his life as a form of perfect devotion to Allah. In this case, the concept of worship is necessary to be understood in a broader sense. This means that apart from the specific worship of piety ritual, each individual is required to perform other activities that bring about and improve the welfare of man and nature. These activities must comply to certain conditions, with right intentions and have to ensure that those actions allowed in the shari’ah21. It also gives the meaning that human being in carrying out his activities cannot act as he wish, but must do so based on the shari’ah rules as part of his/her submission to Allah as the Creator. As a vicegerent of Allah, mankind are entrusted to manage the world. Al Mawdudi interpreted the meaning of the word "vicegerent" as
20 Fard kifayah mean anythings societies are obliged to possess, though the task of acquiring them may be left to certain individuals or groups. Implicit in the meaning of this category of knowledge or obligation is that without it a society would lack something that is important to its well-being. 21Suhaila binti Abdullah (2008), Isu Alam Sekitar Dalam Usaha Pembangunan Lestari di Universiti Sains Malaysia: Analisis Dari Perspektif Islam, Prosiding Seminar Fiqh dan Pemikiran Islam Lestari, 29-30 Oktober 2008, USM. Zahari bin Mahad Musa (2008), Fiqh Al Biah: Prinsip Pembangunan Komuniti dengan Alam Persekitaran Yang Lestari, Prosiding Seminar Fiqh dan Pemikiran Islam Lestari, 29-30 Oktober 2008, USM. Abdullah al Mushlih dan Shalah al Shawiy (1998), Prinsip-Prinsip Islam Untuk Kehidupan (terj), LP2SI Al Haramain, Jakarta.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 707
"representative of Allah on earth"22. As the vicegerent of Allah on earth, humans do not have absolute freedom to do what ever they want. Mankind must act within the authority delegated to him by Allah. This is as described in the Qur’an, Allahsays: O David! We did indeed make thee a vicegerent on earth: so judge thou between men in truth (and justice): Nor follow thou the lusts (of thy heart), for they will mislead thee from the Path of Allah: for those who wander astray from the Path of Allah, is a Penalty Grievous, for that they forget the Day of Account. (Shaad, 38; 26). Ibn Kathir explains humans purpose of ruling the earth (khalaif al Ard) in verse 6; 165; is as executors for the prosperity of the earth from time to time to be utilized by future generations23. This means the responsibility of Allah’s vicegerent is to ensure the continuity and sustainability of the earth for future generation. Both interpretations quoted by al Maududi and Ibn Kathir regarding the meaning of vicegerent, provide a clear illustration of the duty of every human being to be responsible to Allah as the Giver and the representative of all creatures on the earth. Accountability requires that people take care of nature and all its contents for the salvation of man himself and the continuity of other creatures of Allah. It is also a form of trust to be guarded and escorted from the various forms of fraud. All this is proof of gratitude to Allah the Creator of His servant, so that they are not classified into categories of heathen of mercy. Allah says: He it is that has made you inheritors in the earth: if, then, any do reject (Allah), their rejection (works) against themselves: their rejection but adds to the odium for the Unbelievers in the sight of their Lord: their rejection but adds to (their own) undoing.(Fathir, 35; 39). The position of CSR in Islam is one of the essential human tasks, a mandate from Allah. On one hand CSR is the obedience to Allah, on the other hand it serves as a human responsibility as the vicegerent of Allah on earth. Therefore, those who were bestowed by advantages and higher position by Allahis obliged to help other humans in order to ease the burden on those who are not affluent and face weaknesses. Therefore, Islamic CSR obligations are the responsibility of individuals who come together in one corporate to give a positive impression for the environment in order to empower the weak and to preserve natural surroundings. Leaving CSR activity causes the wrath of 22Abu al A’la al Maududi (t.t), Al Hadarah al Islamiyyah: Ususuha wa Mabadi ‘Uha, Kaherah: Dar Ansar. (Abu al-A’la al Maududi, t.t:16-23. 23Ibn Katsir (1999), Tafsir Ibn Katsir, Dar Al Thaiyibah Li Nasyri Wa Al Tauzi’.1996. p. 185.
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Allah and brings punishment. In contrast implementing CSR will give birth to pleasure and comfort in building cooperative relationships between the corporate and community and creating intimacy with society. Allah says It is He who hath made you (His) agents, inheritors of the earth: He hath raised you in ranks, some above others: that He may try you in the gifts He hath given you: for thy Lord is quick in punishment: yet He is indeed Oftforgiving, Most Merciful. (6: 165) The study of corporate social responsibility in Islam has been conducted by some researchers like Ekawati (2004), Mohammed (2007), Irwani and Dusuki (2007), (Dusuki, 2008) Dusuki (2008), Zinkin and William (2010). These studies were aimed at investigating the concept of CSR in Islam and also at exploring the values of equating Islamic CSR with CSR in the UN Global Compact24. A study conducted by Ekawati explored the concept of zakat, CSR and community development. She described community development agenda carried out by corporate community in Indonesia through zakat and CSR practices. Both Zakat and CSR have the same ultimate goal in the efforts to create the social welfare in society. She considered zakat as an instrument for corporate to implement CSR. Consequently, this study was not designed to scrutinize broad Islamic concepts increating social justice and welfare in the community25. Mohammed conducted more specific studies to explore the concept of CSR in Islam. He investigated the Islamic philosophy of corporate social responsibility in Islam. He concludes that social responsibility in Islam is built on four basic principles; unity, justice, free will and responsibility. This thesis was an early study that laid the foundations on Islamic CSR paradigm26. According to Dusuki the basic concept of CSR is based on the concepts of khalifah (vicegerency) and paradigms of taqwa (piety). The concept of vicegerency denotes that mankind is the representative of Allah on earth and as such Allah has entrusted mankind with stewardship of Allah’s possession. It means the corporate business works endowed by the power of Allah to conduct business in accordance with the laws of Allah. On the one hand, the corporates are trying to make profit for shareholders, on the other hand, they are trying to maintain and develop 24Consists of 10 principles and four categories (human right, labor, environment and anti-corruption). 25Ekawati, Rully (2004), Tesis Master, “Tanggung Jawab Sosial (Corporate Social Responsibility) Dalam Perspektif Ekonomi Islam. Tesis tidak dipublikasikan. Universitas Islam Negri Syarif Hidayatullah. Jakarta 26Mohammed, Jawed Akhtar. 2007. Corporate Social Responsibility in Islam” Thesis Ph.D unpublished. Faculty of Business. New Zealand.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 709
society’s economic resources, covering issues such as good environmental practices, safety, charitable contributions, social benefits and avoiding dangerous activities. This is done to seek the pleasure of Allah27. Paradigm of taqwa (piety) means a person is imbued with a strong understanding that their role in this world is to manage and develop the world in accordance to the shari’ah. This means harmonizing and integrating material well-being with moral-spiritual values, which in turn determines their fate in this world and in the hereafter. It provides a number of values in shaping social life and clarifies the status of human beings and their position in relation to the rest of creation. Furthermore, it defines the nature of human beings’ relationship with Allah, with each other and with the natural environment28. This will produce a godly paradigm concept of CSR practices that focus on maintaining human dignity, freedom of work, justice and recognition of individual rights, beliefs and responsibilities. The conceptual framework of Islamic CSR introduced by Mohammed (2007) and Dusuki (2008) became the basic reference to develop Islamic CSR models I the future. Mohammed (2007) and Dusuki (2008) reflected a broad paradigm of Islamic business practices adherence to the principles of shari’ah. However, the studies did not provide a framework of Islamic CSR criteria. Islamic CSR criteria can be used as the model in the implementation of CSR. They also did not elaborate how the concept of CSR could be excecuted in the field with a quantitative approach. Dusuki and Irwani reveal the effects of maqasidshari’ah (Islamic law purposes) and maslahah (public interest) to the concept of CSR. Using the approach of maqasidshari’ah and maslahah, CSR practices are divided into three categories; essentials (dharuriyyah), necessary (hajiyyah) and luxury (tahsiniyyah). Three catagories of maslahah can be used by corporate or management to consider the facts and situation changes when implementing CSR which also provide a better framework for managers in dealing with conflicts of interest that may arise from stakeholders29. Dusuki and Irwani also have detailed the CSR guidelines using the maqasidshari’ah and maslahah. The study provides guidance to corporate managers to implement CSR according to considerations of the three categories of maslahah30.
27Dusuki, Asyraf Wajdi dan Irwani, Nurdianawati, (2007).Maqasid As-Shari’ah, Significance, and Corporate Social Responsibilty.The American Journal Of Islamic Social Sciences, 24:1. 28Dusuki, Asyraf Wajdi (2008). What Does Islam Say about Corporate Social Responsibilty? International Association for Islamic Economics, Review of Islamic Economics, Vol. 12, No. 1, p. 15-17. 29Dusuki and Irwani, 2007: 1 30 Dusuki dan Irwani 2007
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However, a research finding conducted by Zinkin and Williams (2010) was contrary to the findings of Mohammed (2007) and Dusuki (2008). Mohammed (2007) and Dusuki (2008) concluded that there were fundamental differences between Islam and the Western concept of CSR, while Zinkin and William concluded there were no fundamental difference between the Islamic concept of CSR and the UN Global Compact concept of CSR31. Zinkin and William have in fact erroneously viewed the philosophy and foundation of Islamic CSR. The philosophy of Islamic CSR has a very different base from CSR set out in the UN Global Compact which result in different CSR activities. Islam does not just look at economic factor only, but also focuses on spiritual values, which is not emphasised by Zinkin and William. CSR activities in Islam have clear demarcations between permitted and forbidden conducts based on shari’ah. CSR activities must concur to shari’ah. From another side, the accountability in the hereafter arises from an understanding of taqwa to produce different values in the implementation of CSR. Philosophy of Islamic CSR is based on al Qur'an and al Sunnah, the guidance for Muslims in conducting their activities, including CSR practices in Islamic corporates like Islamic banking. Islamic CSR must be understood as part of shari’ah compliance. Islamic CSR is to be practiced in line with the principles of al Qur'an and al Sunnah and not just merely to fulfil al kifayah (obligatory upon community) for the sake of public image. It is also a method to reduce poverty and achieve the true economic goals in Islam. Mohammed (2007) divides principles of Islamic CSR into four; unity of Allah, justice, free will and responsibility. Dusuki (2008) only mentions two, caliphate and taqwa (piety), Ekawati (2005) asserts zakat as one of CSR instruments as a form of charity in Islam, while Dusuki and Irwani (2007) describe a guide for corporate managers to implement CSR approach and the theory of shari’ah purpose and public interest. The Islamic principles of CSR described above are summarized in table 1: Table 1:Principles Of CSR Practices In The Islamic View Researchers Islamic Research Objectives Principles of CSR in Practices Ekawati 1. Zakat as an To explore the relationship (2004) instrument of between zakat, CSR and CSR community development at Bank 31Zinkin, John dan Willian, Geoffrey (2010), “ Islam and CSR: A Study of the Compability Between th Tenets of Islam and the UN Global Compact, Journal of Business Ethics, Vol. 91, Number 4, Februari 2010. p. 533.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 711
Muamalat Indonesia Mohammad (2007)
1. Unity of Allah 2. Justice 3. Free will 4. Responsible
To expose the Islamic paradigm of CSR and its differences from CSR in the west. The study also looks at how the values of CSR practiced by Islamic bank using in depth interviews with managers of Islamic bank. Dusuki 1. Caliphate To review and produce the (2008) 2. Taqwa (Piety) concept of CSR in Islam andcompare with CSR in the west. Dusuki dan The practice of To provide guidance for corporate Irwani CSR is divided managers to implement the CSR (2007) into three program in linemaqasid shari’ah categories: and maslahah . 1. Emergency (essentials) 2. Interest (necessary) 3. Luxury (embellishment) Source: Ekawati (2004), Mohammed (2007), Dusuki (2008), and Irwani Dusuki (2007) Considering previous studies on this matter, it can be concluded that there are three principles of Islamic CSR, the principle of unity and justice by Mohammed (2007), and the principles of caliphate by Dusuki (2008). Ekawati (2005) suggested zakah as one kind of instrument that can be used in the CSR practice. However zakah is not one of the CSR principles. The concept of free will and responsibility as stated by Mohammed (2007) and taqwa mentioned by Dusuki (2008) were the effects that arise when the principles of unity, justice and the caliphate were applied. As such, they are not principles of Islamic CSR. Principle is defined as base, initial, basic rules. According to Juhaya, principles are the beginning, the point of departure (al-mabda). In the terminology, principle is the universal truth that exists in Islamic law and the starting point of its construction. It is a basic legal form and produces all branches32. It can be concluded that a principle is used as the basis for the foundation of the work practices. 32Juhaya, S. Praja (1995), Filsafat Hukum Islam, LPPM Unisba, Bandung, Indonesia.p. 69.
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Consequently, the implementation of Islamic CSR can be categorized into three dimensions of relationship responsibilities; responsibility to Allah, responsibility to human being, and responsibility towards the environment. To realize the three links of Islamic CSR practice on IBI, it requires inter-related principles; the principle of unity of Allah, caliphate, justice, brotherhood, and creation maslahah (public benefit).The five principles of Islamic CSR practiced in corporate programs may affect the interests of the very basic to fulfil the needs of all stakeholders. The implementation of Islamic CSR principles in corporate and responsibilities of the position of the three relationships that must be carried out by a Muslim can be described in the following figure I:
ALLAH
Islamic CSR Principles
Unit y Creation Of Maslahah
Caliphate
Justice
Brotherhood
Hala l HUMAN BEINGS
Haram
NATURE
Figure 1: Conceptual Implementation of Islamic CSR Principles on Corporation and Relationship Responsibilities Should Be Played By a Muslim
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 713
Figure 1 above explains that the implementation of CSR is the manifestation of three strong intertwined relationships; relationship with Allah, human relationships and relationship with nature. To optimize these three relations in the implementation of CSR, it must be guided by the principles of unity of Allah, caliph, justice, solidarity. The four principles are aimed at realizing the fifth principle, the creation of maslahah (public benefit) for humans and the nature. Creating maslahah on Islamic corporation is a key goal in implementing all the functions of corporations included in the implementation of Islamic CSR. As a result, all the implementation of CSR in Islamic corporations should be guided by halal conducts outlined by Islam and abandon any acts forbidden by Islam. All these principles are practiced with the sole purpose of devotion to Allah SWT. Implementation of Islamic CSR principles by Islamic corporations based on Qur'an and Sunnah will be a key in improving the economy of the people, not just profits for shareholders alone, but for the bigger economic empowerment. How to ImplementIslamic CSR for Social Justice? Implementation of Islamic CSR in the society should be guided by two Islamic principles. First, the application of maslahah (the public good) which provides a better framework that can be used by managers in dealing with potential conflicts arising from diverse expectations and interests of any corporation’s stakeholders. Secondly, CSR program should pay more attention to the importance of social capital in the society. First, the application of maslahah. Maslahah means something of benefit, opposite the word of mafsadat, which means damage or destruction. Maslahah means something to raise the benefits and profits33. Maslahah consists of considerations which secure a benefit or prevent harm. Protection of life, religion, intellect, lineage and property is maslahah. Acording to al Ghazali34 the objective of the Shari`ah is to promote the well-being of all mankind, which lies in safeguarding their faith (al din), their human self (al nafs), their intellect (al `aql), their posterity (al nasl) and their wealth (al mal). Whatever ensures the safeguard of these five serves public interest and is desirable. Al Syatibi described the objective of the Shari`ah is to promote the well-being of all mankind not all at one level. Al Syatibi and al-Ghazali divides maslahah in shari’ah to be achieved in three levels35. First, al Dharuriyyah (the essential); second, al hajiyyah (the necessary); and third, al tahsiniyyah (the luxury). 33Macluf,
Luwis. 1976. al-Munjid. Dar al-Masyriq. Beirut. p.432. (1322) H. al-Mustasfa. Beirut. Dar al-Kutub al-Ilmiyyah. Vol 1. p. 286 35Shatibi (t.th.) al-Muwafaqat. Kairo. Maktabah Wa Matba’ah Muhammad ‘Ali Sabi Wa Auladihi. Vol. 2. p: 4, al-Ghazali, 1322: 1: 286. 34Al-Ghazali.
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Al Dharuriyyah: The essentials are the self-interests upon which people essentially depend, such as faith, life, intellect, posterity, and wealth, if neglected, would lead to hardship and appear total disruption of life’s normal order. Al Hajiyyah: The complementary interests supplement the essentials and refer to those interests that, if neglected, would lead to hardship but not to the total disruption of life’s normal order. In other words, they are needed to alleviate hardship so that life may be free from distress and predicament. Al Tahsiniyyah: The embellishments refer to those interests that, if realized, would lead to refinement and perfection in the customs and conduct of people at all levels of achievemen36. In the case of priority to achieve between three levels al dharuriyyah (essential), al hajiyyah (necessary),al tahsiniyyah (luxury), the Islamic scholars have agreed that level al tahsiniyyah and al hajiyyah have different levels, as well as al daruriyyah. Level al daruriyyah is the most most needed than level al hajiyyah and al tahsiniyyah. Therefore, if there is conflict between the benefit of al tahsiniyyah and al hajiyyah, al hajiyyah is preferred then al tahsiniyyah. Likewise, if benefits of al hajiyyah or al tahsiniyyah compete with al dharuriyyah, al dharuriyyah is preferred37. Hence, Qarrafi asserts that the above classification is related to and deeply rooted in the Shari`ah’s objectives to ensure that society’s interests are preserved in the best fashion both in this world and in the Hereafter. According to him, such a classification implies how a maslahah-based methodology could be used to derive new rulings from the Shari`ah, meet society’s changing needs, and solve contemporary problems related to socio economic endeavours. Thus, these principles can help establish guidelines for moral judgements and balance the individual’s self-interests with social interests, especially in conditions where the Qur’an and al-Sunnah are not explicitly explain in detail. This framework could be basis reference for implementing CSR in Islamic corporate. There are two ways for using maslahah which can be made by corporate to implement CSR. First, the positive side by performing CSR activities to maintain and ensure the creation of mashlahah for stakeholders. And the second, negative side by refusing and avoiding mafsadah that may happen in the corporate. With the implementation of maslahah-based CSR, corporate can create many CSR programs in the ffort to improve welfare of society. This principle reflects how Islam stresses the importance of considering public interests rather than individual interests. It provides a decision-making framework and a mechanism for adapting to change. It also offers guidelines for moral judgment on the part of managers and other 36
Syatibi, t.th: 4, al Ghazali, 1322: 1: 286, Dusuki and Irwani, 2007:32. 1925. al-Furuq. Mesir. Dar Ihya al-Kutub al-Arabiyyah. Vol 3. p: 94.
37Qarāfi
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 715
stakeholders, particularly in solving conflicts that may arise when pursuing CSR. Accourding to Dasuki and Irwani38 a pyramid shape figure can explain the application of maslahah in carrying out CSR :
Al Tahsiniyyah (The luxury)
AlHajiyyah (The necessary)
Al Dharuriyyah (The essentials)
Figure 2: The Maslahah Pyramid Dusuki dan Irwani elaborate on the first level (the essentials) that managers are expected to strive to preserve and protect their stakeholders’ essential needs (viz., religion, life, intellect, posterity, and property) and the public good in general. For example, under the CSR precept, they must protect their employees’ welfare or basic needs by providing adequate prayer rooms and protecting the employees’ safety and health in the workplace, thereby reflecting their responsibility to safeguard, respectively, the faith and values of life. Moreover, they must confine their operations to those that safeguard the above-mentioned essential values. Accordingly, corporations have a moral and social responsibility to avoid any activities that may cause disruption and chaos in people’s lives, even though pursuing them may endanger higher profits. Such examples include business activities that can endanger people’s lives and disrupt their intellects as a result of environmental degradation and manufacturing illicit drugs for public consumption39. As soon as this level of responsibilities have been fulfilled, the corporations may strive for the second level: the necessary. Here, it is deemed beneficial to remove difficulties that may not pose a threat to the 38 39
Dusuki and Irwani, 2007: 35-37. Dusuki and Irwani, 2007:37
716 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
normal order’s survival. For example, these managers may want to extend their social responsibility commitment by extending the employees’ essential needs, such as fair pay and a safe workplace, to include continuous training and enhanced human quality programs. The latter is not really essential, for neglecting it does not threaten the employees’ continued existence. However, assuming such a responsibility fulfills the complementary interest of advancing the workers’ intellectual well-being (knowledge and skills). In some cases, such an effort can be considered one of the essentials. For example, corporations need to provide adequate Shari`ah training to their employees concerning the offered Islamic financial instruments in order to protect the interests of the faith. At the highest level, the luxury, corporations are expected to discharge their social responsibilities by engaging in activities or programs that may lead to improving and attaining the perfections of public life. Giving charity or donation to the poor and the needy, as well as offering scholarships to poor students and providing sufficient, correct, and clear information or advertisement regarding all products, are some of the examples of CSR commitment with respect to realizing this level’s goal for society. The pyramid’s three levels are not mutually exclusive; rather, all levels are inter-related and mutually dependent. The arrows pointing upward and downward reveal the flexibility and mechanism of change in the decision-making process, in the sense that any element comprising one level of maslahah may be elevated upward or pushed downward, depending on the different circumstances concerning the public at large. However, it should be noted that such flexibility is confined within the Shari`ah’s framework, and not viceversa. This reflects the pyramid’s dynamism in assisting the decisionmaking process within different context, time, and space. For instance, if circumstances change and corporations are encouraged to respond and, as a result, reconsider their roles within society, this will necessitate a realignment of their business institutions (e.g., mission, vision, policy deployment, decision making, reporting, and corporate affairs) to the new maslahah, as long as it does not contradict the Shari`ah’s principles40. The maslahah pyramid above can be used as frame of reference for CSR managers in IBI's products of CSR for IBI's stakeholders Maslahah reflects the urgency level of importance that should be achieved in the implementation of CSR. The lowest level is al dharuriyyah, which is the first and basic accomplishment to be achieved in the implementation of CSR. The second level al hajiyyah is achieved when the first level al dharuriyyah
40Dusuki
and Irwani, 2007: 39.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 717
has been fulfilled. The third level al tahsiniyyah is realized after the first and second levels have been accomplished41. The maslahah pyramid, which serves as a framework and general guideline for an ethical mechanism, provides managers with three levels of judgment to resolve the ethical conflicts that inadvertently emerge while applying CSR programs and initiatives. The levels also reflect the different degrees of importance in terms of responsibility fulfillment. The bottom level, the essentials, constitutes the most fundamental responsibility to be fulfilled, as compared to the complementary and the embellishments categories. Secondly, CSR program should pay more attention to the importance of social capital in the society. Since the beginning of 1990s where some influential works emerged (Coleman 1990, Putnam 1993, Fukuyama 1995) in various field of social science, analysis of social capital has grown with the perceived importance of their impact on socio-economic outcomes (Yamamura. 2008). I will consider the role played by social capital in implementing Islamic CSR for IBI mainly from the standpoint of economics welfare. Social capital is defined as features of social organization, such as trust, norms and networks that can improve the efficiency of society by facilitating coordinated action42. Social capital thus seems to play a critical role in preventing agents from taking opportunistic behavior, raising efficiency and so promoting the economic development. Ostrom (1993) states the development utilizes social capital for the community’s showed better result. Social capital is one of the prerequisites for the success of development programs in community. Ostrom view's is in line with the research conducted by Ohama (2001), Fukuyama (2000), Badaruddin (2006, 2008) and Ibrahim (2006). Therefore, implementation of Islamic CSR in IBI through micro-finance by utilizing the potential of social culture for local communities will provide high benefit impact to fulfill the basic needs of the community. Conclusion The aim of this study was to examine the principles and how to implement Islamic CSR for making social justice. Specifically, it analyses various principles to improve the quality of life, create social justice, and implement corporate social responsibility. Based on the review of literature, the study reveals that there are five (5) fundamental principles considered as critical for corporate social responsibility to make an impact on the society. CSR concept in Islam is practiced in three areas of responsibility. First is the responsibility to God. Second is the responsibility towards the 41Qarrafi, 42Qarrafi,
1925. 1925.
718 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
people, and third, is the responsibility to the environment. These three responsibilities are supported by the basic principles of monotheism (tauhid), the caliphate (khalifah), justice, brotherhood (ukhuwwah) and the creation of maslahah. The application of Islamic corporate social responsibility in the society should be guided by two Islamic principles, first, the application of maslahah (the public good) which provides a better framework that can be used by managers in dealing with potential conflicts arising from diverse expectations and interests of any corporation’s stakeholders. Secondly, corporate social responsibility program should pay more attention to the importance of social capital in the society. Implementation of Islamic CSR principles based on Qur'an and Sunnah in the whole Islamic corporate activities will be a key factor that drives the economy of the people, not just profits for shareholders alone, but also for a bigger economic empowerment of society. Bibliography Al Qur’an. Al Amidi. (t.th). al-Ihkam fi Usul al-Ahkam. Mesir: Dar al-Kutb alKhadiwiyyah. Vol. 3. Al Razzak, Muhammad. (1938). Syarh al Qawaid Al Fiqhiyyah. Damaskus, Dar Al Qalam Al Tirmizi. (1993). Sunan Al Tirmizi, Kuala Lumpur, Victory Agency. Al-Ghazali. (1322) H. al-Mustasfa. Beirut. Dar al-Kutub al-Ilmiyyah. Vol 1. Angelidis, J. dan N. Ibrahim (2004). An Exploratory Study of the Impact of Degree of Religiousness Upon an Individual's Corporate Social Responsiveness Orientation. Journal of Business Ethics, Vol. 51(2)., 119-28. Badaruddin, (2008).“Implemntasi TangungJawab Sosial Corporat Terhadap Masyarakat Melalui Pemanfaatan Modal Sosial; Alternatif Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Miskin di Indonesia”, Pidato Pengukuhan Jabatan Guru Besar, Universitas Sumatera Utara. Badaruddin. (2006). “Modal Sosial dan Pengembangan Model Transmisi Modal Sosial Dalam Upaya Peningkatan Kesejahteraan Keluarga (Studi PadaTiga Komunitas Petani Getah di Kecamatan Rao Kabupaten PasamanSumatera Barat)”. Penelitian Hibah Bersaing Perguruan Tinggi. Dikti. Badrah (1965). Ushul al-Fiqh. Mesir. Dar al-Ma’arif. Bowen, H.R. (1953). Social Responsibilities of the Businessman. New York.
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Harper & Row. Bukhari (2005), Sahih al-Bukhary, Klang Book Center, Selangor, Malaysia. Carroll, A. (1999). Corporate Social Responsibility; Evolution of Definition Construct.Business and Society. Vol 38 (3): 268. Carroll, A. B. (1979). A Three-Dimensional Model of Corporate Performance.Academy of Management Review. Vol. 4(4): 497-505. Carroll, A. B.(1991). The Pyramid of corporate Social Responsibility: Toward the MoralManagement of Organizational Stakeholders. Business Horizons. Vol. 34 (4): 39-48. Clarkson, Max B. E.(1995). A Stakeholder Framework for Analysing and Evaluating Corporate Social Performance.Academy of Management Review.Vol. 20(1): 92-117. Dashrud, Alexander (2006). How Corporate Social Responsibility is Defined: an Analysis 0f 37 Definitions. Wiley InterScience, John Wiley and Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. Dusuki, Asyraf Wajdi (2008). What Does Islam Say about Corporate Social Responsibilty? International Association for Islamic Economics, Review of Islamic Economics, Vol. 12, No. 1, pp. 2-28. Dusuki, Asyraf Wajdi dan Dar, Humayon, (2005). Stakeholder’s Perceptions Of Corporate Social Responsibility Of Islamic Banks: Evidence From Malaysian Economy.Proceeding of The 6th International Confernce on Islamic Economic and Finance, Vol. 1, Jakarta. Dusuki, Asyraf Wajdi dan Irwani, Nurdianawati, (2007).Maqasid AsShari’ah, Significance, and Corporate Social Responsibilty.The American Journal Of Islamic Social Sciences, 24:1. Ekawati, Rully (2004), Tesis Master, “Tanggung Jawab Sosial (Corporate Social Responsibility) Dalam Perspektif Ekonomi Islam. Tesis tidak dipublikasikan. Universitas Islam Negri Syarif Hidayatullah. Jakarta. Elkington, J. (1997). Cannibals with Forks. The Triple Bottom Line of 21st Century Business.Oxford: Capstone Publishing Ltd. Farouk, Sayd (2007). On Corporate Social Responsibility of Islamic Financial Institutions.Islamic Economic Studies, Vo. 15, No 1. Frederick, Willian C, Davis, Keith dan E Post, James, (1988). Business And Society, Corporate Strategy, Public Policy, Ethics”, McGraw-Will, Amerika Serikat. Fukuyama, Francis, 2000.“Social Capital and Civil Society”, IMF Working Paper, IMF Institute. Hay, Robert dan Gray, Ed, (1994). Social Responsiblity of Business Manager.Academy of Manajement Jounal, dalam Carroll, Archie, 1976,
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Managing Corporate Sosial Responsibility, Little, Brown and Company, Boston, Toronto. Hayami, Y. (2001). Development Economics: From the Poverty to the Wealth of Nations. New York: Oxford University Press. Heald, M. (1970), The Social Responsibility of Business: Company and Community 1900-1960, Clveland: Case-Western Reserve Press. Ibn Katsir (1999), Tafsir Ibn Katsir, Dar Al Thaiyibah Li Nasyri Wa Al Tauzi’. Ibrahim, Linda D (2006). “Memanfaatkan Modal Sosial Komunitas LokalDalam Program Kepedulian Korporasi”, Jurnal Filantropi danMasyarakat Madani GALANG. Vol. 1. No. 2. Juhaya, S. Praja (1995), Filsafat Hukum Islam, LPPM Unisba, Bandung, Indonesia. Maali, Bassam, Casson, Peter, dan Napier, Christopher (2006). Social Reporting by Islamic Banks.ABACUS, Vol. 42, No.2, 2006. Accounting Foundation, The University of Sydney. Australia Macluf, Luwis. 1976. al-Munjid. Dar al-Masyriq. Beirut. Malik (1980), Al-Muwatta, Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, Lahore. Mawardi (2007), Konsep al ‘Adalah dalam Perspektif Ekonomi Islam, Jurnal Hukum Islam, Vol VII, No. 5, 2007 Mohammed, Jawed Akhtar. 2007. Corporate Social Responsibility in Islam” Tesis Ph.D un published. Faculty of Business. New Zealand. Obaloha, Musa.(2008). Beyond Philanthropy: Corporate Social Responsibility In The Nigerian Insurance Industry.Social Responsibility Journal, Vo. 4, No. 4, Emerald Group Publishing Limited. Ostrom, Elinor. (1993).“Crafting Institution, Self-Governing Irrigation Systems”, ICS Press, San Fancisco Putnam, R. (1993). Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Qarāfi 1925. al-Furuq. Mesir. Dar Ihya al-Kutub al-Arabiyyah. Vol 3. Rizk, Riham, Dixon, Robert dan Woodhead, Anne, (2008). Corporate Social and Enviromental Reporting; A Survey of Disclosure Praktices in Egyp. Social Responsibility Jounal. Emerald Group Publishing Limited. Sairally, Sama (2005). Evaluating the “Social Responsibility” of Islamic Finance: Learning From the Experiences of Socially Responsible Investment Funds.Proceeding of The 6th International Confernce on Islamic Economic and Finance, Vol. 1, Jakarta.
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Shatibi (t.th.) al-Muwafaqat. Kairo. Maktabah Wa Matba’ah Muhammad ‘Ali Sabi Wa Auladihi. Vol. 2. The Economist (2005). The Good Company: A Survey of Corporate Social Responsibility. The Economist, 22 Januari. Tirmizi, A. (1993). Sunan Al Tirmizi. Kuala Lumpur: Victory Agency. Yamamura, E. (2008 ). The Role Of Social Capital In Homogeneous Society: Review Of Recent Researches In Japan, Munich Personal RePEc Archive, MPRA Paper No. 11385, posted 05. November 2008 / 23:48. Zarqa, Ahmad ibn Muhammad (1989), Sarh al-Qawa’id al-Fiqhiyyah.Dar Qalam. Damaskus. Zinkin, John dan Willian, Geoffrey (2010), “ Islam and CSR: A Study of the Compability Between th Tenets of Islam and the UN Global Compact, Journal of Business Ethics, Vol. 91, Number 4, Februari 2010. Pp 519-533.
PERJALANAN PANJANG USHUL FIKIH: DARI IMAM SYAFI’I SAMPAI JASSER AUDA Shofiyullah Muzammil َولَ ْو ّزيْدَ ه ََذإ، لَ ْو غُ ّ ي َِي ه ََذإ لَ ََك َن أ ْح َس ْن:إ ّ ي ِْن َرأيْ ُت أن َّ ُه ال يَ ْك ُت ُب أ َح ٌد ّك َت َ ًاَب ّ ِْف ي َ ْو ّم ّه إ َّال قَا َل ّ ِْف غَ ّد ّه ،ْ َولَ ْو تُرّكَ ه ََذإ لَ ََكَك َن أ ْ َم َْكلو َوه َََكذإ ّم َْكن أع َْظَك ِّ إل ِّ َ َْك، َولَ ْو قُ يّد َم ه ََذإ لَ ََك َن أفْضَ ْل،لَ ََك َن ي ُْس َت ْح َس ْن َشو ْ َ ََوه َُو َد ّل ْي ٌل عَ ََل ْإس ّت ْي ََل ّء إلنَّ ْق ّص عَ ََل ُ ْم َ َّل إلب إل ِّ َما ُد إل ْص َفهَ ّا ْ يِن Abstrak: Tulisan ini bermaksud untuk memotret dan menarasikan perkembangan perjalanan ushul fikih sejak awal era formatif Imam Syafii hingga era kontemporer, Jasser Auda. Tentu tulisan ini tidak mungkin menyajikannya secara lengkap kronologis-ensiklopedis. Tulisan ini hanya sekedar memotret sepintas beberapa lontaran pemikiran yang dianggap penting dan berhubungan. Era formatif diwakili oleh Imam Syafii sebagaimana tertuang dalam kitab Ar-Risalah. Era tengah dipilih imam AlAmidi dengan karyanya Al-Ihkam. Sementara porsi lebih banyak akan diisi oleh pemikiran para pemikir era modern dan kontemporer. Jasser Auda dipilih sebagai pemikir terkini dengan teori analis sistemnya.
A. Ushul Fikih Era Formatif Meski tidak semua sepakat, tetapi mayoritas menyatakan bahwa Muhammad bin Idris bin al-‘Abbas bin Utsman bin Syāfi’ bin al-Saib bin ‘Ubaid bin ‘Abū Yazid bin Hāsyim bin Murrah bin al-Muththalib bin ‘Abdi Manāf bin Qushay bin Kilāb bin Murrah bin Ka’ab bin Lu`ay bin Ghālib Abu ‘Abdillah al-Qurasy al-Syāfi’ī al-Makkī adalah Bapak Ushul Fiqh dan kitab ar-Risalah adalah kitab pertama tentang ushul fiqh.1 Karena kategorisasi ar-Risalah sebagai kitab ushul fiqh adalah kategorisasi ulama 1Wael B. Hallaq, guru besar Hukum Islam McGill University dalam artikelnya yang berjudul Was asy-Syafi`i the Master Architect of Islamic Jurisprudence?termasuk yang tidak setuju dengan pendapat ini.Menurutnya bahwa gelar asy-Syafi’i sebagai guru arsitek ilmu ushul fikih adalah lemah. Hal itu hanya kreasi ulama generasi jauh sesudahnya, terutama kelompok ulama sunni yang fanatik terhadap mazhab Syafi’i. Alasan Hallaq adalah karena kitab-kitab ushul Syafi'iyyah itu baru muncul pada akhir abad III H dan awal abad IV H. Paling tidak ada kurang lebih satu abad fase kekosongan kitab ushul fiqh. Oleh karena itu arRisalah tidaklah populer pada masa kelahirannya, apalagi diklaim sebagai sintesis antara dua kubu Islam Rasionalis Kufah dan Tradisianalis Basrah. Klaim terakhir ini juga tidak terbukti, karena dua kubu itu sama-sama tidak tertarik dengan kitabnya asy-Syafi'i tersebut. Lihat Wael B. Hallaq, "Was asy-Syafi'i the Master Architect of Islamic Jurisprudence," dalam International Journal of Middle East Studies, 1993, hlm. 25.
~ 722 ~
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 723
pasca Syafi`i dan Syafi`i sendiri tidak menyebut kitabnya sebagal kitab ushul fiqh maka dapat dimaklumi jika tidak akan ditemukan definisi ushul fiqh dalam kitab ini.2 Ahmad Amīn dalam kitab Dhuhā al-Islāmmengutip penjelasan Imām al-Syāwī menjelaskan bahwa manhajimam Syāfi’ī berangkat dari al-Quran dan Sunnah sebagai rujukan pokoknya. Apabila suatu persoalan tidak diatur dalam al-Quran dan Sunnah, hukum persoalan tersebut ditentukan dengan qiyās. Sunnah digunakan apabila sanadnya shahih. Ijma' lebih diutamakan atas khabar mufrād. Makna yang diambil dari hadis adalah makna al-Ashl; apabila suatu lafad ihtimāl (mengandung makna lain) maka makna zhāhir lebih diutamakan. Hadis munqathi' ditolak kecuali jalur Ibn al-Musayyab. Al-Ashl tidak boleh di-qiyās-kan kepada al-ashl. Mengapa dan bagaimana (lima wa kaifa) tidak boleh dipertanyakan kepada al-Qur`an dan Sunnah; ia (mengapa dan bagaimana) dipertanyakan hanya kepada al-far'. Qiyās dapat menjadi hujjah apabila peng-qiyās-annya benar.3 Dalam pandangan al-Syāfi`ī semua permasalahan hukum itu telah dijelaskan oleh Allah dan RasulNya. Penjelasan tersebut adakalanya berupa nash/teks, yaitu al-Qur`an dan al-Sunnah, yang merupakan hukum yang pasti dan harus ditaati oleh semua orang Islam, dan adakalanya penjelasan itu berupa dalālah (petunjuk dan isyarat) yang terkandung dalam teks, yang dapat diketahui melalui ijtihad. Ijtihad yang dimaksud oleh al-Syāfi’ī adalah al-qiyās.
لك ما نزل مبسمل ففيه حمك الزم أوعَل سبيل إحلق فيه دالةل موجودة وعليه إذإ اكن فيَكه عِينَكه حمك إتباعه وإذإ مل يكَكن فيَكه عِينَكه لَكب إعالةل عَكَل سَكبيل إحلَكق فيَكه َبالجإَكهتاد وإالجإَكهتاد 4 إلقهتيهتاس
2Jika kemudian lahir ilmu ushul fiqh dan ar-Risalah dianggap sebagai kitab ushul fiqh tentu karena materi-materi yang dimuat dalam ar-Risalah adalah materi-materi yang pada abad ketiga dikenal sebagai materi ushul fiqh. Walaupun dengan cara yang sama, kitab arRisalah juga bisa dianggap sebagai kita Ushul Hadits-karena materi-materinya yang serupa dengan apa yang kemudian dikenal sebagai ilmu hadits.Saat Imam Syafi`i berbicara mengenai materi yang kemudian dlikenal sebagai ushul fiqh, sebenarnya yang dilakukan adalah untuk memperkuat posisi as-Sunnah sebagai sumber hukum setelah al-Qur'an. Selain materi-materi yang langsung berbicara tentang as-Sunnah, ketika berbicara tentang hal-hal lain seperti lafazh-lafazh ‘am di dalam al-Qur'an, maka asy-Syafi`i melakukannya dalam kerangka ingin menunjukkan peran as-Sunnah dalam menakhshish; ketika berbicara tentang an-naskh, ia juga berbicara tentang peran Sunnah dalam menunjukkan mana yang dimansukh dan mana yang tidak; demikian pula ketika materi-materi fiqhiyyah (yang tidak termasuk dalam materi ushul fiqh) dibahas seperti waris, haji, zakat, iddah dan lainnya, posisi asSunnah lah yang tengah ia diskusikan.Ar-Risalah, hal. 9-16. 3Ahmad Amīn, Dhuhā, hlm. 223. 4Al-Syāfi`ī, al-Umm, hlm. 477 lihat juga hlm. 505
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B. Ushul Fikih Era Tengah Berbeda dengan Imam Syafi`i yang berperan sebagai perintis, yang sebelumnya tak ada yang bisa diacunya, Syaikh al-Imam al-'Allamah Sayf al-Din Abi al-Hasan 'Ali b. Abi 'Ali b.Muhammad al-Amidi menulis alIhkam fi Ushul al-Ahkam pada masa ketika ushul fiqh telah mencapai bentuk yang matang sehingga definisi yang diberikannya sudahbaik terstruktur. Ada puluhan kitab ushul fiqh tersedia pada masanya, mulai dari karya-karya yang ditulis segera setelah ar-Risalah, yaitu Kitab al-Qiyas karya al-Muzanni atau karya-karya yang ditulis dalam bentuksyarah bagi ar-Risalah (seperti yang ditulis oleh Sayrafi, al-Qaffal, dan al-Juwayni), sampai dengan karya-karya brillian al-Ghazali (al-Mustasfa, al-Mankhul, Syifa al-Ghalil, dan at-Tahsin). Ushul Fiqh menurut Amidi bergantung kepada Ilmu Kalam karena dalil-.dalil hukum hanya berguna jika orang mengenal Allah Swt dan sifatsifatNya, jika mengakui kebenaran ajaran Rasulullah, dan hal-hal akidah yang lain yang hanya bisa diketahui dari Ilmu Kalam. Bahasa Arab berperan penting karena dalil-daill lafdziyyah, tekstual (al-Qur'an dan asSunnah) dan pendapat para ahli menggunakan bahasa Arab, sehingga persoalan-persoalan apakah teks itu menggunakan al-haqiqah dan al-majaz, al-‘umum dan al-khas, al-mutlaq dan al-muqayyad, dan lain-lainnya hanya bisa dipahami dengan menggunakan Bahasa Arab. Hukum Syar'i penting bagi ushul fiqh karena materi bahasan ushul fiqh adalah hukum-hukum syar'i, tentu orang harus tahu terlebih dahulu hakikat hukum, sehingga ia tidak salah membahas.5 C. Ushul Fikih dalam Diskursus Modern dan Kontemporer Sudah banyak tulisan yang menyumbangkan pemikiran tentang perubahan dan pengembangan ushul fikih ke depan. Hasan al-Turabi mengusulkan perluasan makna qiyās dan istishab.6 Menurut al-Turabi, sebenarnya pengertian qiyās luas sekali, mencakup makna lepas (‘afw) dan makna teknis yang harus dipatuhi oleh para ahli fikih dalam menyamakan hukum far` dengan hukum ashl karena memiliki alasan hukum (‘illah) yang serupa, syarat hukum asal, hukum cabang, dan tujuan hukum. Berbagai persoalan khusus (juz’iyat) dalam qiyās harus diperluas dengan menentukan sekumpulan nash dan mengambil konklusi tentang tujuan atau kemaslahatan agama dari berbagai situasi dan peristiwa itu. Kemudian diterapkan untuk situasi dan peristiwa baru. Pola kerja seperti ini, menurut al-Turabi yang dimaksud dengan fikih Umar ibn al-Khattab. Sebuah fikih kemaslahatan umum yang tidak membahas secara terperinci penyesuaian 5Al-Ihkam
fi Ushul al-Ahkam, (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr,1996)juz I hal. 9-35 al-Turabi, Fiqih Demokratis: Dari Tradisionalisme Kolektif menuju Modernisme Populis, terj. Abd. Haris & Zaimul Am (Bandung: Arasy, 2003), hlm. 59. 6Hasan
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 725
berbagai peristiwa khusus dan kemudian menghukuminya berdasarkan analogi dengan berbagai peristiwa serupa sebelumnya. Akan tetapi, ia berangkat dari orientasi perjalanan syariat awal dan dengannya berusaha mengarahkan kehidupan saat ini. Jadi setiap qiyās mengharuskan adanya abstraksi kondisi tertentu sebelumnya berdasarkan nash. Selanjutnya al-Turabi menyatakan bahwa keluasan dan kesempitan qiyas yang dipergunakan ditentukan pada taraf abstraksi kondisi pertama untuk memperoleh tujuan hukum utama. Qiyāsmujmal yang lebih luas atau qiyāsmaslahahmursalah lebih tinggi derajatnya dalam mencari inti tujuan hukum dengan cara mengambil sejumlah hukum agama yang disandarkan pada sejumlah peristiwa dan diambil unsur kemaslahatan umum darinya.7 Hal yang senada soal redefinisi konsep qiyāsjuga dilontarkan oleh Syahrur. Baginya, qiyās bukan lagi bermakna menganalogkan yang syāhid (al-far`) dengan gāib (al-ashl). Menurut Syahrur, tidak tepat jika kita sebagai generasi yang hidup di abad modern ini menganalogkan sesuatu kepada generasi yang hidup di masa Nabi. Jika dilakukan, hal itu akan menjerumuskan kita pada keraguan dan persangkaan belaka. Menurut Syahrur, qiyās tidak berlaku untuk yang syāhid kepada yang gāib, namun qiyās adalah menemukan hukum baru dengan menganalogkan yang syāhid dengan yang syāhid pula. Bukti-bukti material objektif yang dihasilkan dari berbagai analisis yang dilakukan oleh para ahli dalam berbagai disiplin keilmuan disebut Syahrur sebagai al-syāhid al-awal, sedangkan al-syāhid al-tsāni adalah manusia dengan segala problem kehidupan yang melingkupinya yang hidup di masa tersebut.8 Dari sini kemudian Syahrur mendefinisikan qiyās sebagai analogi yang didasarkan pada bukti-bukti material dan pembuktian ilmiah yang diajukan oleh ahli ilmu alam, sosiolog, ahli statistik, ekonom dan lain sebagainya. Artinya, qiyās adalah penerapan sebuah aturan hukum tertentu yang diproduksi pada masa kini dan kepada masyarakat masa kini pula. Berdasarkan bukti-bukti yang dikemukakan oleh para ahli tersebut maka sebuah hukum akan dikeluarkan apakah berbentuk larangan terhadap sesuatu, pembolehan ataupun perintah ataupun larangan terhadap sesuatu, namun tidak menghalalkan atau mengharamkannya karena hak itu hanya mutlak dimiliki Allah. Sebagai contoh Syahrur mengambil kasus pelarangan atas rokok. Selama ini, para ulama menyatakan bahwa hukumnya rokok adalah makruh dengan didasarkan pada riwayat hadis Nabi yang lemah. Bagi Syahrur, adanya hukum yang melarang merokok adalah didasarkan pada kenyataan objektif atau bukti ilmiah yang dihasilkan oleh ilmu kedokteran bahwa di dalam rokok terdapat zat-zat yang berbahaya bagi 7Ibid.,
hlm. 61. Syahrur, al-Kitab wa al-Qur`an (Damascus: Dar al-Ahalli, 1991), hlm.
8Muhammad
581-582.
726 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
tubuh manusia terutama jantung dan paru-paru. Temuan ilmiah kedokteran inilah yang menurutnya menjadi al-syāhid al-awal dalam konsep qiyās, dan manusia yang hidup di masa ini adalah al-syāhid al-tsāni.9 Sementara Nashr Hamid Abu Zayd dengan konsep makna dan signifikansi (maghzā) mencoba melakukan pembacaan ulang konsep ‘illah dalam ushul fikih. Dalam pandangan Abū Zayd, perbedaan antara makna dan signifikansi dapat dilihat dari dua dimensi yang tidak terpisahkan satu sama lainnya. Dimensi pertama, bahwa makna memiliki ciri historis, maksudnya bahwa ia dapat diraih hanya dengan pengetahuan yang cermat mengenai konteks linguistik (internal) dan konteks kultural-sosiologis (eksternal). Sementara signifikansi (maghzā), meskipun tidak dapat dipisahkan dari makna, bahkan saling bersentuhan dan berangkat dari makna, memiliki corak kontemporer dalam pengertian ia merupakan hasil dari pembacaan masa di luar atau berbeda dengan masa (terbentuknya) teks. Dimensi kedua dan ini dianggap sebagai konsekuensi dari dimensi pertama, adalah bahwa makna memiliki aksentuasi yang relatif stabil dan mapan, sementara signifikansi memiliki corak yang bergerak (dinamis) seiring dengan perubahan horison-horison pembacaan, meskipun hubungannya dengan makna mengendalikan dan mengarahkan geraknya, karena memang demikianlah yang harus dilakukan(oleh pembacaan).10 Apabila dicermati, model pembacaan ini, yakni keharusan maghzā (signifikansi) bersentuhan dengan makna dan harus berangkat dari horisonhorisonnya tampak tidak berbeda secara mendasar dengan analogi fiqhiyah yang didasarkan pada temuan ‘illah, dan menjadikan temuan tersebut sebagai pengikat bagi pengembangan pengertian ke peristiwa-peristiwa yang serupa yang tidak dieksplisitkan teks. Namun demikian, kemiripan ini hanya tampak di permukaan saja, sementara perbedaannya sangat mendasar dan dalam. ‘Illah yang merupakan tempat bergantungnya hukum menurut ulama ahli fikih bisa jadi merupakan bagian dari pengertian dan makna, maksudnya ditegaskan secara eksplisit atau implisit, dan terkadang dicapai hanya dengan sekedar ijtihad ahli fiqh. Dalam kedua konteks ini analogi bersifat partikular (parsial), maksudnya berkaitan dengan hukum partikular dari hukum-hukum syariat, dan tidak melampauinya sampai pada hukum-hukum lainnya, apalagi merambah pada teks-teks non-hukum. Ahli fiqh kuna tidaklah menyingkapkan signifikansi, dan puncak yang diraihnya hanya pembicaraan mengenai tujuan-tujuan umum (al-maqāshid al-kulliyyah) yang sudah dibatasi pada upaya memelihara agama, jiwa, harga diri dan harta. Kata “memelihara” di sini 9Ibid. 10
Nashr Hâmid Abû-Zayd, Naqd al-Khithâb…, hlm. 219.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 727
tidak lepas dari konotasi yang menyingkapkan watak dari sikap fikih lama. Dengan demikian, signifikansi, bagi Abû-Zayd, bukan merupakan tujuan-tujuan umum (maqāshidkulliyah) sebagaimana yang didefinisikan oleh para ulama fikih. Hal ini karena dua alasan mendasar. Pertama, signifikansi merupakan hasil dari pengukuran gerak yang ditimbulkan oleh teks dalam struktur bahasa, dan karenanya juga dalam kebudayaan dan realitas. Bersamaan dengan pengukuran gerak, orientasi gerak harus dibatasi, sebab beberapa tidak hanya mengulang bahasa yang sudah umum, dan karenanya memapankan gerak realitas dan kebudayaan semata, tetapi juga dalam struktur bahasanya kembali ke masa lalu dengan mengulanginya dan mengembalikan kebudayaan dan realitas ke belakang. Kedua, signifikansi ditentukan secara lebih ketat oleh tujuan-tujuan riil wahyu.11 Bertolak dari pembedaan makna dan signifikansi tersebut, kemudian Abû-Zayd merumuskan prosedur pembacaan teks yang harus ditaati seorang penganalisis. Menurutnya, sekalipun pembacaan berangkat dari signifikansi kontemporer, namun ia harus tetap berpangkal pada makna historis teks terlebih dahulu. Sebab, makna historis teks selain dapat memberikan “objektivitas” pemahaman, ia juga yang menentukan batas-batas yang mengarahkan pergeseran teks. Sementara itu, signifikansi juga memiliki peran di dalam menentukan segi-segi tertentu dari teks yang hendak diungkapkan. Ini karena, sifat signifikansi yang mengajukan “kriteria kontemporer” bagi upaya penyingkapan makna historis teks itu sendiri. Dalam pengertian ini, makna bukanlah sesuatu yang sudah final, tetapi turut ditentukan oleh horison harapan pembaca.12 Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa pembacaan merupakan gerak dialektika antara makna dan signifikansi, antara masa lampau dan masa kini, dan antara teks dan pembacanya. Mengabaikan salah satu unsur tersebut akan menjerumuskan pembacaan kepada ideologisasi (qirā’ah talwiniyah).13 Namun jauh sebelum al-Turabi, Syahrurdan Nashr, Najamuddin alThufi dan al-Syātibi sebenarnya sudah mengembangkan teori utilitarianisme yang menekankan pada asas maslahat. Namun gagasan yang semula juga berasal dari al-Syafi'i yang kemudian dikembangkan oleh Abu Hamid alGhazali ini dirasa belum memadai,14 muncul gagasan baru berupa 11Ibid.
Ibid., hlm. 116.
12
13Ibid. 14Menurut Yudian, teori Maqashid al-Syari`ah ini dicetuskan oleh Imam al-Juwaini kemudian dikembangkan oleh muridnya yang terkenal genius, Imam al-Ghazali. Setelah mengalami pengembangan puncak melalui Imam al-Syatibi, teori ini mengalami kemandegan panjang bersamaan dengan stagnasi ilmiah dunia Islam pada umumnya. Baca
728 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
liberalisme yang digagas oleh Wael B. Hallaq. Gagasan yang semula dimunculkan oleh Ashmawi ini berangkat dari pembedaan antara agama sebagai ide murni dan sebagai pemikiran. Dari sini ia menguraikan secara panjang lebar yang intinya menekankan bahwa agama itu ajeg, sementara pemikiran terhadap agama selalu berubah dan berkembang. Senada dengan ide dasar pemikiran ini, seorang pemikir muslim kontemporer dari Iran, Abdul Karim Soroush (1945), juga menawarkan gagasan yang sama, yaitu Qabd wa Bast. Teori yang kemudian diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa Inggris dengan the Theory of Expansion and Contraction of Shari`a (teori perluasan dan penyempitan syari`ah) ini bekerja pada wilayah interpretasi epistemologi. Teori ini diilhami oleh tradisi tasauf dalam Islam yang merujuk pada makna penyempitan dan perluasan hati sufi, kesedihan dan kegembiraannya, ekspresi takut dan harapannya.15 D. Jasser Auda: Maqashid sebagai Teori Sistem Jasser Auda adalah Founding Director Al-Maqashid Research Centre dalam bidang Filsafat HukumIslam, Al-Furqan Foundation, London, UK. sejak tahun 2005. Dia menyelesaikan S-1 di Univeritas Cairo Mesir pada tahun 1988 di jurusan Teknik Mesin. Di sela-sela menyelesaikanstudinya di Universitas Cairo, Jasser Auda mengikuti halaqah di Masjid al-Azhar di bawahasuhan Syekh Isma’il Shadiq al-Adawi antara tahun 1984-1990. Bidang keilmuan yangdidalaminya pada saat halaqah di antaranya; hadis, ‘ulum al-hadith, fikih mazhab Syafi’i danusul fikih dengan komparasi mazhab-mazhabnya. Bahkan pada rentang waktu itu ia telahmenyelesaikan hafalan al-Qur’an sebanyak 30 juz dengan riwayat Imam Hafas.Kiprah Jasser Audah dalam bidang pendidikan bisa dilihat dari banyaknya beasiswa dankeanggotaannya dalam berbagai lembaga international. Di antaranya adalah penerimabeasiswa dari International Institute Advanced Sistems Research, Canada. Selain itu dia jugamenjadi anggota pendiri International Unionfor Muslim Scholars, yang bermarkas diDublin. Dia juga anggota Academic Council dari International Institute Pemikiran Islam,UK; Anggota Dewan Komisaris dari Global Civilizations Study Centre, UK; Konsultanuntuk Islam onlinenet; Anggota Executive Board dari Association Muslim Social Scientists,UK; dan Dosen pada Institut Islam di Toronto-Canada, Alexandria University Fakultashukum Mesir, dan Academy Fiqh Islam di India.Dilihat dari latar belakang pendidikannya, Jasser Auda mempunyai latar belakangpendidikan yang multi-disipliner. Ia mendapat gelar Ph.D. dari dua Universitas, yakni dariUniversitas Wales; UK dengan disertasi Yudian Wahyudi Asmin, Ushul Fikih versus Hermeneutika: Membaca Islam dari Kanada dan Amerika (Yogyakarta: Nawesia, 2006), hlm. 44-45. 15Abdul Karim Soroush, Menggugat Otoritas dan Tradisi Agama, terj. Abdullah Ali (Bandung: Mizan, 2002), hlm. 49.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 729
Philosophy Hukum Islam, dan Universitas Waterloo-Canada dengan disertasi tentang Analisis Sistem. Auda juga menguasai tiga bahasa secara aktif, Arab-Inggris dan Prancis. Analisis sistem merupakan salah satu upaya pembaruan fiqih dan hukum Islam melalui penerapan strategi ‘multi-disiplin’ tersebut. Meski itu, teori-teori sistem selama ini tampak terbatas ketika hendak diterapkan langsung pada studi hukum Islam. Filsafat sistem yang dianggap Jasser Auda sangat cocok unutk mengkaji Syariah, terlihat belum diserap dengan baik oleh teori-teori sistem selama ini. Hal ini dikarenakan dua alasan pokok, yaitu: 1. Mayoritas teori tersebut disusun untuk mengkaji fenomena-fenomena alam yang tidak dapat langsung diterapkan kepada studi syariah yang sarat akan fenomena manusia dengan segala kekhasan-kekhasannya. 2. Kebanyakan teori sistem, selama ini, beserta klasifikasi-klasifikasi yang diajukannya tentang berbagai macam sistem, mengandalkan cara pandang yang uni-dimensi, meski filsafat sistem mengharuskan adanya cara pandang yang multi-dimensi. Untuk menyempurnakan kekurangan teori-teori sistem yang ada, menuju realisasi yang lebih baik dari filsafat sistem, Jasser Auda menyarankan enam hal, yaitu: 1. Sistem memiliki sifat dasar kognitif: sistem bukanlah suatu hakikat wujud, melainkan sebuah gagasan atau model yang dibangun oleh manusia sebagai konsepsi/representasi dari kenyataan sekitarnya. 2. Sistem memiliki sifat dasar holistik: komponen-komponen sistem tidak dapat dipahami sendiri-sendiri, melainkan, untuk memahami sikap masing-masing komponen, harus dipahami dalam kaitannya dengan komponen-komponen yang lain. 3. Sistem memilik sifat dasar keterbukaan: sistem selalu berada dalam hubungan interaksi dengan lingkungannya, sehingga ia selalu dalam keadaan mempengaruhi dan dipengaruhi oleh lingkungan tersebut. 4. Sistem memiliki sifat dasar hirarki-saling bergantung & multidimensi: terdapat hubungan hirarki antar komponen sebuah sistem, untuk mencapai tujuan (sifat dasar terakhir). Akan tetapi, sifat hirarki ini bukanlah hirariki yang mutlak, melainkan hirarki yang menunjukkan juga sifat saling membutuhkan 5. Sistem memiliki sifat dasar multi-dimensi: sifat dasar hirarki dan saling bergantung tersebut di atas, jika dipadukan dengan sifat kognitif, akan melahirkan sifat dasar multi-dimensi; yang berimplikasi adanya banyak cara pandang terhadap sebuah sistem, dikarenakan banyaknya komponen dan lebih banyaknya lagi hubungan saling bergantung antar komponen-komponen tersebut. Terakhir, sistem memiliki sifat dasar kebertujuan: dimana pernyataan ini berimplikasi bahwa sistem cenderung untuk mencapai hasil yang mirip di berbagai
730 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
macam lingkungan, dan melalui berbagai macam cara. Sifat dasar ini dapat dipahami sebagai aspek kestabilan sistem yang dapat dibandingkan dengan sifat keterbukaan yang merupakan aspek perubahan dalam sistem16. Jasser Auda mencoba untuk menerapkan keenam pernyataan sistem yang ia ajukan kepada hukum Islam, sehingga menghasilkan banyak temuan aplikatif yang menarik dan bermanfaat, di antaranya: 1. Temuan yang dihasilkan dengan menerapkan pernyataan mengenai sifat dasar kognitif ke dalam sistem hukum Islam: menjernihkan anggapan bahwa ijtihad (sekalipun yang dianggap ijma atau konsensus) bukanlah termasuk Syariah, melainkan adalah konsepsi darinya. Contoh riil mengenai hal ini adalah pembagian sikap-sikap dan teks-teks keNabian kedalam 3 kelompok pokok: Nabi sebagi muballigh Wahyu, Nabi sebagai pengarah dengan berbagai macam maksud selain penyampaian wahyu, dan Nabi sebagai manusia biasa, yang bertindak tanpa maksud pengarahan. 2. Temuan yang dihasilkan dengan menerapkan pernyataan mengenai sifat dasar holistik ke dalam sistem hukum Islam: menekan pada ketiakpastian yang dihasilkan oleh suatu teks tanpa dikaitkan dengan teks-teks serumpun yang mengatur hal yang sama, menyarankan strategi baru untuk filsafat Islam (ilmu Kalam baru) yang mengandalkan filsafat sistem untuk membuktikan adanya Tuhan, Risalah, dan hari Akherat. 3. Temuan yang dihasilkan dengan menerapkan pernyataan mengenai sifat dasar keterbukaan ke dalam sistem hukum Islam: menegaskan peran ‘urf dan budaya lokal dalam mengkontekskan teks-teks keagamaan, menekankan peran dialog Syariah dan filsafat sebagai salah satu strategi pembaruan. 4. Temuan yang dihasilkan dengan menerapkan pernyataan mengenai sifat dasar hirarki-saling bergantung dan multidimensi ke dalam sistem hukum Islam: munculnya variasi keyakinan terhadap teks, dengan pertimbangan hubungannya dengan teks-teks dan konteks-konteks yang lain, memecahkan misteri kontradiksi teks dengan pertimbangan hubungan dengan teks-teks dan konteks-konteks lain (hal ini tampak lebih jelas pada buku ‘Pendekatan Maqasid utk Ijtihad’. 16Jasser Auda, Maqasid al-Shariah as Philosophy of Islamic Law, (London: The International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2008).
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 731
5. Temuan yang dihasilkan dengan menerapkan pernyataan mengenai sifat dasar kebertujuan ke dalam sistem hukum Islam: realisasi dari sifat dasar ini adalah Maqasid al-Syariah, yang dapat dijadikan sebagai landasan hukum Islam, menekankan Maqasid sebagai standar pengukuran keabsahan ijtihad, berfikir Maqasid dapat merealisasikan misi kerahmatan global Syari’ah, berfikir Maqasid dapat merealisasikan sifat dasar Syari’ah yang dianggap valid untuk semua tempat dan waktu, berfikir Maqasid dapat dijadikan sebagai landasan dialog antar mazhab Islam. 17 Demikian, mohon maaf dan terimakasih.
17Ibid
732 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
Karya-karya Jasser dibagi pada dua kelompok, teoritis dan aplikatif:18
Maqasid Al-Syariah: A Biginner’s Guide
kelompok karya teoritis
Maqasid Al-Shariah As Philosophy Of Islamic Law: A System Approach
إناطة األحكام الشرعية:فقه المقاصد بمقاصدها karya-karya Jasser Auda
مقاصد األحكام الشرعية وعللها مدخل مقاصدي لالجتهاد مقاصد الشريعة عند القرضاوي kelompok karya aplikatif
Rethinking Islamic Law for Minorities: Towards a WesternMuslim Identity
18MAQASHID AL-SYARI‘AH SEBAGAI FILSAFAT HUKUM ISLAM Sumbangan Jasser Auda dalam Menunjang Wacana Fiqih Islami Baru makalah olehAli A. Moneim
The Analysis Recognition Transaction of Murabahah (Based PSAK 102 and Technical Bulletin 9) Melina Ernomo; Erika Amelia; Rahmawati1 Abstarct: Minat masyarakat untuk bertransaksi syariah semakin meningkat, kepercayaan masyarakat kepada perbankan syariah tumbuh seiring dengan banyaknya produk yang di miliki oleh perbankan syariah, sehingga menarik masyarakat berinvestasi ataupun melakukan pembiayaan. Pembiayaan di perbankan syariah yang didominasi oleh transaksi murabaha semakin menarik di telaah lebih lanjut dengan adanya fatwa DSN yang mengijinkan penerapan metode annuitas dalam transaksi murababah. Metode annuitas yang selama ini masih diperdebatkan. Penelitian ini untuk melihat bagaimana pengakuan pendapatan di PT.Bank Syariah Mandiri dan bagaimana aplikasi PSAK 102. Penelitian ini akan membandingkan antara annuitas dan proporsional, dan dampaknya apabila di terapkan buletin 9 terhadap laporan keuangan. Murabaha yang sebelumnya adalah transaksi jual beli dengan diterapkannya Bultek 9, maka transaksi akan diberlakukan sebagai pembiayaan. Sehingga akuntansi dalam murabaha tidak hanya diberlakukan PSAK 102 tapi juga PSAK 50, PSAK 55 dan PSAK 60 tentang instrumen keuangan, time of money adalah hal yang sangat penting dalam penerapan PSAK ini, dan ini bertentangan dengan konsep syariah
A. Background Islamic financial reporting arises because of the practice of Islamic transactions in its operations. Islamic transactions are a deal which accounted for based on the Islamic values that the condition is highly accepted by the whole world business networks. The need sharia-based services to be interesting because it has the values of justice The increasing number of need for banking services and the issuance of principle Islamic Law and 1998 and the issuance of Fatwa Bank Interest Haram from the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) in 2003, many conventional banks are established bureaus as well as the establishment of sharia Islamic bank itself (Iriyadi and Oktafiyanthi 2007 : 1). This is because the Islamic banks able to survive when the national banking crisis seriously enough in 1998 (Djuarni, 2011:1). There are some types of financing in Islamic banks, ie murabaha, mudaraba, Musharaka, salam, and istishna. The composition of financing in Islamic banks and Islamic business units can be seen in Table 1 1 Melina Ernomo (Accounting Departement, Faculty of Economics and business, UIN Jakarta) Erika Amelia(Accounting Departement, Faculty of Economics and business, UIN Jakarta Rahmawati (Accounting Departement, Faculty of Economics and business, UIN Jakarta
~ 733 ~
734 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
Tabel 1 Compposition of Financing in Islamic banks and Islamic Business units (in billion Rupiah) Akad 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 8.631 10.229 12.023 Mudharabah 5.578 6.205 6.597 Musyarakah 4.406 7.411 10.412 14.624 18.960 27.667 Murabahah 16.533 22.486 26.321 37.508 56.365 88.004 0 0 0 0 0 0 Salam 351 369 423 347 326 376 Istishna 516 765 1.305 2.341 3.839 7.345 Ijarah 540 959 1.829 4.731 12.937 12.090 Qardh Lainnya 0 0 0 0 0 0 Total 27.994 38.195 46.886 68.181 102.655 147.505 Sources: Statistics Islamic Banking - Bank Indonesia Based on the table above it can be concluded that the murabaha financing is a type of financing with the largest contribution in the composition of financing provided by Islamic banks and Islamic business units. Murabaha is the sale of goods by stating the cost and profit (margin) as agreed upon by the seller and the buyer (Widodo, 2010:19). Related with murabaha transaction as the biggest contributor in financing, PT Bank Syariah Mandiri is one Islamic bank with the largest amount of financing murabaha financing compared to the others, although the numbers are not much different from ijara transactions. Tabel 2 The Growth Murabaha Financing PT Bank Syariah Mandiri Jenis Pembiayaan Piutang murabahah Piutang Ijarah Pembiayaan mudharabah dan musyarakah
2009
2010
2011
Rp 8.114.527.271.903
Rp 12.681.133.009.729
Rp 19.773.813.386.544
Rp 7.822.981.065.484
Rp 12.368.814.579.379
Rp 19.336.318.545.470
Rp 6.276.294.769.699
Rp 8.394.986.953.161
Rp 9.702.953.278.657
Source: Annual financial report of PT Bank Syariah Mandiri Murabahah is a sale and purchase and not a financing instrument. Murabaha as a financing capital initially appeared as used by the Islamic Development Bank in its business operations in 1975 (Tariqullah Khan in Widodo, 2010:19). Even though many criticisms directed at Islamic banking practices in the murabaha, but it does indicate that the product broadly was responded murabaha (Rahmawaty, 2007:193). On the this application level of, indicate the the duplication of murabaha financing loans or credit from conventional banks, with the realization of the the calculation of bank interest margin refers to the
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 735
conventional (Widodo, 2010:34). This is made clear by the Fatwa No. 84/DSN-MUI/XII/2012 issued by the National Sharia Board (DSN) Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI) on December 21, 2012 regarding the method of profit recognition tamwil bi al-murabaha. The fatwa stated that the recognition of murabaha profit in the business conducted by the traders (al-tujjar) should be proportional (thariqah mubasyirah), which has been included in the Statement of Financial Akunntansi Standards (PSAK 102), Accounting for Murabahah, and annuities (thariqah al-reckoning 'altanazuliyyah/thariqah tanaqushiyyah) for in accordance with the' urf (custom) prevailing in the Islamic financial institutions. Islamic Accounting Standards Board (DSAS) the agencies prepare an accounting standard related to sharia. Seen before 2007, the accounting provisions related to Islamic transactions stipulated in the the statement of Financial Accounting Standards PSAK 59 concerning Islamic banking accounting. In 2007, setting it up is Islamic transactions was replaced of PSAK 59 and PSAK be further elaborated on the 101-110. Accounting arrangements regarding Murabaha described stated in PSAK 102. PSAK 102 Accounting for Murabahah gives arrangements about the the recognition, measurement, presentation and disclosure requirements murbahah transactions for both sellers and buyers. In the year 2013, the DSAS publishes Technical Bulletin 5 (Bultek 5) regarding revenue and expenses related to murabaha and Technical Bulletin 9 (Bultek 9) regarding the application of the methods an annuity in murbahah. PSAK 102 states that the selling price in the murabaha contract is a cost plus a profit margin agreed upon between seller and buyer. In practice the murabaha transaction, Islamic financial institutions (acts as the seller) can receive outside income such as profit margins and administrative costs that may be associated directly with the financing murabaha. Besides the income, the Islamic financial institution may also endure expenses relating directly to the murabaha financing, such as commission fees, survey fees and other costs. Accounting treatment was conducted by Islamic financial institutions on a variety of components such expenses, partially admitted directly as an expense in the current period, most of the others recognize as an expense during the period/period of the contract. Bultek 5 issued by DSAS with the purpose to uniform the accounting treatment of revenue and costs arising from murabaha transaction, excluding the cost of acquisition of goods and profit margins. When revenues and expenses incurred directly related to the murabaha transaction, the financial institution syariah (in this case acts as the seller) recognizes all revenues and expenses are aligned with the recognition of profit murabaha regulated in PSAK 102. Bultek 9 issued by DSAS with the purpose to uniform the accounting treatment of murabaha financing which recognized profits an annuity.
736 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
Murabaha financing which is recognized profits an annuity,the substance classified as financing activity (financing). Accounting for Murabahah financing the substance is classified as a financing activity referred to in PSAK 50 (revised 2010) Finance instruments: presentation of, PSAK 55 (Revised 2011) and measurement of financial instruments, as well as PSAK 60, Finance instruments: Disclosures. Included in these are the settings of PSAK for impairment accounting, disclosure of qualitative and quantitative risk arising from financing murabaha. According to Widodo (2010: 44), with of the manner in the calculation of the benefit or return murabaha, the method of calculation has been a fundamental shift in the murabaha transaction or contract should be to sale goods with objects being turned into debt-receivable financing. With this phenomenon, the researcher is interested in conducting research on the methods recognizing income from murabaha financing and PSAK guidelines used by PT Bank Syariah Mandiri in its accounting records. Advantage of this study the researchers analyzed an annuity the methods in this study and compared with the proportional method so it can be recognized the benefits of each. 2. Research Objective a. To determine the methods and the accounting recognition of gains recognition murabaha financing in PT Bank Syariah Mandiri? b. To find out the method in accordance with PSAK No. 102, Accounting for Murabahah? c. 3. Research Contribution Expected from this research will be to increase knowledge and understanding of murabaha and how its application in Islamic banking B.
Literature Review 1. Murabahah Murabahah is driven from ribh which means gain, profit or addition. In english this word is often translated as mark up or cost plus financing. (Widodo, 2010:19). According to imam Malik (1985) in Gholamreza Murabahah is conducted and completed by exchanging goods and price including a mutually agreed profit margin. By definition therefor, it is basic for a valid murabahah that the buyer must know the original price, additional expenses if any and the amount of profit accordingly, murabahah is a contract of trustworthiness. According to Statement of Financial Accounting Standards (PSAK) No.102 paragraph 5 of Murabaha defines:
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 737
Murabaha as a sale and purchase contract at cost plus agreed upon profit and the seller must disclose the cost of the goods to the buyer. Based on these definitions, murabaha is the buying and selling of goods, where the seller to the buyer revealed the acquisition price and profit margin based on agreed upon by both parties. a)
Principal Installment method and Margin Determination in Murabaha Islamic transactions based on criteria a predetermined by the Indonesian Institute of Accountants in the Framework for the Preparation and FinancialReporting (KDPPLK) Islamic banks effective from June 1 2007, according to Widodo (2010:37) there are several the methods pricing below is partially practiced by Financial Institutions Islam (LKI), such as: 1) Margin Method AnnuityThis method is a modification of of the the methods effective. This method of regulating the amount of principal paid and margins to be the same every month. Principal amount each month will increase, while the the amount of margin will be smaller. Basic Installment (k) = {
M n M (1+ )ⁿ−1 n
(1+ )k−1
M
} x Basic of Finance x ( 𝑛 )
Margin Installment (k) = M 12 M (1+ )k−1 12
{
2)
(1+ )ⁿ
− 1} x Basic Finance (k)
Description: M: Margin n : Finance Period k : Installment to,,, Average Profit Method Basic Price Time
Principal installments per month = Installment of margin permonth = (n+1)
Marjin
{ 2 x n } x Basic of Finance x ( Description: M: Margin
n : Finance of period
n
)
738 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
3)
Effective Rate Method This method calculates the margin to be paid each month in accordance with the outstanding principal amount the previous month. Installment permonth =
Basic of Finance 1 M M } ∶ (12) (1+ )ⁿ 12
{1−
4)
Description: M: Margin n : Finance of Period Flat Rate Method In this the methods, the calculation of interest always generate the same amount of interest every month, because the interest rate is calculated from the percentage of initial loan principal multiplied by.
Installments =
5)
b)
Basic Finance x { 1+(MK x n) } 12 x n
Description: Basic Finance : The acquisition cost - Down Payment MK : profit margin n : Finance period Sliding Rate Method Sliding method is that portion of the margin rate calculated based the remaining principal. So that portion of the margin and principal installments each month will be different. In this the methods, portion of the margin in the early days will be highly large in monthly installments, so that the principal will be slightly reduced. If you want to make payment of the initial principal amount large the debt will still have been to pay installment even if the totalized amount large quite. Comparison of Credit with Murabaha Differences in bank credit with murabaha financing can be seen in Table 3.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 739
Tabel 3 Comparison Credit and Murabaha Credit
No.
Note
1.
Source of law
positive law
Syaria Law
2.
Purpose
The financial benefits were unilaterally (Conventional Financial Institutions) that are worldly
Falah, grace and mardho tillah, with reach both temporal and ukhrowi
3.
Basic Principle
loan atau lending
Buying and selling
4.
Object of transaction
Money
Halal Goods
5.
allow
Not allow
6
Object financing transaction for goods that do not have yet Period of transaction
Short, medium, long term
Short, medium, long term
7.
Essence
Loan plus interest
Cost plus margin
8.
Meaning
The borrowing and lending and repayment of money that provision are separated by time in exchange, and interest
driven from ribh which means gain, profit or addition. In english this word is often translated as mark up or cost plus financing.
9.
Benefits (basic)
Procrastination time
No procrastination time
10.
Benefits (a form)
Interest
Margin
11.
Benefits (related to index) Benefit in matematics form
Related
Not Allow to relate
Repayment = Principal + Interest
Sales price = Cost + Margin
13.
Benefits (nature)
Floating rate Determinants is LKK
Fixed rate Determinants the parties
14.
Benefits (piece or discounts)
Apply automatically and definitely
The prerogative of the seller
15.
Benefits (entry into force pieces of or discounts)
Limited period of real time credit
Nominal margin unrelated time
12.
Murabahah
740 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
16.
Benefits (related with time value of money)
Automated and function (certainly applies)
not applicable
17.
The way to pay
Installment
Cash or installment
18.
Use or application transaction
Productive and consumption
Productive and consumption
19.
benefits of financing
Working capital and investments (long-term)
Working capital and consumption
20.
Nature of the credit application and financing murabaha
There is a stretch of time between realization and redemption
There is a stretch of time between realization and redemption
21.
The purpose of financing
Financing for all things
The ideal financing the mudaraba and Musharaka
22.
Delay in installment or repayment
be fined
Not allow to give a fined
23.
Fines (in accounting treatment)
LKK recognized as legal income
Recognize to be social fund
24.
Conclusion
Lending =/= Murabahah
Murabahah =/= Lending
Source: Widodo, 2010, hlm 113-115
c)
The Scope of Murabaha Accounting Standards Accounting standards on murabaha trading refers to the Regulation of Financial Accounting Standards (PSAK) No. 102, Accounting for Murabahah which effectively came into force on January 1, 2008. PSAK replaced 59 to the PSAK No. 102 regarding the recognition, measurement, presentation of and disclosure of murabaha. According to PSAK No.102, the scope of the accounting provisions stipulated in the murabaha accounting can be applied to Islamic financial institutions and cooperatives Islamic murabaha transaction as both a seller and buyer. d) The statement Financial Accounting Standards No. 55 Technical Bulletin No.9 issued by the Indonesian Institute of Accountants on January 16, 2013 states that Islamic financial institutions are applying for recognition of trade profits an annuity murabaha financing according Fatwa 84/DSN-
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 741
MUI/XII/2012 must perform in accordance with the recognition and measurement provisions of PSAK No. 55, including the accounting for for impairment of murabaha financing. The recognition and measurement contained in paragraph 17 to paragraph 20 of the Effective Interest Rate. c.) Conceptual Schema Method of in recognizing income murabaha financing (Fatwa No. 84/DSN-MUI/XII/2012 dan Buletin Teknis IAI No. 9)
Annuity Method
Proporsionel Method Based to
Based to
PSAK 102
PSAK 55
Case Study Bank Syariah Mandiri
How do profit recognition of the methods murabaha financing by PT Bank Syariah Mandiri?
Conclusion
C. Research Method 1. The scope of Research The study was conducted at PT Bank Syariah Mandiri, which is located at Wisma Mandiri I Jl. MH. Thamrin No. 5 Jakarta 10340, Indonesia on June 4, 2013 until July 10, 2013. The scope of this study only covers the murabaha financing transactions conducted by PT Bank Syariah Mandiri.
742 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
2. Research Method This research used qualitative descriptive of phenomenology approaches and case studies. This type of research is qualitative the research. Qualitative methodology is one of the research procedures which produce descriptive data such as speech or writing, and the behavior of those being observed (Bodgan and Biklen in Basrowi and Kelvin, 2008:2). D. Result and Discussion 1. Finance in Bank Mandiri Syariah PT Bank Syariah Mandiri has several types of products offered to the public by using a Murabahah contract. Financing such as BSM products required by customers such as the dream of owning a house, a car, or doing home renovations. Scheme was using murabaha financing schemes, namely the principle of financing sale. With consumer excellence Financing BSM is fixed installment, competitive margins, a process that is easy and quick, and in accordance with sharia. The simulation Financing Murabaha Untung Purnomo Principal Financing: Rp 180,000,000 Purpose of financing: Purchase one unit of Toyota Innova, Type G, Black from an authorized dealer of Toyota Astra 2000. The Car Price: Rp.257 .143 .000. Plafond of financing: 30% of customers and 70% of the bank Duration: 12 months, installments paid every 5th of each month (January 2012-December 2012). Effective margin: 12% or equivalent flat 6.62%. Penalty: 6.62% x arrears x the amount of days 1. The Principles dan Margin The calculation Installments of principal and Margins financing murabaha, PT Bank Syariah Mandiri using the annuity method (Queen, 2013). The amount consumer financing of Rp 180,000,000. Tabel 4 Scheme Installment of Customer (Recognized profit margib used anuity method) in Rp Install ment 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Principles
Margin
Installment permonth
14.192.781,98 14.334.709,8 14.478.056,89 14.622.837,46 14.769.065,84 14.916.756,5 15.065.924,07
1.800.000 1.658.072,181 1.514.725,082 1.369.944,513 1.223.716,139 1.076.025,482 26.857,9099
15.992.782 15.992.782 15.992.782 15.992.782 15.992.782 15.992.782 15.992.782
Principles Outstanding 80.000.000 65.807.218 151.472.508,2 136.994.451,3 122.371.613,9 107.602.548 92.685.791,53 77.619.867,46
ER 12% 12% 12% 12% 12% 12% 12%
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 743
8 9 10 11 12 Total
15.216.583,3 15.368.749,14 15.522.436,63 15.677.660,99 15.834.437 180.000.000
776.198,6762 624.032,8364 70.345,3458 315.120,99 58.344,3695 11.913.384
15.992.782 15.992.782 15.992.782 15.992.782 15.992.782 191.913.384
62.403.284,16 47.034.535,02 31.512.098,39 15.834.437
12% 12% 12% 12%
0
Source: Data processing Tabel 5 Calculation Principleas Installament and Margins With Anuity Method Period
Principles Installment
1
[
12% (1+ 12 )1−1 12%
12%
(1+ 12 )12 −1
= =
Margin
] x Rp 180.000.000 x [
12
]
1
x Rp 180.000.000 x 0,01 0,12682503 Rp 14.192.781,98
12% 12 ) 12 12% 1−1 (1+ ) 12
[
(1+
− 1] x Rp 14.192.781,98
1,12682503
= [ − 1] x Rp 14.192.781,98 1 = Rp 1.800.000 Total= Rp 14.192.781,98 + Rp 1.800.000 = Rp 15.992.782
2
[
12% 2−1 ) 12 12% 12 (1+ ) −1 12
(1+
12%
] x Rp 180.000.000 x [ 12 ] 1,01
12% 12 ) 12 12% 2−1 (1+ ) 12
[
(1+
− 1] x Rp 14.334.709,8
1,12682503
= x Rp 180.000.000 x = [ − 1] x Rp 14.334.709,9 0,12682503 1,01 0,01 = Rp 1.658.072,181 = Rp 14.334.709,8 Total= Rp 14.334.709,8 + Rp 1.658.072,181 = Rp 15.992.782 3
12%
(1+ 12 )3−1 ] x Rp 12% (1+ 12 )12 −1 1,0201
[
= 0,01 =
0,12682503
12%
180.000.000 x [
12
]
x Rp 180.000.000 x
Rp 14.478.056,89
12% 12 ) 12 12% 3−1 (1+ ) 12
[
(1+
= =
− 1] x Rp 14.478.056,89
1,12682503
[ − 1] x Rp 14.478.056,89 1,0201 Rp 1.514.725,08
Total= Rp 14.478.056,89 + Rp 1.514.725,082 = Rp 15.992.782 4
12%
(1+ 12 )4−1 ] x Rp 12% (1+ 12 )12 −1 1,030301
[
12%
180.000.000 x [
12
]
12% 12 ) 12 12% 4−1 (1+ ) 12
− 1] x Rp 14.622.837,46
12% 12 ) 12 12% 5−1 (1+ ) 12
− 1] x Rp 14.769.065,84
[
(1+
1,12682503 = x Rp 180.000.000 x = [ − 1] x Rp 14.622.837,46 0,12682503 1,030301 0,01 = Rp 1.369.944,513 = Rp 14.622.837,46 Total = Rp 14.622.837,46 + Rp 1.369.944,513= Rp 15.992.782
5
[
12% (1+ 12 )5−1 12%
12%
] x Rp 180.000.000 x [
(1+ 12 )12 −1 1,04060401
= 0,01 =
0,12682503
12
]
x Rp 180.000.000 x
Rp 14.769.065,84
[
(1+
1,12682503
= [ − 1] x Rp 14.769.065,84 = 1,04060401 Rp 1.223.716,139
Total = Rp 14.769.065,84 + Rp 1.223.716,139 = Rp 15.992.782
744 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
6
[
12% (1+ 12 )6−1
12%
] x Rp 180.000.000 x [
12%
(1+ 12 )12 −1 1,05101005
= 0,01 =
12
]
x Rp 180.000.000 x
0,12682503
Rp 14.916.756,5
12% 12 ) 12 12% 6−1 (1+ ) 12
[
(1+
− 1] x Rp 14.916.756,5
1,12682503
[ − 1] x Rp 14.916.756,5 1,05101005 Rp 1.076.025,482
= =
Total = Rp 14.916.756,5 + Rp 1.076.025,482 = Rp 15.992.782 7
12%
(1+ 12 )7−1 ] x Rp 12% (1+ 12 )12 −1 1,061520151
[
= =
12%
180.000.000 x [
12
]
x Rp 180.000.000 x 0,01 0,12682503 Rp 15.065.924,07
12% 12 ) 12 12% 7−1 (1+ ) 12
[
(1+
− 1] x Rp 15.065.924,07
1,12682503
[ − 1] x Rp 15.065.924,07 1,061520151 Rp 926.857,9099
= =
Total = Rp 15.065.924,07 + Rp 926.857,9099 = Rp 15.992.782 8
12%
(1+ 12 )8−1 ] x Rp 12% (1+ 12 )12 −1 1,072135352
[
= =
12%
180.000.000 x [
12
]
x Rp 180.000.000 x 0,01 0,12682503 Rp 15.216.583,3
12% 12 ) 12 12% 8−1 (1+ ) 12
[
(1+
− 1] x Rp 15.216.583,3
1,12682503
= [ − 1] x Rp 15.216.583,3 1,072135352 = Rp 776.198,6762 Total =: Rp 15.216.583,3 + Rp 776.198,6762 = Rp 15.992.782 9
12%
(1+ 12 )9−1 ] x Rp 12% (1+ 12 )12 −1 1,082856706
[
= =
12%
180.000.000 x [
12
]
x Rp 180.000.000 x 0,01 0,12682503 Rp 15.368.749,14
12% 12 ) 12 12% 9−1 (1+ ) 12
[
(1+
− 1] x Rp 15.368.749,14
1,12682503
[ − 1] x Rp 15.368.749,14 1,082856706 Rp 624.032,8364
= =
Total = Rp 15.368.749,14 + Rp 624.032,8364 = Rp 15.992.782 1 0
12%
(1+ 12 )10−1 ] x Rp 12% 12 (1+ ) −1 12 1,093685273
[
= =
12%
180.000.000 x [
12
]
x Rp 180.000.000 x 0,01 0,12682503 Rp 15.522.436,63
12% 12 ) 12 12% 10−1 (1+ ) 12
[
(1+
− 1] x Rp 15.522.436,63
1,12682503
[ − 1] x Rp 15.522.436,63 1,093685273 Rp 470.345,3458
= =
Total= Rp 15.522.436,63 + Rp 470.345,3458= Rp 15.992.782 1 1
12% 11−1 ) 12 12% 12 (1+ 12 ) −1
[
(1+
= 0,01 =
12%
] x Rp 180.000.000 x [
1,104622125 0,12682503
12
]
x Rp 180.000.000 x
Rp 15.677.660,99
12% 12 ) 12 12% 11−1 (1+ ) 12
[
(1+
− 1] x Rp 15.677.660,99
1,12682503
[ − 1] x Rp 15.677.660,99 1,104622125 Rp 315.120,99
= =
Total = Rp 15.677.660,99 + Rp 315.120,99 = Rp 15.992.782 1 2
12% 12−1 ) 12 12% 12 (1+ 12 ) −1
[
(1+
12%
] x Rp 180.000.000 x [
1,115668347
12
]
12% 12 ) 12 12% 12−1 (1+ ) 12
[
(1+
− 1] x Rp 15.834.437,61
1,12682503 = x Rp 180.000.000 x = [ − 1] x Rp 15.834.437,61 0,12682503 1,115668347 0,01 = Rp 158.344,3695 = Rp 15.834.437,61 Total= Rp 15.834.437,61 + Rp 158.344,3695 = Rp 15.992.782
2. Compare Anuity Method and Proporsional Method In recognizing the profit murabaha, The statement Financial Accounting Standards (PSAK) No. 102, Accounting for Murabahah in paragraph 23 states that profit murabaha is
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 745
recognized proportionally with the amount of cash that successfully collected from murabaha receivables. Recognition by the proportional the methods can be done by multiplying the the percentage of profit to total managed to receivables collectable. The percentage is calculated by the ratio between profit margin and asset acquisition costs murabaha. Purpose of financing: Purchase one unit of Toyota Innova, Type G, Black from an authorized dealer of Toyota Astra 2000. The Car Price: Rp. 257.143.000. Plafond of financing: 30% of customers and 70% of the bank. Duration: 12 months, Margin permonth Rp.992.782. Finance period: 12 month. Margin peryear Rp.11.913.382. Installment permonth Rp. 15.992.782. Effective margin: 12% or equivalent flat 6.62%. Tabel 6 Skema Installment Consumer (Recognized Profit Margin Murabahah with ProporsionallyMethod) in Rp Install ment
Principles portion 93,79231206 %
Margin portion 6,207687943 %
Installment permonth 100%
Principles Outstanding (Rp)
ER
6,62%
0 1
15.000.000
992.782
15.992.782
180.000.000 165.000.000
2
15.000.000
992.782
15.992.782
150.000.000
7,22%
3
15.000.000
992.782
15.992.782
135.000.000
7,94%
4
15.000.000
992.782
15.992.782
120.000.000
8,82%
5
15.000.000
992.782
15.992.782
105.000.000
9,93%
6
15.000.000
992.782
15.992.782
90.000.000
11,35%
7
15.000.000
992.782
15.992.782
75.000.000
13,24%
8 9
15.000.000 15.000.000
992.782 992.782
15.992.782 15.992.782
60.000.000 45.000.000
15,88% 19,86%
10
15.000.000
992.782
15.992.782
30.000.000
26,47%
11
15.000.000
992.782
15.992.782
15.000.000
39,71%
12
15.000.000
992.782
15.992.782
0
79,42%
Jumla h
180.000.000
11.913.384
191.913.384
Source: Data Processing Based on murabaha of financing simulation in Table 6 and Table 7 above, it can be seen that the an annuity the methods has the stability on Effective percentage rate (ER) per month (Aminullah, 2013). To determine
746 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
this, the researchers analyzed the simulated ER murabaha financing in Table 6 and Table 7. The percentage of ER and its calculation formula is shown in Table 8.
Marjin bulan ke−n
ER = pokok utang bulan ke n−1 100% x 12 Tabel 7 Compare Effective Rate with Annuity Method and
Month
Proporsionally Method
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
Anuity Method Rp 1.800.000
x 100% x 12 = 12%
Rp 180.000.000
Rp 1.658.072,181 Rp 165.807.218 Rp 1.514.725,082 Rp 151.472.508,2 Rp 1.369.944,513 Rp 136.994.451,3 Rp 1.223.716,139 Rp 122.371.613,9 Rp 1.076.025,482 Rp 107.602.548 Rp 926.857,9099 Rp 92.685.791,53 Rp 776.198,6762 Rp 77.619.867,46 Rp 624.032,8364 Rp 62.403.284,16 Rp 470.345,3458 Rp 47.034.535,02 Rp 315.120,99 Rp 31.512.098,39 Rp 158.344,3695 Rp 15.834.437,4
x 100% x 12 = 12% x 100% x 12= 12% x 100% x 12 = 12% x 100% x 12 = 12%
Proporsionally Method Rp 992.782 Rp 180.000.000 Rp 992.782 Rp 165.000.000 Rp 992.782 Rp 150.000.000 Rp 992.782 Rp 135.000.000 Rp 992.782 Rp 120.000.000 Rp 992.782
x 100% x 12 = 12%
Rp 105.000.000
x 100% x 12 = 12%
Rp 90.000.000
x 100% x 12 = 12%
Rp 75.000.000
x 100% x 12 = 12%
Rp 60.000.000
x 100% x 12 = 12%
Rp 45.000.000
x 100% x 12 = 8,82% x 100% x 12 = 9,93% x 100% x 12 =
x 100% x 12 = x 100% x 12 =
15,88% Rp 992.782
x 100% x 12 =
19,86% Rp 992.782
Source: Data Processing
x 100% x 12 = 7,94%
13,24% Rp 992.782
x 100% x 12 = 12%
x 100% x 12 = 7,22%
11,35% Rp 992.782
x 100% x 12 = 12%
x 100% x 12 = 6,62%
x 100% x 12 =
26,47% Rp 992.782 Rp 30.000.000 Rp 992.782 Rp 15.000.000
x 100% x 12 = 39,71% x 100% x 12 = 79,42%
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 747
Based on the above calculation, it can be concluded that by using the an annuity the methods, ER more stable every month, amounting to 12%. So this is the reason PT Bank Syariah Mandiri choose to use the an annuity the methods in murabaha of financing transactions. Based on Table 6 and Table 7, the researchers made a comparative analysis of these tables, among others: a. In Table 6, using an annuity the methods, it can be seen that the the amount of principal to be paid by the customers every month getting bigger, while the interest amount to be paid by the customers is getting smaller each month. b. In Table 6, using an annuity the methods, it can be seen that the calculation of profit margin or the bank calculated portion of of the principal the amount of outstanding, was not calculated of the principal murabaha of financing. c. In Table 7, by using the proportionally the methods, it can be seen that the principal the amount of and margin to be paid by the customers is the same every month. d. In Table 7, by using the proportionally the methods, it can be seen that the calculation of profit margins or calculated from the principal bank of financing murabaha, is not calculated the portion of the outstanding principal. Tabel 8 Compare Anuity Method with Proporsionally method Distinction The Amount of installment The amount of margins To Calculate
3.
Anuity Method Increase Decrease Calculate from principal outstanding installment
Proporsionally Method The same every month The same every month Calculate from principal murabahan financing
Accounting Standard Technical Bulletin 9 issuance by the Indonesian Institute of Accountants (IAI) on January 16, 2013 on Application of Annuity Method In Murabahah, stated in it that the Islamic financial institutions are applying for recognition of trade profits an annuity murabaha of financing according No.84/DSN-MUI/XII/2012 DSN must perform recognition of, measurement, presentation of and disclosure in accordance with the provisions of PSAK No.55 on Financial Instruments: Recognition and Measurement, PSAK No.50 on Financial Instruments: Presentation, and PSAK No.60 on Financial Instruments: Disclosures. It is defined as the murabaha of financing is recognized an annuity benefits based on the fact that the
748 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
murabaha of financing is the provision of funds by the Islamic financial institutions are distributed to customers with a sale mechanism. In accounting activities such as substance classified as of financing activities (financing). In the practice applications of murabaha financing, PT Bank Syariah Mandiri was not fully apply the PSAK No.102, Accounting for Murabahah, and was not fully apply the PSAK. 55 on Financial Instruments: Recognition and Measurement. This can be seen based Operating Circular No. PT Bank Syariah Mandiri. 6/044/OPS dated December 15, 2004, interview with investigators Staff Accounting Policies PT Bank Syariah Mandiri, as well as the simulation of of financing made by researchers in Table 6 and Table 7, that the records of journal transactions murabaha financing is referred to in PSAK 102, while the profit calculation murabaha of financing transactions referred to in PSAK 55, that was used of an annuity as a modification of the effective interest rate method. In addition, PT Bank Syariah Mandiri also perform Assets Allowance (PPAP) at the time of the contract, in the amount of 1% for Col (1) and 5% for Col. (2) of the principal amount of of financing. Related to with the publication of Technical Bulletin No. 9 by IAI in accordance with DSN No.84/DSN-MUI/XII/2012, PT Bank Syariah Mandiri still run a combination of PSAK No. 102 with PSAK 55 until now. This is motivated by (Aminullah, 2013): a. System and the preparation of quite a long time and costly for the application PSAK No. 55. b. Deficiency of human resources who understand PSAK 55 less. 55 are limited, so it will increase the problem for Islamic banks for the application of PSAK. c. If using PSAK No.55, PT Bank Syariah Mandiri should make Allowance for impairment losses (allowance for impairment), that is conducted through individual evaluation which is equal to the difference between the asset's carrying amount and present value of estimated future cash flows discounted at original effective interest rate of the asset. This will make a murabaha contract was not accordance with the sharia because it contains the concept of time value of money (time value of money). Given in murabaha contract, was not allowed to change during the nominal period of the contract. Therefore, the losses from reserve for doubtful accounts, PT Bank Syariah Mandiri referred to in PSAK 102, that is by making Allowance at the time of the contract. d. Murabahah is a sale agreement is used for short to medium term. But in the practice murabaha of financing in PT Bank Syariah Mandiri, the period of time murabaha contract can
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 749
e.
reach a dozen years. In addition, the calculation of the profit margin selling - buying the murabaha contract, based PSAK No.102 conducted proportionally. While the practice murabaha of financing in PT Bank Syariah Mandiri done an annuity, in which murabaha margin calculated from the principal the portion the debt outstanding. Murabaha contract practice in PT Bank Syariah Mandiri are of financing categories and not sell-buy. where the bank as the seller should have a agoods or object and murabaha, but the fact, PT Bank Syariah Mandiri does not have object murabaha but provide funds to customers
E. Conclusion and Implications 1. Conclusion Based on the data that has been obtained and the results of analysis conducted by researchers with the comparison between theory and practice, it can be concluded as follows: a. PT Bank Syariah Mandiri has been using an annuity the methods recognizes profit murabaha of financing. Regcords of murabaha of financing transactions referred to in PSAK 102 and PSAK 55. b. PT.Bank Syariah Mandiri used an annuity method in murabaha of financing that was not recognize profit accordance with PSAK No.102. 2.
Implication From the above conclusion and some discussion that been featured in the fourth chapter, the implications of this study are as follows: a. For PT Bank Syariah Mandiri Technical Bulletin No. 9, published by IAI, PT Bank Syariah Mandiri to set the the profit recognition method will use in murabaha and complete the system of changes if the chosen method should refer to the annuity because IFRS No. 50, 55, and 60. b. For the Indonesian Institute of Accountants. There are two methods in the recognition of gains murabaha, which is proportional and annuities, Indonesian Institute of Accountants are expected to review the more about the annuity method that should use by Islamic banks in recognizing the advantages murabaha, since it is not listed in PSAK No.102, Accounting for Murabahah and fair value measurements contained in PSAK No.50, 55, and 60 contain the time value of money is still relevant to be adopted by Islamic entities. c. For Public Accounting Firm There are two methods used in the recognition of gains murabaha financing, ie proportional
750 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
and annuities, public accounting firms are expected to understand this because it will affect the opinion will be provided to entities on the Islamic Presentation of Financial Statements. 3.
Limitation This study has several limitations that may debate results. Several limitations of this study are as follows: a. The data obtained in this study only the limited one Islamic entity, so it can not be generalized to other research objects. b. The analysis used only to the extent originated from the theory that the researcher understood REFERENCE
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Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 751
Farola Bram, Yudi. "Analisis Efektivitas Iklan Sebagai Salah Satu Strategi Pemasaran Perusahaan Percetakan Dan Penerbitan PT Rambang Dengan Menggunakan Metode EPIC Model" , Jurnal Manajemen & Bisnis Sriwijaya Vol. 3 No. 6 , Universitas Sriwijaya, Palembang , 2005. Ikatan Akuntan Indonesia. “Bultek 9 Penerapan Metode Anuitas Dalam Murabahah”, artikel diakses tanggal 23 Januari 2013, dari http://www.iaiglobal.or.id/v02/prinsip_ akuntansi/ standar.php?cat=SAK% 20Syariah&id=82 Iriyadi dan Oktafiyanthi, Arinta, "Pengakuan Pendapatan: Studi Komparasi Pada Bank Konvensional dan Bank Syariah (Studi Kasus Pada PT Bank Jabar Bogor)", Jurnal Ilmiah Ranggagading Vol. 7, Bogor, 2007. Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia, Balai Pustaka, Jakarta, 2008. Kurneawati, “Analisis Perlakuan Piutang Murabahah Pada PT Bank Rakyat Indonesia KCI Gbeng Surabaya”, Jurnal Keuangan dan Perbankan Vol. 16 No. 1, Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Ekonomi Perbanas, Surabaya, 2011. Kwang En, Tan dan Dorothy, Jane. "Peranan Sistem Informasi Akuntansi Penjualan Untuk Meminimalisasi Piutang Tak Tertagih (Studi Kasus Pada Perusahaan Sepatu ”X”)" , Jurnal Ilmiah Akuntansi No. 5, Universitas Kristen Maranatha, Bandung, 2011. Laporan Keuangan tahunan PT Bank Syariah Mandiri tahun 2009-2012. Diakses tanggal 13 februari 2013, dari http://www.syariahmandiri.co.id/en/ category/investorrelation/laporan-tahunan/ Laporan Tahunan Puslitbang Kehidupan Keagamaan Indonesia Tahun 2012. Diakses tanggal 29 Agustus 2013, dari http://puslitbang1.balitbangdiklat. kemenag.go.id/ Nurul Musjtari, Dewi dan Fitriyanti, Fadia. “Hukum Perbankan Syariah dan Takaful”, Lab Hukum Fakultas Hukum, Universitas Muhammadiyah, Malang, 2010. Rahmat, Pupu Saeful. "Penelitian Kualitatif", Equilibrium Vol. 5 No. 9 , 2009. Rahmawaty, Anita. "Ekonomi Syariah : Tinjauan Kritis Produk Murabahah Dalam Perbankan Syari’ah Di Indonesia", Jurnal Ekonomi Islam La Riba Vol. 1 No. 2 , Jakarta , 2007. Ratu Fitria, Winahyu. Wawancara. PT Bank Syariah Mandiri. 4 Juni 2013. Riza Salman, Kautsar. "Akuntansi Perbankan Syariah Berbasis PSAK Syariah", Akademia Permata, Padang, 2012. Rodoni, Ahmad. “Investasi Syariah”, Lembaga Penelitian UIN Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta, 2009. Saeful Rahmat, Pupu. “Penelitian Kualitatif”, Equilibrium Vol. 5 No. 9, 2009.
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Shomad, Abdul. “Bay Al-Murabahah (Deffered Payment Sale) di Lingkungan Bank Syariah”, Jurnal Ekonomi Syariah Vol. 24 No. 1, Surabaya, 2009. Smolo, Edib. “Al-Bay Bithaman Ajil (BBA) as Practiced in Malaysia: a Critical Review”, Journal of Islamic Banking and Finance, Malaysia, 2010. Sundusiah, Suci. “Analisis Data Kualitatif’. makalah, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia, Bandung, 2010. Supramono, Gatot. " Perbankan dan Masalah Kredit Suatu Tinjauan di Bidang Yuridis". Rineka Cipta, Jakarta , 2009. Utama, Chandra. "Pengenalan Produk dan Akad Murabahah dalam Perbankan Syariah", Bina Ekonomi Majalah Ilmiah Fakultas Ekonomi Unpar, Universitas Katolik Parahyangan, Bandung, 2009. Wangsa, Sugianto dan Ming Kuang, Tan. “Analisis Pengukuran , Pengklasifikasian , dan Pengakuan Pendapatan Pada Bank Konvensional dan Bank Syariah”, Akurat Jurnal Ilmiah Akuntansi No.6, Bandung, 2011. Widodo, Sugeng. "Seluk Beluk Jual Beli Murabahah Perspektif Aplikatif", Asgard Chapter, Yogyakarta 2010. Wiyono, Slamet dan Maulamin, Taufan. "Memahami Akuntansi Syariah di Indonesia", Mitra Wacana Media, Jakarta, 2012.
ASPEK SHARI’AH NON COMPLIANCE PADA MEKANISME TRANSAKSI SAHAM SYARIAH JAKARTA ISLAMIC INDEX (JII) BURSA EFEK INDONESIA Dr. Nofrianto, M.Ag Email:
[email protected];
[email protected] (Dosen Fakultas Syariah IAIN Sulthan Thaha Saifuddin Jambi) Abstrak: Penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa transaksi saham syariah pada Jakarta Islamic Index (JII) belum sepenuhnya memiplementasikan aspek shari’ah compliance. Masih terdapat indikator-indikator yang mengarah kepada aspek maisir, gharar dan riba dan aktifits spekulatif lainnya. Kondisi ini dapat terlihat dimana masih tingginya tingkat ketidakpastian(degree of uncertainty) dan gharar dalam transaksi saham yang mendorong para pemain saham untuk melakukan tindakan spekulatif seperti margin trading dan short selling dan bentuk transaksi lain yang mengandung unsur ihtikar, tadlis, ghish dan lain sebagainya. Para pelaku pasar modal syariah(pemain saham) masih banyak dipengaruhi oleh pelaku pasar modal konvensional. isu dan rumor (psikologi pasar) yang mempengaruhi pembentukan harga pasar modal syariah dan pasar modal konvensional adalah sama. Dalam mekanisme dan siklus transaksi saham syariah para pembeli dan penjual adalah sama, dan bahkan tidak diketahui siapa yang menjadi penjual dan siapa yang menjadi pembeli, dan pihak mana yang menjadi end user nya, persis sama dengan transaksi saham di pasar modal konvensional. Key words: trading, saham syariah, maisir, gharar dan spekulatif. Abstract: This paper aims to disclose that the shariah compliance aspect on syariah stock trading in Jakarta Islamic Index not yet fully implemented. There have been some indicators where gambling (maysir), gharar and riba took their forms in every transaction.This fact can be seen where the degree of uncertainty and gharar are still high which compel uncompromisingly the buyers and sellers to act speculatively such as margin trading, short selling and other forms of transaction comprising elements of ihtikar, tadlis, ghish, and so forth. The stake-holders of the Islamic stock market are much influenced by conventional buyers and sellers. The issues which influenced the price of both Islamic and conventional capital market are all the same. Even in Islamic stock market transactional mechanism and circle, the buyers and the sellers are the same.However, it is not known who are the sellers and buyers ecxatly, and who are the end users, and do the same as the transaction in “conventional” capital markets
A. Pendahuluan Pasar modal syariah merupakan salah satu lembaga keuangan yang sering mendapat kritikan dan sorotan dari kalangan ekonom Muslim
~ 753 ~
754 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
maupun non Muslim. Kritikan, pro dan kontra tersebut pada umumnya tertuju kepada ke-syariah-an emiten yang menerbitkan saham, dan mekanisme transaksi saham syariah di pasar sekunder (secondary market) yang diduga masih sarat dengan unsur maisir, gharar, riba dan bermacam tindakan spekulasi lainnya. Saham syariah dan pasar modal syariah pada umumnya dianggap masih duplikasi dari pasar modal konvensional. Pihak yang meragukan kesyariahan pasar modal syariah melihat bahwa dalam kenyataannya para pelaku pasar modal syariah tidak berbeda dengan pelaku pasar modal konvensional yang belum tentu mengaplikasikan aturan syariah (shariah compliance). Kekhawatiran dominannya unsur spekulasi dibursa saham ini di disampaikan oleh Ibrahim Warde, ia mengemukakan bahwa salah satu persoalan inti pasar modal adalah potensi bagi tindakan yang spekulatif yang menghadapkan penentangan ekonomi dan agama. Meski dari sudut pandangan ilmu ekonomi (pandangan Keynes) para spekulan tidak terlalu membahayakan layaknya gelembung di atas stabil perusahaan. Namun, posisinya akan menjadi serius ketika perusahaan menjadi gelembung dalam pusaran spekulasi, maka ini sangat berbahaya. Perekonomian akan keropos seperti halnya bursa.1 B. Etika Bisnis dan Investasi Syariah Ekonomi Islam, menurut para pembangun dan pendukungnya, dibangun di atas prinsip-prinsip relijius, berorientasi dunia dan akhirat. Dalam paradigma ini, para ekonom Muslim masih dalam satu kata, atau setidaknya tidak ada perbedaan yang berarti.2 Mayoritas para ekonom Muslim sepakat mengenai dasar, pilar atau fondasi filosofis sistim ekonomi Islam: Tauhid, Khilafah, ‘Ibadah, dan Takaful, Khurshid Ahmad menambahkan: Rububiyyah dan Tadzkiyah, serta Mas’uliyyah (accountability). 3 Sistim ekonomi dan keuangan Islam, baik produk dan institusinya adalah sistim yang senantiasa mengacu kepada maqashid al-shari’ah, sesuai dengan tujuan syariah yaitu kemaslahatan, dan karenanya sistim ekonomi Islam menolak postulat yang dikemukakan oleh ekonom neo-klasik yang hanya berorientasi untuk memaksimalkan kebutuhan pribadi saja.4 Umar Chapra memperjelas bahwa tujuan syariah (maqashid Shari‘ah) inilah yang 1Ibrahim
Warde. Islamic Finance in the Global Economy (terj), Andriyaldi Ramli. Keuangan Islam dalam Perekonomian Global (Jakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2009), 376. 2Adiwarman Karim, Ekonomi Mikro Islami (Jakarta: The International Institute of Islamic Thought Indonesia, 2002), 13. Adiwarman Karim, "Ekonomi Islam: Suatu Kajian Ekonomi Makro", (Jakarta: The International Institute of Islamic Thought Indonesia, 2002), 195-197 3Mohhamed Aslam Haneef, "Contemporary Islamic Economic Thought:A Selected Comparative Analysis", (Kuala Lumpur: Ikraq, 1995), 2. 4Toseef Azid, “Does Ethic Moral Coalition Complement to economic Coalition: A Response in the Periphery of Islamic Economic,” Humanics Vol 23No 3 (2007):153-173.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 755
merupakan tujuan dari ekonomi untuk mencapai falah (kebahagiaan manusia) dan hayatan thayyibah (kehidupan yang baik) dalam batas-batas syariah. Peningkatan spritual adalah faktor utama untuk mencapai falah (kebahagiaan manusia).5 Secara teknis norma dan etika mendasar dari sistim ekonomi dan keuangan Islam, termasuk di pasar modal syariah adalah bahwa semua produk tidak mengandung tiga6 unsur; pertama, unsur riba (usury atau excessive interest), kedua tidak mengandung gharar, dan ketiga tidak mengandung perbuatan dosa, seperti gambling dan alkohol.7 Ketiga aspek ini dijadikan sebagai parameter operasional untuk menilai syariah atau tidaknya suatu aktivitas yang dilakukan oleh seseorang, baik secara individu maupun korporasi. Dalam hal investasi, konsep investasi yang diajarkan oleh Islam adalah satu konsep yang pada dasarnya adalah penempatan sejumlah kekayaan untuk mendapatkan keuntungan di masa datang.Tentunya juga dengan memperhatikan norma dan etika Islam. Urgensinya etika dan moral dalam setiap kegiatan ekonomi dan investasi dikarenakan Islam tidak pernah memisahkan ekonomi dengan etika, seperti halnya tidak pernah memisahkan antara ilmu dengan akhlak dan politik dengan etika. Islam juga tidak memisahkan agama dengan negara, materi dengan spiritual; sebagaimana halnya yang dilakukan Eropa dengan konsep sekularismenya. Begitu pula Islam berbeda dengan konsep kapitalisme yang memisahkan akhlak dengan ekonomi. Manusia muslim, individu maupun kelompok, dalam lapangan ekonomi atau bisnis, di satu sisi diberi kebebasan untuk mencari keuntungan sebesar-besarnya. Namun di sisi lain, ia terikat dengan iman dan etika sehingga ia tidak bebas mutlak dalam menginvestasikan modalnya atau membelanjakan hartanya.8 Atas dasar ini para ulama sepakat mengharamkan terhadap segala transaksi dan investasi yang mengadung unsur maisir, gharar dan riba, baik pada akad, objek ataupun hasilnya. Pengharaman maisir, gharar dan riba ini dalam terminologi hukum Islam dikenal dengan istilah haram lighairihi, 5M. Umer Chapra, Islam and the Economic Challenge (USA: The Islamic Foundation and The International Institute of Islamic Thought, 1992), 6-7. M. Umer Chapra, The Future of Economics An Islamic Perspective (Leicester: The Islamic Foundation, 2000), 2-8. 6Mohammed Obaidillah mengemukakan bahwa ada sembilan norms of Islamic financial ethic, yaitu:1)freedom of contract ; 2)freedom from al riba;, 3)freedom from al-gharar; tidak, 4)freedom from al-qimar; 5)freedom from price control and manipulation; 6)entitlement to transact at fair prices ; 7) entitlement to equal, adequate and accurate information ;, 8)freedom from al-dharar; 9) unrestricted public interest;. Mohammed Obaidullah, Islamic Risk Management: Towards Greater Ethics and Efficiency, International Journal of Islamic Financial Services, Volume 3, Number 4(2008): 7 A. Gait dan A.C.Worthington, “A Principle on Islamic Finance: Definition, Source, Principles and Methode,” Journal of Faculty of Commerce-University of Wollonggong (2007): 7. 8 Yusuf al-Qaradhawi, Membumikan Syariat Islam, alih bahasa M. Takki, dkk (Surabaya: Dunia Ilmu, 1997), 51.
756 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
yaitu segala sesuatu yang diharamkan bukan karena zat (bendanya), tetapi karena cara memperolehnya. C. Analisis dan Diskusi 1. Mekanisme dan Motiv Trading Saham Syariah: Antara Maisir, gharar dan Spekulasi. Perdagangan saham syariah di Bursa Efek Indonesia (BEI) saat ini sudah menggunakan prosedur dan tata cara yang persis sama dengan perdagangan saham konvensional(non-syariah). Hal ini dapat dilihat pada instrumen dan cara perdagangan dengan mekanisme lelang berkesinambungan (continuous auction), jenis pasar yang digunakan dan tata cara penyelesaian dan penjaminan transaksi pun sama persis.Pada pasar sekunder, transaksi terjadi setiap saat pada hari perdagangan dan harga tidak lagi ditentukan oleh emiten dan penjamin emisi tetapi ditentukan oleh mekanisme pasar. Dalam sehari dapat terjadi beberapa kali perdagangan dan transaksi, baik secara langsung oleh pembeli maupun melalui melalui pialang. Meskipun sering diungkapkan bahwa pasar modal merupakan tempat mempertemukan antara orang yang perlu modal dengan pihak lain yang memiliki kelebihan dana, akan tetapi faktanya tidaklah demikian. Transaksitransaksi yang riil mencerminkan aliran dana dari investor kepada badan usaha yang perlu dana hanya terjadi di pasar perdana. Itupun belum tentu investor yang membeli saham atau obligasi di pasar perdana motifnya untuk investasi, tetapi bisa saja (sebagian besar) mereka memiliki tujuan untuk mendapatkan keuntungan jangka pendek dari selisih nilai saham di kemudian hari (di pasar sekunder). Bahkan belum tentu orang-orang yang membeli saham tersebut memiliki kelebihan dana, sebab dengan dukungan sistim perbankan ribawi mereka dengan modal sedikit bisa menguasai saham yang jumlahnya berkali-lipat dari kekayaan riil yang dia miliki, apalagi dengan mekanisme transaksi pasar modal yang memang memungkinkan spekulasi menjadi permainan. Saham-saham yang tercatat pada indeks syariah (Jakarta Islamic Index) dalam perjalanannya menurut Hassanuddeen A. Aziz ternyata tidak benar-benar bebas dari dinamika pasar secara umum. Pemain saham mudah berganti-ganti. Sulit diarahkan agar pemain saham memberi perhatian yang tetap pada saham syariah. Karenanya sepanjang pemain saham itu tidak berparadigma Islam, maka indeks syariah hanyalah sekedar indeks yang dapat memberi untung atau rugi. Akibatnya spekulasi masih mungkin terjadi.9 Mohd Ma’sum Billah menegaskan bahwa beberapa cendikiawan muslim hanya membolehkan investasi jangka panjang. Capital gain dianggap semacam transaksi yang tidak Islami. Aksi-aksi agresif dalam 9
http://rozalinda.wordpress.com/2010/06/07/manajemen-investasi-syari’ah-2/
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 757
membeli dan menjual saham dianggap sebagai spekulasi10 Beberapa orang percaya bahwa bursa saham adalah suatu tempat di mana mereka dapat mencoba peruntungan mereka dan mendapat uang banyak dari perubahan harga-harga saham, sama seperti membelanjakan uang di kasino. Mereka hanya berfikir membeli saham kemudian duduk dan menunggu harga saham naik untuk mendapat keuntungan.11 Belum lagi permainan yang di lakukan di bursa saham untuk mendapatkan keuntungan. Ada satu fakta menarik saat ini, yaitu tidak di daftarkan(listing) saham Bank Muamalat Indonesia (BMI) pada indeks saham syariah JII, pada hal Bank Muamalat Indonesia tercatat sebagai perusahaan syariah terbuka. Arviyan Arifin disela acara Penandatanganan MoU Corporate Partnership dengan Bank Muamalat mengemukakan bahwa pihak BMI memang “masih ragu” untuk mencatatkan diri ke lantai perdagangan (listing), karena seperti diketahui di sana konon banyak permainan spekulasi. Banyak saham bisa dimain-mainkan. Sebagai bank syariah pertama di Indonesia, BMI tidak mau hal itu mengganggu sistem kesyariahan BMI”. Penjelasan di atas makin memperkuat dugaan bahwa sebenarnya masih terdapat kekhawatiran yang besar dari para praktisi lembaga keuangan syariah akan adanya praktek maisir, gharar, riba dan spekulasi dalam mekanisme transaksi saham syariah di BEI, meskipun sudah regulasi (Fatwa DSN) mengenai transaksi saham syariah di BEI. Disisi lain belum dapat dipastikan bahwa setiap transaksi yang dilakukan mencerminkan kondisi riil dan kesejahteraan masyarakat sesungguhnya, dan memberikan impact terhadap kesejahteraan masyarakat, pada hal dalam Islam setiap kegiatan transaksi dan keuntungan yang diperoleh harus terkait dengan pengembangan modal di sektor riil. Usaha seperti ini adalah suatu cara memperluas modal dan mengambil manfaat.12 Jika motiv transaksi hanya untuk memperoleh capital gain semata, maka pada hakikatnya, transaksi dan perdagangan di pasar sekunder hanyalah perdagangan kertas berharga tanpa ada multiplier effect nya pada sektor usaha. Dan pada akhirnya tujuan utama untuk menggerakkan (drive) sektor usaha tidak akan pernah tercapai, yang terjadi malah sebaliknya krisis akibat prilaku ingin mendapat keuntungan besar dalam jangka waktu yang sangat pendek. Seif Tag el-Din menegaskan bahwa transaksi saham yang tidak menambahkan nilai riil manapun kepada masyarakat terlepas dari 10Mohd Ma’sum Billah, Applied Islamic Law of Trade and Finance; A Selection of Contemporery Issues, (Selangor, Malaysia: Sweet & Maxwell Asia, 2007), Third Edition, 100 11Othman Yong, How to invest and Succeed in the Stock Market, Leed Publications, Kuala Lumpur, ( 1992), 190 12 Rafiq Yunus al-Mashri, Ushul al-Islamiy (Dar al-Shahiyyah, Beirut, t.th), 12-127. Hulwati, Ekonomi Islam, Teori dan Praktiknya dalam Perdagangan Obligasi Syariah di Pasar Modal Indonesia dan Malaysia (Jakarta :Ciputat Press, 2009), 78.
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perbuatan gambling seperti laba yang bersifat untung-untungan, harus ditekan sekecil mungkin. Apalagi di negara-negara terbelakang dengan pasar tidak sempurna yang relatif kecil dan basis modal yang lemah. Baik kuantitas maupun kualitas harus diberi perhatian yang besar untuk mencegah kecendrungan bencana spekulasi dan didorong untuk lebih produktif dan berorientasi pada pengembangan bursa efek. Di negaranegara terbelakang di mana aktivitas perusahaan yang produktif secara riil relatif kecil ternyata tidak lebih besar dari gelembung pusaran spekulasi.13 2. Aspek Maisir dan gharar pada Pembentukan Harga Saham Syariah Dalam melakukan beli jual/trading saham, harga adalah sebuah variabel yang sangat penting karena harga menentukan hasil dari sebuah transaksi. Apakah transaksi tersebut berujung kepada keuntungan atau kerugian. Harga saham juga menjadi penting karena merupakan alat untuk melakukan pencatatan terhadap nilai suatu aset. Besar kecil, dan naik turunnya nilai aset, potensi keuntungan atau kerugian dari sebuah aset yang tercatat, semua ditentukan oleh harga. Harga saham yang bergerak setiap hari14 Pada transaksi saham, syariah maupun non syariah yang dijadikan patokan adalah indeks harga saham. Indeks saham adalah harga saham yang dinyatakan dalam angka indeks dan digunakan untuk tujuan analisis dan menghindari dampak negativ dari penggunaan harga saham dalam rupiah. Corporate action yang dilakukan perusahaan dapat merusak analisis apabila menggunakan harga saham dalam rupiah tanpa dikoreksi lebih dahulu. Dengan menggunakan indeks saham dapat dihindari kesalahan analisis walaupun tanpa koreksi. Dalam prakteknya, ketika seorang investor membeli saham sebenarnya yang dibeli adalah indeks dan “ekspektasi” terhadap pergerakan harga saham dalam bentuk angka-angka, simbol dan pola candlestick berbentuk pola grafik yang menjelaskan psikologi dari pasar yang sulit dipahami.15 Dalam konteksi ini bila dikaji melalui ketentuan ‘aqd al-bay’ dalam Islam, paling tidak ada dua hal perlu dikritisi, yaitu: kedudukan indeks 13Seif Tag el-Din, The Stock-Exchange from an Islamic Perspective, Journal King Abdul Aziz of University, Islamic Economics, Vol. 8 (1416 H/1996 M) , 45 14 Satrio Utomo, Perlunya Kriteria ‘Likuiditas’ dalam Penetapan Saham Syariah (Sebuah Tinjauan Awam). dalam http://www.fiqhislam.com/index.php?option=com_content&view= article&id=44051&Itemid=203.Di akses tanggal 6 Februari 2012 15 Hal yang paling penting dari candlestick yaitu: pola reversal dari suatu pergerakan. Apabila suatu saham sedang bullish (yang juga ditandai dengan candlestick bullish) lalu kemudian membentuk pola candlestick bearish maka “diduga” saham tersebut akan mengalami koreksi. Demikian juga sebaliknya, apabila suatu saham sedang mengalami trend bearish (dengan candlestick bearish yang terjadi terus-menerus) maka ketika membentuk pola candlestick bullish maka diestimasi trend bearish yang sedang terjadi akan berakhir.
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dan bagaimana hukumnya membeli ekspektasi akan kanaikan harga saham yang belum pasti. Menurut sebagian sarjana hukum Islam, keterangan-keterangan pada papan indeks di bursa efek dan segala sesuatu yang berhubungan dengan barang dan permintaan adalah sah secara hukum syariah. Khususnya setelah selesai penulisan invoice dan pemindahan kepemilikan saham dengan melakukan pendataan. Begitu juga boleh melakukan akad melalui komputer di bursa dan isyarat yang bisa dipahami sebagaimana yang sering dilakukan dibursa. Namun demikian, menurut penulis suatu hal yang perlu dicermati adalah sejauh mana nilai indeks harga yang ada benar-benar mencerminkan kondisi fundamental sebuah perusahaan. Tidak ada jaminan indeks harga yang tertera pada layar indeks mencerminkan kondisi fundamental perusahaan. Secara praktis, jika dicermati pembentukan harga saham (syariah maupun non-syariah) tidak serta merta dipengaruhi oleh kondisi fundamental perusahaan, akan tetapi lebih banyak dipengaruhi oleh rumor dan isu yang ditiupkan oleh para spekulan. Harga yang terjadi pada pasar sekunder bukan lagi harga hasil kesepakatan antara emiten dengan penjamin emisi melainkan ditentukan oleh teori supply and demand, di samping ditentukan oleh kondisi emiten. Sedangkan dalam Islam, penentuan harga saham harus sesuai dengan nilai intrinsiknya.16 Teori dan formula ini akan memberikan nilai sebenarnya dari harga saham.Dan tidak seorangpun yang diperbolehkan untuk membeli dan menjual pada berbagai level harga kecuali berdasarkan regulasi harga yang sudah ditetapkan. Harga sekuritas yang ada di pasar sekunder berada di luar kontrol emiten, sehingga perputaran uang tidak lagi mengalir ke perusahaan yang menerbitkan saham, melainkan berpindah dari pemegang saham ke tangan pemegang saham lainnya17 Pergerakan harga saham selalu berlangsung setiap hari perdetik yang terus dipelajari oleh banyak day trader yang berdagang dengan cara membeli pada pagi hari dan jual sore hari(spekulan dan short term investor). Day trader banyak menggunakan analisis teknikal untuk mempelajari pergerakan harga saham dari menit ke menit dan dari hari kehari, sehingga menemukan suatu pola pergerakan harga pasar. Analisa teknikal 16 Menurut Akram Khan formulasi penghitungannya adalah:: harga saham sama dengan modal saham + keuntungan – kerugian + akumulasi keuntungan yang kesemuanya dibagi dengan jumlah saham – akumulasi kerugian. Lihat Muhammad Akram Khan. Issues in Islamic Economics,IRTI Journal. Vol 21.No 1, 29-43 17 Menurut Marzuki Usman, perusahaan tetap punya kepentingan dengan harga saham di pasar sekunder, karena ketika itu ia bertindak sebagai entity dan manajemen. Secara formal, dijelaskan dalam teori keuangan modern bahwa tujuan perusahaan adalah memaksimalkan kesejahteraan (ekonomi) para pemegang saham. Tolak ukur kesejahteraan tersebut terletak pada harga saham yang bersangkutan. Marzuki Usman, Pengetahuan Dasar Pasar Modal (Jakarta: Institute Bankir Indonesia, Departemen Keuangan, 1997), 23.
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berdasarkan pada pola-pola grafik yang telah terjadi dimasa lalu yang dapat dijadikan patokan untuk memprediksi masa datang.18 Analisa Teknikal adalah sebuah metode peramalan/estimasi pergerakan harga dengan melihat data historis harga yang terjadi di pasar. Data harga adalah jenis data yang paling banyak digunakan dalam proses analisa, walaupun ada beberapa jenis data lain yang juga digunakan dalam proses analisa, seperti volume dan open interest dalam kontrak futures. Asumsi analisis teknikal adalah bahwa fundamental pasar telah berpengaruh terhadap harga pasar saat ini. Jadi fundamental pasar dan faktor lainnya, seperti perbedaan pendapat, harapan, rasa takut, dan sentimen pelaku pasar, tidak perlu dipelajari lebih lanjut. Pola-pola ini dihasilkan dari pergerakan harga, dinamakan sinyal. Tujuan analisa teknikal adalah untuk”mendapatkan sinyal” yang diberikan oleh kondisi pasar saat ini dengan mempelajari sinyal masa lalu. Pengetahun tentang perbedaan harga hanyalah prediksi, tanpa danya keyakinan dan pertaruhan serta kadangkala kenekatan yang lebih dekat pada perjudian (maisir/gambling). Di samping itu, para analis percaya bahwa harga bergerak dalam bentuk tren. Analis teknikal biasanya tidak percaya bahwa fluktuasi harga bergerak dalam kondisi tidak terprediksi dan acak. Harga dapat bergerak dalam salah satu dari tiga bentuk arah, naik, turun, atau menyamping (sideways). Ketika sebuah tren terbentuk dari arah-arah pasar yang ada, biasanya akan berlanjut sampai beberapa periode.19 Secara teoritis, analisis teknikal sangat cocok digunakan disaat perekonomian sedang stabil. Namun, ketika kondisi ekonomi sedang begejolak, hasil dari analisis teknikal rawan melakukan kesalahan estimasi, karena pergerakan harga saham tidak dipengaruhi oleh harga masa lalu, tetapi dipengaruhi oleh kondisi makro dan mikro ekonomi yang tidak dapat diprediksi.20 Parktisnya, harga banyak terbentuk karena faktor rumor dan isu yang berkembang. Harga saham secara tiba-tiba bisa disebabkan oleh rumor dan isu yang berkembang. Bahkan di beberapa negara maju ada pihak yang setiap hari bahkan by time bertugas khusus meniupkan rumor dan informasi tertentu untuk mendongkrak harga saham. Kondisi ini tentunya makin menunjukkan bahwa kentalnya aroma spekulasi dan judi dalam mekanisme transaksi saham, baik syariah maupun non syariah. Dalam proses transaksi di lantai bursa sering terjadi pemainan harga yang dilakukan oleh para spekulator untuk mendapatkan keuntungan (capital 18 Yanuar Pribadi,” Simple and Interactive Technical Analysis” Paper Sekolah Pasar Modal Kelas Intermediate, 19 April 2010 19http://www.mahadanalearning.com/2nd/index.php/belajar-trading/analisateknikal/65-pengenalan-analisa-teknikal.html. Di akses tanggal 8 Maret 2011 20Mohamad Samsul, Pasar Modal dan Manajemen Portofolio (Jakarta: Erlangga, 2006), 166
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 761
gain) dalam waktu yang singkat. Beberapa sarjana Muslim beranggapan bahwa transaksi di pasar saham (pasar sekunder) lebih banyak hanya bertujuan untuk mendapatkan capital gain, yang dianggap sebagai sebuah transaksi yang tidak Islami.21 Beberapa orang percaya bahwa bursa saham adalah suatu tempat di mana mereka dapat mencoba peruntungan mereka dan mendapat uang banyak dari perubahan harga-harga saham, sama seperti membelanjakan uang di kasino. Mereka hanya berfikir membeli saham kemudian duduk dan menunggu harga saham naik untuk mendapat keuntungan.22 Ketika saham sudah diperdagangkan di pasar sekunder, maka di sinilah masalah mulai terjadi. Dalam proses transaksi, prilaku moral hazard seperti spekulasi dari penjual dan pembeli sering tidak terkendali yang akhirnya menyebabkan harga sangat berfluktuatif. Harga sering dipermainkan dan tidak mencerminkan kondisi perusahaan yang mengeluarkan sekuritas itu lagi. Fluktuasi harga saham terjadi karena informasi yang asimetrik antara penjual dan pembeli dan ekspektasi investor terhadap keuntungan yang diperoleh.23 Harga saham sangat dinamis karena fluktuasi harga tidak hanya disebabkan oleh faktor permintaan dan penawaran saja, tetapi juga dipengaruhi oleh faktor-faktor lain seperti politik, kebijakan ekonomi, inflasi, peraturan pemerintah, peristiwa penting global maupun regional dan berita-berita lainnya yang memiliki efek positif atau negatif terhadap harga saham.24 Bagi sebagian investor di pasar modal, main saham tanpa rumor tidak beda makan sayur tanpa dibubuhi garam, hambar. Suka atau tidak, rumor telah menjadi bagian tak terpisahkan dari pasar modal di seluruh dunia, termasuk pada saham syariah Jakarta Islamic Index di Bursa Efek Indonesia (BEI). Bahkan, dikarenakan kuatnya peran rumor dalam mempengaruhi keputusan investasi, seseorang investor individu atau perorangan akan menjadikan rumor sebagai dasar keputusan dalam membeli atau menjual sahamnya di BEI. Secara gamblang, pengaruh sebuah rumor terhadap saham, dapat dilihat dari hubungan si rumor tadi dengan volume transaksi sebuah saham emiten. Sederhananya, volume berhubungan dengan besarnya permintaan dan penawaran dari pasar. Sedangkan rumor berhubungan dengan sentimen atau ekspektasi positif atau negatif terhadap
Mohd Ma‘shum Billah, Applied, 76. Yong, How to invest and Succeed in the Stock Market (Leed Publications: Kuala Lumpur, 1992), 190 23Harianto Kristanto, “Sistem Pendukung Keputusan Investasi Saham Berbasis Pada Analisis Kualitatif Dari Berita Bursa Saham, Analisis Teknikal Dan Fundamental”, Tesis, Magister Universitas Atma Jaya Yogyakarta, 2008 24Iman Muhammad,”Analisis Struktur Modal Terhadap Harga Saham Perusahaan Obat-Obatan Terbuka Di Bursa Efek Jakarta”, (Tesis Magister Universitas Terbuka), 2006 21
22Othman
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kondisi ekonomi makro, industri, atau perusahaan khususnya.25 Stabilitas dan kebijakan finansial negara berpengaruh besar terhadap perilaku investor dalam memlih investasi, konsumsi dalam negeri dan jumlah obligasi luar negeri berpengaruh kuat pada perilaku investor di Indonesia.26 Jiang dan Yang melakukan penelitian mengenai rumor finansial terhadap sentimen investor di pasar dunia bekembang mengemukakan bahwa rumor finansial terbukti berpengaruh kuat dalam membentuk sentimen investor jangka pendek dalam melakukan keputusan.27 Rumor dan berita dalam pasar finansial merupakan salah satu faktor yang cukup kuat dalam membentuk persepsi investor terhadap keputusan investasi walaupun rumor jelas mendorong aksi spekulasi investor tetapi investor di pasar dunia berkembang mempercayai rumor dan mendorong terjadinya perilaku irasional.28 Perubahan harga juga dipengaruhi oleh aksi spekulasi oleh spekulan besar yang menjadi penggerak pasar, spekulan tidak akan memberikan informasi yang benar mengenai tindakannya bahkan tidak akan memberikan informasi mengenai apa yang akan dilakukan dalam menggerakkan pasar sampai tujuannya tercapai.29 Perilaku investor yang berani mengambil risiko tinggi untuk mendapatkan keuntungan yang tidak sebanding dengan risikonya terjadi di pasar modal Indinesia.30 Dalam prakteknya, umumnya aktivitas transaksi investor jangka pendek mengikuti aktivitas transaksi investor asing. Investor jangka pendek aktif mencari informasi seputar pergerakan harga, investor jangka pendek memperhatikan rekomendasi harian dari perusahaaan sekuritasnya tetapi tidak melakukan transaksi berdasarkan rekomendasi harian. Sumber informasi berupa opini orang lain seringkali dijadikan investor sebagai 25Prayogo P Harto, Rumorologi, dalam http://bataviase.co.id/detailberita10584075.htm, akses tanggal 08 Maret 2011 26Andi Irawan dan Perry Warjiyo., “Analisis Perilaku Instabilitas Perekonomian Indonesia: Aplikasi Vector Error Corection Mode”, BEMP, Vol 8 No 3 Desember. 2005,): 13 27 Suatu bukti bahwa rumor dan isu berpengaruh terhadap pergerakan harga saham adalah dalam kasus yang pernah terjadi di BEI, biasanya ada dua macam korelasi antara volume perdagangan dengan rumor. Pertama, kasus dimana volume perdagangan yang sangat besar yang disertai dengan rumor di bursa. Sedangkan kasus kedua, jika volume perdagangan besar tidak disertai dengan rumor. Misalnya, ketika pergerakan saham PT Suparma Tbk (SPMA) menjadi cukup atraktif karena adanya rumor akuisisi. Seiring dengan beredarnya rumor tersebut, volume perdagangan terhadap saham ini mulai meningkat, dan harga juga terdongkrak drastis ke atas, jika pada sehari sebelumnya harga saham SPMA ditutup pada level Rp 200, maka keesokan harinya sudah melesat menjadi Rp 300. Artinya terjadi kenaikan 100 poin atau lebih dari 30% hanya dalam sehari. 28Jiang dan Naiding Yang, “Financial Rumors On Investor Sentiment In The Emerging E-commerce Network”, ICEC, August 15-17: 2005 29 Soros Soros, Paradigma Baru Pasar Finansial (Jakarta: Daras, 2009), 43. 30Alberd Eko Limbong, Analisis Faktor Fundamental Dan Risiko Sistematis Terhadap Tingkat Keuntungan Saham Perbankan Di Bursa Efek Jakarta (Tesis Magister Universitas Sumatera Utara), 2006.
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bahan pertimbangan dalam melakukan investasi dengan asumsi bahwa yang dilakukannya adalah keputusan rasional dan melakukan transaksi dalam jumlah besar sebagai implikasi dari keyakinannya, pada kenyataanya opini tersebut bukan merupakan informasi akurat Berdasarkan data yang penulis temukan, ada beberapa praktek manipulasi yang sering terjadi di pasar modal, Wash sale misalnya yaitu transaksi yang terjadi antara pihak pembeli dan penjual yang tidak menimbulkan perubahan kepemilikan dan/atau manfaatnya (beneficiary of ownership) atas transaksi saham tersebut. Tujuannya untuk membentuk harga naik, turun atau tetap wajar. Selain itu juga untuk memberi kesan bahwa efek tersebut aktif diperdagangkan. Dalam perspektif Islam transaksi seperti ini jelas diharamkan karena mengandung taghrir, yaitu suatu perbuatan yang dapat menimbulkan gharar dan bay najsh. Wash sale atau wash trading merupakan transaksi yang dilakukan untuk memberi kesan bahwa ada perdagangan yang aktif untuk efek tertentu. Di sini penjual atau pembeli pertama sama/ adalah penjual atau pembeli terakhir.31 Saat ini sebenarnya sudah ada upaya yang dilakukan oleh Bapepam LK untuh mencegah dan meminimalir segala tindak negativ seperti spekulasi dan turunannya yaitu dengan menerbitkan beberapa aturan dan kebijakan. Praktisnya dengan meminta fatwa DSN terhadap beberapa aktivitas seperti yang diuraikan sebelumnya. Atas dasar inilah keluar Fatwa DSN Nomor 80/DSN-MUI/III/2011 tentang Penerapan Prinsip Syariah dalam Mekanisme Perdagangan Efek bersifat Ekuitas di pasar regular bursa efek.32 Namun demikian, persoalannya adalah bagaimana mengimplementasikan segala tindakan haram yang dimaksud oleh DSN dalam Fatwa No 80 di atas, mengingat mekanisme trading yang ada saat ini adalah bersifat online dengan sistem komputerisasi. Bagaimana mekanisme pencegahan insider trading, short selling, cornerring dan lain sebagainya kedalam sebuh sistem e-Trading. Ini tentunya merupakan tantangan sendiri bagi DSN, Bapepam LK dan perusahaan sekuritas. Sampai saat ini baru ada satu perusahaan sekuritas yang merancang sebuah sistem ETrading yang diklaim dapat mencegah aktivitas short selling, yaitu sistem E-Trading syariah yang dirancang oleh oleh PT Indo Premier Securities yang dinamakan IPOT Syariah.33 31Zulfi Chairi, “Keterbukaan (Disclosure) di Pasar Modal”, Journal Fakultas Hukum Uiversitas Sumatera Utara (2003), 9. 32Dengan keluarnya fatwa ini secara tidak langsung dapat disimpulkan bahwa selama ini sebenarnya segala tindakan maisir, spekulasi dan turunannya masih berlangsung dipasar modal syariah Indonesia. Patut diduga bahwa meskipun sebelumnya sudah dikeluarkan beberapa fatwa dan regulasi terhadap larangan maisir, gharar dan riba dalam transaksi saham syariah sepertinya fatwa dan regulasi yang ada belum efektif untuk mencegah segala macam tindakan spekulan di pasar modal syariah. 33IPOT Syariah telah mengikuti dasar peraturan pelaksanaan Fatwa Dewan Syariah
764 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
Menuru pihak Indopremier, IPOT Syariah memberikan fitur-fitur transaksi saham yang sesuai dengan prinsip Syariah seperti: a) Melakukan investasi secara “halal”, yaitu hanya melakukan transaksi pada saham-saham yang masuk di dalam DES (Daftar Efek Syariah) b) Tidak mengandung ”riba”, karena limit transaksi hanya sebesar saldo kas nasabah terhindar dari ”bay‘ al-ma‘dum” (menjual yang bukan miliknya), karena di IPOT Syariah tidak diperkenankan untuk melakukan short-selling. c) Tampilan (workspace) khusus untuk IPOT Syariah. Dimana pada running trade hanya saham-saham yang masuk DES yang akan ditampilkan. Samuelson dan Nordhaus mengungkapkan kegiatan spekulatif dalam pasar modal muncul karena adanya harapan terpenuhi dengan sendirinya. Maksudnya jika seseorang membeli saham tertentu dengan harapan nilai saham akan naik, maka tindakan ini akan mendorong kenaikan harga-harga saham yang bersangkutan. Keadaan ini membuat orang semakin terdorong untuk membeli lagi dan hal ini menyebabkan kenaikan harga saham lagi.34 Di balik kegiatan spekulatif tersebut pasar sangat dipengaruhi oleh faktor internal dan eksternal. Faktor internal menyangkut kinerja perusahaan yang bersangkutan yang meliputi berapa deviden yang dibagi kepada para pemegang saham, prospek usaha dan keuntungan yang akan diraih perusahaan, termasuk kinerja buruk perusahaan tersebut.35 Dalam satu hadis, Nabi juga berkata bahwa sesungguhnya Allah mencintai orang yang bekerja dengan tangannya sendiri. Bukan orang yang cuma duduk-duduk saja membeli saham sambil berharap suatu saat dapat capital gain. Di samping itu, hal yang tidak kalah pentingnya adalah bahwa dalam ekonomi Islam, untuk mendorong pertumbuhan ekonomi adalah dengan mempercepat perputaran uang dan pembangunan infrastruktur sektor riil, bukan dengan transaksi yang tidak didukung oleh asset. Maka, kebijakan ekonomi pembangunan Islam dan juga kebijakan monenter Islam selalu terkait dengan sektor riil perekonomian, sedangkan hasilnya adalah pertumbuhan sekaligus stabilitas.36 Nasional No.80/DSN-MUI/III/2011 tentang ”Penerapan Prinsip Syariah dalam Mekanisme Perdagangan Efek Bersifat Ekuitas di Pasar Reguler Bursa Efek” dan telah mendapatkan Sertifikasi dari Dewan Syariah Nasional berdasarkan Surat Keputusan No.003.11.02/DSN-MUI/X/2011. 34 Paul A Samuelson dan William P Nordhaus, Makro Ekonomi (Jakarta: Erlangga, 1997), Edisi 14, 43 35Hidayatullah Muttaqien, Telaah Kritis Pasar Modal Syari’ah, dalam http://www.ekisonline.com/component/content/article/37-keuangan/303-telaah-kritispasar-modal-syariah-html. Di akses tanggal 5 Juli 2011. 36Adiwarman Karim, Ekonomi Islam Suatu Kajian Kontemporer (Jakarta: Gema Insani
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 765
Sumber informasi berupa opini orang lain seringkali dijadikan investor sebagai bahan pertimbangan dalam melakukan investasi dengan asumsi bahwa yang dilakukannya adalah keputusan rasional dan melakukan transaksi dalam jumlah besar sebagai implikasi dari keyakinannya, pada kenyataanya opini tersebut bukan merupakan informasi akurat.37 Disamping itu, dalam mekanisme dan siklus perdagangan saham syariah yang berlangsung di BEI ada beberapa kondisi yang bertentangan dengan ketentuan syariah dan filosofi transaksi syariah, Pertama, tidak adanya kejelasan siapa yang bertindak sebagai penjual dan pembeli (aqidain)dalam jual beli saham. Semua pihak adalah penjual dan pembeli (pedagang). Pada hal, aqidain merupakan salah satu rukun dari jual beli. Kedua, Tidak adanya pengguna terakhir (end user) yang bisa mengambil manfaat dari lembaran saham yang dibeli. Semua pihak, pembeli dan penjual adalah end user. Berbeda halnya dengan pasar uang pada perbankan, dimana end user nya jelas, yaitu pemagang modal/pihak ketiga. Begitu juga ketika seseorang membeli sebuah produk (barang) yang jelas bisa diambil langsung manfaatnya karena barang (‘ain) nya memang ada (maujud).Ketiga, pada hakikatnya yang dibeli oleh para pemaian saham adalah pergerakan indeks harga saham dan ekspektasi yang belum pasti. Indikator yang sering dipergunakan dan dijadikan acuan untuk menilai bagus atau tidaknya sebuah saham adalah seberapa aktif saham tersebut diperdagangkan. Pada hal belum tentu pergerakan indeks tersebut mencerminkan kondisi fundamental perusahaan sesungguhnya. Pada akhirnya dapat ditegaskan bahwa pada hakikatnya transaksi pergerakan harga saham adalah transaksi terhadap ekspektasi akan adanya keuntungan yang akan diperoleh dimasa datang. Implikasinya adalah tujuan utama untuk menggerakkan sektor usaha tidak akan pernah tercapai, yang terjadi malah sebaliknya krisis akibat prilaku ingin mendapat keuntungan besar dalam jangka waktu yang sangat pendek. Karena tujuan sudah tidak benar, maka kegiatan ini juga akan diikuti dengan permainan-permainan yang menguntungkan diri sendiri dan merugikan orang lain. D. Efektifitas Peran dan Fungsi DSN dan DPS Berbeda dengan peran dan fungsi DPS pada lembaga keuangan syariah seperti bank dan asuransi syariah dimana DPS mempunyai kekuatan dan dasar hukum pengawasan, serta terlibat aktif dalam melakukan pengawasan dan supervisi terhadap kedua lembaga tersebut, seperti dalam perancangan dan pengesahan produk, operasionalisasi, dan aktivitas keuangan lainnya. Kondisi ini tidak ditemukan dipasar modal syariah. Dipasar modal syariah tidak akan ditemukan DPS yang mengawasi Press, 2001), 29 37 Sukmawati Sukamulja2004, “Morning Loses and Afternoon Price Volatility; Evidence of Jakarta Stock Exchange”, Kinerja, Vol 8 No 1(2004): 2.
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transaksi saham dipasar modal syariah. Ktiadaan DPS ini barangkali disebabkan karena pasar modal syariah bukanlah sebuah lembaga/perusahaan syariah seperti bank atau asuransi syariah. Pada pasar modal syariah Indonesia, DPS dan DSN tidak tidak terlibat aktif (karena memang tidak ada)dalam melakukan pengawasan terhadap aktivitas transaksi yang berlangsung dipasar modal syariah. Bahkan lebih jauh dari itu DPS dan DSN bukanlah bagian dari struktur organisisai dalam pelaksana pasar modal syariah di Indonesia. DSN hanya merupakan lembaga untuk memberikan pendapat hukum (fatwa) terhadap beberapa persoalan yang diajukan oleh pemerintah dan tidak mempunyai kekuatan hukum mengikat. Fatwa yang disampaikan oleh DSN tidak lebih hanya merupakan himbauan moral saja yang secara teknis operasional tidak mempunyai kekuatan hukum sama sekali (sulit diimplementasikan). DSN hanya bertugas memberikan pendapat hukum, bahwa semua transaksi yang diselenggarakan dipasa modal harus sesuai dengan fatwa DSN, selama transaksi tersebut sesuai dengan fatwa DSN maka ia dianggap memenuhi shari‘ah compiliant. Semua fungsi pengawasan sepenuhnya diserahkan kepada Bapepam LK. Perumpamaan dalam konteks ini adalah seperti imbauan supaya dalam menimbang dan transaksi tidak boleh curang dengan mengurangi dan sebagainya, namun dalam prakteknya DSN tidak tahu dan tidak bisa mengawasi siapa yang curang dalam jual beli, dikarenakan tidak ada mekanisme kontrolnya. Begitu juga halnya dengan beberapa transaksi yang dilarang oleh DSN yang berkaitan dengan transaksi saham syariah di Bursa Efek Indonesia. Ketentuan ini tentunya seiring dengan esensi dari fatwa yang tidak lain merupakan legal opinion dan respon terhadap persoalan hukum yang berkembang ditengah-tengah masyarakat. Saat ini, Dewan Syariah Nasional tidak lebih hanya sebagai lembaga taqnin al-ahkam saja, yaitu lembaga yang bertugas mengawasi bagaimana penerapan hukum Islam di Indonesia dalam bidang ekonomi syariah. Di samping itu, DSN belum membuat strategi-strategi pengembangan ekonomi Islam di Indonesia. Berbeda dengan Indonesia, di beberapa negara fatwa shari‘ah advisory board mempunyai kekuatan hukum mengikat dan ia masuk dalam struktur lembaga pasar modal. 38 E. Penutup. Meskipun sudah mengusung jargon syariah, akan tetapi secara faktual tetap ditemukan bahwa sesungguhnya mekanisme transaksi saham 38 Mohd Ma’sum Billah. Applied Islamic Capital Market, alih bahasa, Yusuf Hidayat dan Erman Rajagukguk, Penerapan Pasar Modal Islam (Ina Publikatama: Jakarta, 2010), 5859
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 767
syariah di Islamic capital market (BEI) belum sepenuhnya sesuai dengan aspek-aspek syariah. Masih terdapat aspek yang mengarah pada unsur maisir gharar dan spekulasi. Indikator-indikator yang menunjukkan kebenaran kesimpulan disertasi ini adalah: Pertama, hampir semua emiten yang masuk dalam kategori JII pada hakikatnya hanya dikatakan sebagai emiten syariah hanya dikarenakan tidak bergerak dalam bisnis haram, tanpa memperhatikan sejauhmana operasionalisasi perusahaan sesuai dengan syariah(al-shirkatu al-shar‘iyyah). Kedua, tingginya tingkat ketidakpastian(degree of uncertainty) dan gharar dalam transaksi saham yang mendorong para pemain saham untuk melakukan tindakan spekulatif seperti margin trading dan short selling dan bentuk transaksi lain yang mengandung unsur ihtikar, tadlis, ghish dan lain sebagainya. Kondisi seperti yang disebutkan di atas berlangsung karena beberapa sebab, 1) Terdapat gap informasi di antara para investor, dimana informasi hanya dipegang oleh sebagian orang-orang yang dekat dengan sumber informasi. Orang yang dekat dengan sumber informasi akan banyak memperoleh keuntungan, sedangkan pihak yang terbatas akses informasinya akan senantiasa merugi. 2)Pada umumnya pasar modal di negara berkembang seperti Indonesia belum efisien. 3) Tidak ada satu lembaga terpercaya yang mempunyai otoritas untuk mengeluarkan sebuah informasi pasar, ekonomi dan keuangan. Semua pihak; analis, manajer investasi dan emiten tidak jarang mengeluarkan informasi dan analisi yang sering membingungkan. Berbeda dengan negara-negara maju yang mempunyai lembaga terpercaya yang mengeluarkan informasi, khususnya informasi perekonomian dan keuangan suatu emiten ataupun negara. 4) Pada umumnya para pelaku pasar yang masuk dalam pasar modal hanya karena motif profit taking, tidak untuk investasi jangka panjang. 5) Psikologi pasar yang mempengaruhi pasar saham syariah persis sama dengan psikologi pasar yang mempengaruhi saham pasar modal konvensional, begitu juga dengan tren pergerakan harga saham yang tidak jauh berbeda. 6) Dalam mekanisme dan siklus transaksi saham, dimanapun, baik saham syariah maupun konvensional para pembeli dan penjual adalah sama, dan bahkan tidak diketahui siapa yang menjadi penjual dan siapa yang menjadi pembeli. Kondisi seperti yang digambarkan diatas terjadi disebabkan oleh beberapa faktor, yaitu belum optimalnya peran dan fungsi DSN sebagai lembaga pengawas terhadap lembaga keuangan syariah, dan karena secara institusional pasar modal syariah masih satu atap dengan pasar modal konvensional/belum terpisah.
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DAFTRA PUSTAKA Ahmad. Khurshid "Economic Development in an Islamic Framework".dalam Khurshid Ahmad .ed... "Studies in Islamic Economics". Leicester . The Islamic Foundation. 1980 Ahmad.Abu al-Barakat Sharh al-Kabir .Beirut. Dar al-Fikr. tt. Juz.III Amin al-Dharir Muhammad. al-Gharar wa Atharuhu fi al-’Uqud fi al-Fiqh al-Islami Dirasah Muqaranah .Fujalah. al-Thaqafah. 1967. Anoraga Pandji dan Piji Pakarti. Pengantar Pasar Modal.Semarang. Penerbit Rineka Cipta. 2006 Aslam Haneef. Mohamed. "Contemporary Islamic Economic Thought.A Selected Comparative Analysis". Kuala Lumpur. Ikraq. 1995 Ayub. Muhammad Understanding Islamic Finance .West Sussex. Jhon Wiley and Sons. 2008 Azid. Toseef “Does Ethic Moral Coalition Complement to economic Coalition. A Response in the Periphery of Islamic Economic.” Humanics Vol 23No 3 .2007. Chapra. M. Umer Islam and the Economic Challenge .USA. The Islamic Foundation and The International Institute of Islamic Thought. 1992 ________The Future of Economics An Islamic Perspective.Leicester. The Islamic Foundation. 2000. Eko Limbong. Alberd Analisis Faktor Fundamental Dan Risiko Sistematis Terhadap Tingkat Keuntungan Saham Perbankan Di Bursa Efek Jakarta .Tesis Magister Universitas Sumatera Utara.2006. Gait. A. dan A.C.Worthington. “A Principle on Islamic Finance. Definition. Source. Principles and Methode.” Journal of Faculty of CommerceUniversity of Wollonggong.2007. Hamid Mahmud al- Ba’ly Abdul . al-Istithmar wa al-Riqabah alShar’iyyah. fi al-Banuk wa al-Mu’assasatal-Maliyyah al-Islamiyah .Kairo. Maktabah Wahbah. 1991.. cet.ke-1. Hendrie Anto M.B.. "Pengantar Ekonomika Mikro Islami". Jogjakarta. Ekonisia. 2003. Hidayatullah Muttaqien. Telaah Kritis Pasar Modal Syari’ah. dalam http.//www.ekisonline.com/component/content/article/37keuangan/303-telaah-kritis-pasar-modal-syariah-html. Di akses tanggal 5 Juli 2011. Hulwati. Ekonomi Islam. Teori dan Praktiknya dalam Perdagangan Obligasi Syariah di Pasar Modal Indonesia dan Malaysia .Jakarta .Ciputat Press. 2009.
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Irawan. Andi dan Perry Warjiyo.. “Analisis Perilaku Instabilitas Perekonomian Indonesia. Aplikasi Vector Error Corection Mode”. BEMP. Vol 8 No 3 Desember. 2005. Jiang dan Naiding Yang. “Financial Rumors On Investor Sentiment In The Emerging E-commerce Network”. ICEC. August 15-17. 2005 Jogiyanto. Investor Revise Their Beliefs To Company Information .Penerbit Andi. Jakrta. 2004. Karim. Adiwarman "Ekonomi Islam. Suatu Kajian Ekonomi Makro". .Jakarta. The International Institute of Islamic Thought Indonesia. 2002. _________Ekonomi Mikro Islami .Jakarta. The International Institute of Islamic Thought Indonesia. 2002 Kristanto. Harianto “Sistem Pendukung Keputusan Investasi Saham Berbasis Pada Analisis Kualitatif Dari Berita Bursa Saham. Analisis Teknikal Dan Fundamental”. Tesis. Magister Universitas Atma Jaya Yogyakarta. 2008. Ma’sum Billah. Mohd. Applied Islamic Capital Market. alih bahasa. Yusuf Hidayat dan Erman Rajagukguk. Penerapan Pasar Modal Islam.Ina Publikatama. Jakarta. 2010 Maynar. John Keynes. The General Theory of Employment. Interest and Money .Australia. Col Choat
[email protected]. 2003 Muhammad. Iman.”Analisis Struktur Modal Terhadap Harga Saham Perusahaan Obat-Obatan Terbuka Di Bursa Efek Jakarta”. Tesis Magister Universitas Terbuka. 2006 Nejatullah. Shiddiqi M.. "Muslim Economic Thinking. A Survey of Contemporary Literature". Leicester . The Islamic Foundation. 1988 Obaidullah. Mohammed Islamic Risk Management. Towards Greater Ethics and Efficiency. International Journal of Islamic Financial Services. Volume 3. Number 4.2008. P Harto Prayogo. Rumorologi. dalam http.//bataviase.co.id/detailberita10584075.htm. akses tanggal 08 Maret 2011 Paul A Samuelson dan William P Nordhaus. Makro Ekonomi .Jakarta. Erlangga. 1997.. Edisi 14 Pribadi.” Yanuar Simple and Interactive Technical Analysis” Sekolah Pasar Modal Kelas Intermediate. 19 April 2010 Samsul. Mohamad Pasar Modal dan Manajemen Portofolio .Jakarta. Erlangga. 2006 Soros Soros. Paradigma Baru Pasar Finansial .Jakarta. Daras. 2009. Sukamulja. Sukmawati. “Morning Loses and Afternoon Price Volatility; Evidence of Jakarta Stock Exchange”. Kinerja. Vol 8 No 1.2004.. 2.
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Tag el-Din. Seif. “The Stock-Exchange from an Islamic Perspective”. Journal King Abdul Aziz of University. Islamic Economics. Vol. 8 .1416 H/1996 M Termin. Peter. Lesson from The Great Deppresion .United Stated. the MIT Press. 1991.. New edition dan Charler Poor Kindleberger. The World in Deppression. .California. University of California Press. 1986.. 23. Usman Marzuki. Pengetahuan Dasar Pasar Modal .Jakarta. Institute Bankir Indonesia. Departemen Keuangan. 1997 Utomo. Satrio Perlunya Kriteria ‘Likuiditas’ dalam Penetapan Saham Syariah .Sebuah Tinjauan Awam.. dalam http.//www.fiqhislam.com/index.php?option=com_content&view= article&id=44051&Itemid=203.Di akses tanggal 6 Februari 2012 Warde. Ibrahim Islamic Finance in the Global Economy .terj.. Andriyaldi Ramli. Keuangan Islam dalam Perekonomian Global .Jakarta. Pustaka Pelajar. 2009.. 376. Yong. Othman. How to invest and Succeed in the Stock Market .Leed Publications. Kuala Lumpur. 1992 Yunus al-Mashri Rafiq. Ushul al-Islamiy .Dar al-Shahiyyah. Beirut. t.th Zulfi Chairi. “Keterbukaan .Disclosure. di Pasar Modal”. Journal Fakultas Hukum Uiversitas Sumatera Utara .2003
Dari ‘Illah ke Maqâshid; Perbandingan Konsep Maqâshid Klasik al-Ghazâlî, al-Thûfî dan al-Syâthibî dengan Konsep Maqâshid Kontemporer Jassser Auda dan Mashood A. Baderin Dr. H. Abbas Arfan, Lc., M.H. Abstrak: Manhaj al-maqâshidî atau istishlâhî -yang memiliki banyak nama, yaitu: maqâshid al-syarî’ah, al-maqâshid al-syar’iyyah, al-ushûl al-khamsah, al-kulliyât al-khamsah, al-ushûl al-syar’iyyah atau al-dlarûriyyât al-khamsah (berupa penjagaan lima prinsip: agama, jiwa, akal, keturunan, dan harta benda)- adalah sebuah pendekatan metodologis istinbâth hukum Islam melalui analisis kaidah-kaidah untuk mengkaji posisi hukum dari berbagai kejadian dengan mempertimbangkan kemaslahatan bagi kehidupan manusia yang akan ditimbulkan oleh rumusan pemikiran hukum itu dalam upaya memelihara lima prinsip di atas. Pendapat al-Ghazâlî dan al-Syâthibî -yang banyak diikuti oleh generasi ulama berikutnya- menetapkan bahwa pertimbangan maslahat tidak boleh diberikan secara bebas pada akal, tapi harus pertimbangan syarak, sedang al-Thûfi sebaliknya; selama bukan pada wilayah fikih ibadah. Dalam konsep maqâshid al-Ghazâlî dan al-Syâthibî ada hierarki, namun ada perbedaan urutan hierarki antara al-Ghazâlî dan alSyâthibî, sedang al-Thûfî tidak berupaya membuat hierarki maqâshid. Akan tetapi Jasser Auda memberikan kritik terhadap urutan hierarki tersebut. Sedangkan Mashood A. Baderin berupaya memasukkan prinsip-prnsip Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) ke dalam bagian primer maqâshid. Kata Kunci: Maqâshid, masalahat, hierarki, HAM, klasik, kontemporer.
Pendahuluan Secara umum metode yang dikembangkan ulama untuk menggali (istinbâth) Hukum Islam seperti yang dikaji dalam usul fikih klasik dapat dibedakan menjadi dua bagian besar, yaitu metode literal (tharîqah lafdhiyyah) dan metode argumentasi atau ekstensifikasi (tharîqah ma’nawiyyah), namun kedua metode di atas jika diurai akan menjadi tiga pendekatan analisis yang telah dikembangkan oleh para ulama usul fikih dalam melakukan kajian hukum, yaitu: 1) pendekatan melalui kaidah-kaidah kebahasaan (qawâ’id al-lughah), yakni kaidah-kaidah yang disusun untuk memahami makna lafaz dalam konteks makna hukumnya; 2) pendekatan melalui analisis ‘‘‘illah al-hukm (manhaj ta‘lîlî), yakni kaidah-kaidah untuk mengkaji posisi hukum dari berbagai kejadian yang tidak dinyatakan secara eksplisit dalam teks al-Qur'an dan al-Sunnah, dengan melihat ‘‘illah hukum; dan 3) pendekatan melalui analisis maslahat (manhaj istishlâhî) yang sering disebut manhaj al-maqâshidî, yakni kaidah-kaidah untuk mengkaji posisi hukum dari berbagai kejadian dengan mempertimbangkan kemaslahatan
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772 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
bagi kehidupan manusia yang akan ditimbulkan oleh rumusan pemikiran hukumnya itu.1 Istilah maqâshid ini sudah tidak asing bagi pengkaji Islamic Law dengan para tokohnya dari klasik sampai modern, seperti, al-Juwainî, alGhazâlî, al-Thûfî, al-‘Izz Abd al-Salâm, al-Syâthibî, al-Bûthî, Mashood A. Baderin, Jasser Auda dan lain-lain. Akan tetapi dalam tulisan ini, penulis hanya akan menganalisis dan membandingkan konsep maqâshid atau maslahat yang ditawarkan dan dikembangkan oleh tiga tokoh ulama besar klasik -yang sering dianggap sebagai bapak pertama konsep maqâshid, sehingga konsep-konsep maslahat mereka banyak dirujuk oleh generasigenerasi berikutnya, yaitu al-Ghazâlî (w. 505 H/1111 M), al-Thûfî (w. 716 H/1316 M) dan al-Syâthibî (w. 790 H/1388 M )- dengan tokoh maqâshid kontemporer, yaitu Jasser Auda dan Mashood A. Baderin. Menariknya, ketiga tokoh klasik itu bisa mewakili tiga mazhab berbeda, karena alGhazâlî mewakili mazhab Syafi’i, al-Thûfî bermazhab Hanbali dan alSyâthibî adalah Maliki. Maqâshid dari pandangan ilmu bahasa (etimologi) adalah merupakan bentuk jamak dari maqshid yang berarti maslahat, obyektif, prinsip, intent, sasaran, tujuan akhir, dan semisalnya.2 Adapun secara istilah (terminologi) Maqâshid bisa didefinisikan dengan “makna-makna (pemahaman) yang dikehendaki oleh Syâr’i (Allah dan Rasul-Nya) untuk bisa terealisasikan lewat tashrî‘ dan penetapan hukum-hukumnya yang di-istinbâth (ambil) oleh para mujtahid lewat teks-teks syariah.”3 al-Juwaynî –yang oleh sebagian pakar, seperti Auda disebut ulama pertama yang telah menawarkan konsep Maqâshid- itu terkadang menyebut maqâshid al-syarî’ah dengan istilah mashlahah ‘âmmah (kemaslahatan umum).
al-Maqâshid al-Syar’iyyah
Mashlahah (maslahat) secara bahasa atau etimologi (bahasa Arab) adalah berarti kemanfaatan; kebaikan; kepentingan.4 Dalam bahasa Indonesia, sering ditulis dan disebut dengan kata maslahat (lawan kata dari mafsadat) yang berarti sesuatu yang mendatangkan kebaikan; (keselamatan, dan sebagainya); faidah; guna. Sedangkan kemaslahatan berarti kegunaan; kebaikan; manfaat; kepentingan.5Adapun pengertian maslahat secara terminologi (istilah yang dipilih ulama fikih) serta pembagiannya ada beberapa perbedaan pendapat ulama. M. Hasbi Umar, Nalar Fiqh Kontemporer (Jakarta: GP Press, Cet.I, 2007), hlm. 254. Jasser Auda, Maqasid al-Shariah as Philoshopy of Islamic Law a Systems Approach, (London-UK: The International Institut of Islamic Thought (IIIT 2007), hlm. 2. 3Ibid.; Lihat artikel Auda yang berjudul Madkhal Maqâshidî al-Ijtihâd, hlm. 1-2. 4Atabik Ali dan A. Zuhdi Muhdlor, “Kamus Kontemporer Arab-Indonesia”, (Yogyakarta: Multi Karya Grafika, Pondok Pesantren Krapyak, cet. VIII, tt.), hlm. 1741. 5Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, “Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia” (Jakarta: Balai Pustaka, cet. VII, 1996), hlm. 634. 1 2
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al-Ghazâlî, dalam menjelaskan pengertian maslahat mengemukakan bahwa “maslahat pada dasarnya adalah suatu gambaran dari meraih manfaat atau menghindarkan mafsadat”.6 Tetapi yang dimaksud dengan maslahat oleh al-Ghazâlî di sini adalah bukan dalam pengertian kebahasaan yang biasa dipakai dalam masyarakat atau menurut `urf (kebiasaan), yakni berarti manfaat atau sesuatu yang bermanfaat, melainkan dalam pengertian syarak, yakni: memelihara agama, jiwa, akal, keturunan, dan harta benda. Dengan demikian, arti mafsadat adalah sesuatu yang dapat merusak salah satu diantara lima hal yang disebut dengan istilah al-maqâshid al-syar’iyyah menurut al-Syâthibî7 atau dengan istilah al-ushûl al-khamsah menurut alGhazâlî atau dengan istilah lain seperti al-kulliyât al-khamsah, atau al-ushûl al-syar’iyyah atau al-dlarûriyyât al-khamsah8 yakni memelihara agama, jiwa, akal, keturunan, dan harta benda.9 Oleh sebab itu, suatu kemaslahatan menurut al-Ghazâlî harus sejalan dengan hukum syarak, meskipun harus atau akan bertentangan dengan kepentingan. Hal ini disebabkan karena keterbatasan akal manusia dalam mendiskripsikan sebuah kemaslahatan, belum lagi pengaruh hawa nafsu yang terkadang (bahkan seringkali) mendominasi dan mengalahkan pertimbangan akal manusia. Dengan demikian, jika bertentangan dengan syarak, maka tidak dapat disebut dengan maslahat, tetapi sebaliknya. Berbeda dengan al-Ghazâlî, Najm al-Dîn al-Thûfî tidak membatasi maslahat untuk harus selalu dibatasi oleh syarak. Oleh karena itu, al-Thûfî membangun konsep maslahat dan mafsadat di atas empat prinsip, yaitu: 1) akal dapat mengetahui maslahat dan mafsadat secara bebas; 2) maslahat sebagai dalil syarak terlepas dari nas, dengan pengertian bahwa ketentuan tentang maslahat dan mafsadat hanya terkait dengan adat dan pengalaman manusia; 3) cakupan maslahat dan mafsadat hanya terbatas dalam hal muamalah dan adat; 4) karena maslahat dan mafsadat dapat diketahui secara spontan dengan menggunakan akal, maka maslahat merupakan dalil syarak yang paling kuat. Oleh sebab itu, apabila terjadi kontradiksi antara nas dan maslahat, maka maslahat harus diberlakukan dengan takhsîs (mengambil arti khusus) atau bayân (penjelasan rinci) atas makna nas, bukan membatalkannya.10 Perbedaan antara al-Ghazâlî dengan al-Thûfî terletak pada boleh atau mampu tidaknya akal mencari, mempertimbangkan dan menentukan suatu 6Said agil al-Munawwar, Dimensi-Dimensi Kehidupan Dalam Perspektif Islam, (Malang: PPS UNISMA, tt), hlm. 34. 7al-Syâthibî, al-Muwâfaqât fi Ushûl al-Ahkâm”, (Baerut-Lebanon: Dâr al-Fikr, tt.), Vol. 2, hlm. 7-9. 8Said Agil al-Munawar, Dimensi-Dimensi, hlm. 36. 9Abdul Aziz Dahlan (ed.), Ensikolopedi Hukum Islam, (Jakarta: PT Ikhtiar Baru Van Hoeve, 1996), hlm. 1039. 10 Yusdani, “Peranan Kepentingan Umum Dalam Reaktualisasi Hukum: Kajian Konsep Hukum Islam Najamuddin at-Tufi” (Yogyakarta: UII Press cet. I, 2000), hlm. 70-71.
774 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
maslahat. Perbedaan ini menurut hemat penulis sedikit banyaknya sama dengan perbedaan dalam teologi antara Asy’ariyyah dan Mu’tazilah dalam menyikapi posisi akal dalam menilal baik dan buruk.11 Sedangkan pengertian maslahat menurut al-Syâthibî adalah “sesuatu yang dipahami untuk memeliharanya sebagian hak hamba dalam bentuk meraih kemaslahatan dan menolak kemafsadatan yang bukan didasarkan pada kondisi tertentu pada penemuan akal secara mandiri.”12 Menurutnya, Allah menurunkan syariat (aturan hukum) tiada lain adalah untuk mengambil kemaslahatan dan menghindari kemadaratan (jalb al-mashâlih wa dar’ al-mafâsid). Ringkasnya, maslahat adalah aturan-aturan hukum yang Allah tentukan hanyalah untuk kemaslahatan manusia itu sendiri. Dalam pandangan penulis, pengertian maslahat dalam pandangan alSyâthibî sejalan dengan al-Ghazâlî, di mana maslahat harus di dasarkan pada syarak bukan pada akal manusia semata. Tingkatan dan Hierarki Maqâshid al-Ghazâlî dan al-Syâthibî memandang maslahat atau maqâshid adalah al-mashâlih al-mursalah13 dengan tiga tingkatannya, yaitu: primer/necessities (dlarûrât), skunder/needs (hâjiyât) dan tersier/luxuries (tahsîniyât).14 Dari tiga 11Dalam hal ini, ada perbedaan tiga kelompok ulama tentang “Apakah Allah itu memiliki tujuan dibalik syariatNya? Apakah akal manusia bisa menentukan/menilai baik dan buruk tanpa bantuan informasi wahyu Allah atau sabda Nabi?” Yaitu antara pendapat Mu’tazilah dan Syi’ah, Asyâ’irah dan Mâtûridiyyah. Di mana Mu’tazilah dan Syi’ah berpendapat bahwa di setiap syariat Tuhan itu selalu ada tujuan yang rasional. Yang oleh karena itu, akal manusia tercipta untuk bisa mencari dan menentukan kebenaran atau tujuan itu walau tanpa bantuan wahyu sekalipun. Adapun kelompok Asyâ’irah berpendapat sebaliknya. Sedangkan Mâtûridiyyah berada di tengah-tengah antara keduanya. 12Said Agil al-Munawar, Dimensi-Dimensi, hlm. 35. 13Nama (istilah) lain dari al-mashlahah al-mursalah adalah al-Munâshib al-Mursal, alMashlahah al-Muthlaqah, al-Istishlâh atau al-Istidlâl, yang telah di definisikan oleh sebagian ulama Ushul dengan “sebuah maslahat yang tidak di syari’atkan oleh Syara’ untuk mendapatkannya dan tidak ditemukan dalil Syara’ dalam penetapannya atau penolakannya”. Dengan kata lain adalah “suatu maslahat yang didiamkan syariat (al-Mashlahah al-Maskût ‘anhâ). 14 Sebagian ulama kontemporer seperti dinukil Auda membuat redaksi istilah yang berbeda, tapi maksud dan tujuannya sama, yaitu dengan istilah general (‘âmmah/umum), spesific (khâshshah/khusus) dan partial (juziyyah/parsial). Maqâshid umum adalah tujuantujuan (prinsip) umum yang ada di seluruh aspek syariat atau sebagian besarnya, seperti prinsip toleransi, kemudahan, keadilan dan kebebasan. Maka maslahat yang primer -yang mencakup kewajiban menjaga agama, jiwa, akal, nasab, harta dan kehormatan- adalah termasuk dalam bagian maqâshid umum ini. Adapun maqâshid khusus adalah beberapa tujuan syariat yang ada pada salah satu bab/bagian dari beberapa bab syariat, seperti adanya sanksi/hukuman dalam bab jinayat (pidana) yang bertujuan membuat jera. Sedangkan maqâshid parsial adalah terkadang merupakan sebuah hukum atau asrâr (rahasia) yang dimaksud oleh syariat secara langsung terhadap sesuatu hukum yang parsial, seperti tujuan dari rukhsah (keringanan), seperti boleh tidak puasa bagi yang tidak mampu adalah menghilangkan kesulitan. Baca: Jasser Auda, Maqashid al-Shariah as Philoshopy of Islamic
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 775
kategori maqâshid di atas sebagian ulama telah membuat urutan keutamaan (hierarki) yang di mulai dari maqâshid primer sebagai urutan pertama dan utama, lalu skunder dan terakhir tersier. Begitu juga dalam maqâshid primer ada urutan hierarkinya yang telah dibuat al-Ghazâlî dan ikuti ulama berikutnya dengan urutan sebagai berikut: hifdh (menjaga); agama, jiwa, akal, keturunan dan harta.15 Yang hierarki ini dapat diilustrasikan dengan bentuk ahrâm (pyramid). Hierarki itu berfungsi sebagai penentu, jika terjadi dua maslahat atau lebih yang saling berhadapan. Sebagai landasan untuk tentukan opsi mana yang harus didahulukan antara keduanya. Seperti bolehnya seseorang minum arak dengan paksaan, walau bertentangan dengan kewajiban menjaga akal (dengan tidak minum arak), sebab menjaga jiwa -(agar tidak dibunuh sebab menolak paksaan minum arak)- itu ada pada urutan hierarki kedua, sedangkan menjaga akal ada pada urutan ketiga. Namun dalam pandangan tokoh maqâshid kontemporer Jasser Auda, al-Ghazâlî telah melanggar hierarki yang di buatnya sendiri, karena ketika al-Ghazâlî tetap melarang zina yang dengan paksaan (perkosaan), maka berarti telah mengutamakan menjaga nasl (keturunan) daripada jiwa, padahal urutan jiwa ada pada nomor dua, sedangkan nasl nomor empat. Kerumitan penggunaan hierarki ini yang dalam pandangan Auda mengakibatkan sebagian ulama, seperti al-Syâthibî,16 al-Râzî, al-Qarâfî, al-Baydlâwî dan Ibn Taymiyyah enggan menggunakan hierarki ini sebagai solusi dalam menentukan opsi. Penulis lebih sependapat dengan Auda yang lebih memilih pendapat Law a Systems Approach, The International Institut of Islamic Thought (IIIT), London-UK, 2007, hlm. 5. 15Para ulama ushul lainnya pun tidak pernah ada kata sepakat tentang hal ini. Bagi al-Zarkasyi misalnya, urutan itu adalah: an-nafs, al-mâl, an-nasl, al-dîn dan al-‘aql. Sedangkan menurut al-Amidi: al-dîn, an-nafs, an-nasl, al-‘aql dan al-mâl. Bagi al-Qarafi: annufûs, al-adyân, al-nasl, al-‘uqûl, al-amwâl atau al-a’râdl. Sementara menurut al-Ghazâlî: aldîn, an-nafs, al-‘aql, al-nasl dan al-mâl. Namun urutan yang dikemukakan al-Ghazâlî ini adalah urutan yang paling banyak dipegang para ulama Fikih dan Usul Fikih berikutnya. Bahkan, Abdullah Darrâz, pentahkik al-Muwâfaqât, memandang urutan versi al-Ghazâlî ini adalah yang lebih mendekati kebenaran. 16Oleh karena itu, al-Syâthibî dalam al-Muwâfaqât-nya terkadang lebih mendahulukan ‘aql dari pada nasl, terkadang nasl terlebih dahulu kemudian ‘aql dan terkadang nasl lalu mâl dan terakhir ‘aql. Namun satu hal yang perlu dicatat bahwa dalam susunan yang manapun al-Syâthibî tetap selalu mengawalinya dengan dîn dan nafs terlebih dahulu. Hal ini dalam pandangan penulis, ada dua kemungkinan, yaitu: (1) keragu-raguannya dalam penetapan hierarki maslahat sesuai dengan konsep al-Ghazâlî, atau (2) ia ingin memberi gambaran relativitas konsep hierarki maslalat yang digagas al-Ghazâlî, sehingga ia ingin mengatakan bahwa hierarki ini adalah persoalan ijtihad, namun ia telah menetapkan urutan pertama adalah dîn (agama) dan kedua adalah nafs (jiwa), sedangkan urutan ketiga sampai kelima adalah relativ dan bebas. Namun jika yang dimaksud al-Syâthibî dengan urutan kesatu dan kedua hanya mutlak milik din dan nafs, maka tetap juga akan timbul persoalan ketika dalam contoh seseorang yang diancam akan dibunuh jika melakukan shalat atau jika tidak mau murtad dari Islam?
776 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
modern, yaitu pendapat Syekh Muhammad al-Ghazâlî (w. 1996 M) yang tidak lagi menggambarkan maqâshid dengan piramida tetapi dengan lingkaran-lingkaran yang sejajar dan saling mengisi.17 Sedangkan al-Thûfî dalam penelusuran penulis tidak jelas dalam pengelompokan maslahat seperti al-Ghazâlî dan al-Syâthibî di atas, begitu juga dalam penetapan hierarki maslahat, sepertinya al-Thûfî tidak berusaha melakukan itu. Ia hanya berprinsip bahwa maslahat dapat membatasi (mentakhsîs) al-Qur’an, Sunnah dan Ijma’, jika penerapan nas al-Qur’an, Sunnah dan Ijma’ itu akan menyusahkan manusia. Akan tetapi ruang lingkup prinsip al-Thûfî ini hanya berlaku pada bidang muamalah.18 Macam-Macam Maslahat Hemat penulis, pembagian jenis Maslahat dapat disimpulkan menjadi lima macam, yaitu: 1) berdasarkan tujuan zaman/waktunya; 2) berdasarkan tingkat kebutuhannya; 3) berdasarkan cakupannya (jangkauannya); 4) berdasarkan ada atau tidaknya perubahan dan; 5) berdasarkan ada atau tidaknya syari’at dalam penetapannya. Maslahat berdasarkan tujuan zamannya terbagi menjadi dua tingkatan, yaitu; maslahat dunia dan akhirat. Maslahat dunia adalah kewajiban atau aturan syarak yang terkait dengan hukum-hukum muamalah (interaksi sosial dan ekonomi). Sedangkan maslahat akhirat adalah kewajiban atau aturan syarak yang terkait dengan hukum-hukum tentang aqidah (tauhid) dan ibadah19 (mahdlah/murni). Maslahat berdasarkan tingkat kebutuhannya -sebagaimana merujuk pendaptnya al-Syâthibî dalam menjaga lima tujuan pokok syari’at (almaqâshid al-syar’iyyah)- itu maka dalam upaya upaya mewujudkan pemeliharaan kelima urusan pokok tersebut, al-Ghazâlî dan al-Syâthibî20 membaginya kepada tiga katagori dan tingkat kekuatan kebutuhan akan maslahat yang juga diadopsi Auda dalam bukunya, yaitu: (a) al-mashlahah al-dlarûriyyah (kemaslahatan primer), (b) al-mashlahah al-hâjiyyah (kemaslahatan sekunder) dan (c) al-mashlahah al-tahsîniyyah (kemaslahatan tersier).21 Adapun maslahat berdasarkan cakupannya (jangkauannya), mayoritas ulama membaginya kepada tiga tingkatan, yaitu: (a) al-mashlahah al‘âmmah (maslahat umum); yang berkaitan dengan semua orang, (b) almashlahah al-ghâlibah (maslahat mayoritas); yang berkaitan dengan 17Jasser
Auda, Maqashid al-Shariah, hlm. 6-8. “Peranan Kepentingan, hlm. 70 19al-Bûthî, “Dlawâbith al-Mashlahah fi al-Syarî’ah al-Islâmiyyah”, ( Baerut-Lebanon: Muassasah al-Risalah, cet. IV, 1992), hlm. 78-79; Untuk lebih jelas dan lengkapnya tentang tingkatan maslahat ini baca al-Muwâfaqât-nya al-Syâthibî jilid II, hlm. 15-32. 20 al-Syâthibî, al-Muwâfaqât, hlm. 2-15. 21Said Agil Husin al-Munawwar, Dimensi-Dimensi, hlm. 37. 18Yusdani,
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mayoritas (kebanyakan) orang, tetapi tidak bagi semua orang, (c) almashlahah al-khâshshah (maslahat khusus/ pribadi); yang berkenaan dengan orang-orang tertentu, hal ini sebenarnya jarang terjadi, seperti adanya kemaslahatan bagi seorang istri agar hakim menetapkan keputusan fasakh nikah, karena suaminya dinyatakan hilang (mafqûd). Pembagian ini menjadi bermakna ketika terjadi kontradiksi antara satu dengan yang lain. Dalam hal ini mayoritas ulama berpendapat bahwa kemaslahatan yang lebih umum didahulukan atas kemaslahatan di bawahnya.22 Sedangkan maslahat jika ditinjau dari ada atau tidaknya perubahan padanya, dapat dibagi kepada dua bagian, yaitu: (a) al-mashlahah almu’aqqatah (maslahat temporer); maslahat yang mengalami perubahan sejalan dengan perubahan waktu, atau lingkungan, dan atau orang-orang yang menjalaninya. Hal ini terjadi hanya pada masalah-masalah yang berkaitan dengan muamalah dan 'urf (kebiasaan), (b) al-mashlahah almu’abbadah (maslahat abadi); kemaslahatan yang tidak pernah mengalami perubahan dan bersifat tetap sampai akhir zaman. Kemaslahatan bersifat tetap walaupun waktu, lingkungan dan orang-orang yang berhadapan dengan kemaslahatan tersebut telah berubah. Kemaslahatan yang tidak berubah ini adalah yang berkaitan dengan masalah-masalah ibadah. Menurut al-Syâthibî, pembicaraan tentang pembagian diatas menjadi relevan dan penting ketika ulama hendak menetapkan hukum suatu masalah yang didasarkan atas maslahat. Dalam hal ini, hukum maslahat tersebut hanya dapat berubah, jika ia termasuk ke dalam katagori kemasalahatan yang dapat mengalami perubahan.23 Terakhir, maslahat berdasarkan ada atau tidaknya syariat dalam penetapannya. Sebagian ulama seperti al-Ghazâlî membaginya menjadi empat tingkatan yang dalam ensiklopedi hukum Islam di sebut dengan empat tolak ukur maslahat, 24 yaitu: (a) al-mashlahah al-mujâbah (kemaslahatan yang dikukuhkan syarak aspek nau` (spesies atau macamnya), (b) al-mashlahah al-mulâ'imah (kemaslahatan yang dikukuhkan syarak aspek jins (genus atau jenisnya), (c) al-mashlahah al-mulghah (kemaslahatan yang dibatalkan) oleh syarak, dan (d) al-mashlahah algharîbah (kemaslahatan yang didiamkan) oleh syarak. Tingkatan kekuatan macam-macam maslahat tersebut sesuai dengan urutannya. Maslahat dalam urutan satu dan dua (a dan b) adalah maslahat yang telah disepakati ulama untuk boleh mengamalkannya.25 Adapun maslahat yang ketiga (urutan c), telah disepakati ulama untuk tidak boleh digunakan. Sedangkan maslahat dalam urutan ke empat ini masih 22Ibid.,
hlm. 38. Ibid., hlm. 38-39. 24Abdul Aziz Dahlan (ed.), Ensiklopedi, hlm. 1041. 25‘Abd al-Wahhâb Khalâf, ‘Ilm Ushûl al-Fiqh. (Baerut-Libanon: Dâr al-Qalam, cet. VIII), hlm. 85 23
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diperselisihkan para ulama, namun al-Ghazâlî dengan tegas menolak untuk menggunakan maslahat gharîbah ini, dengan alasan masih dalam bentuk konsep dan tidak ada dalam realitas kehidupan. Karena itu, dalam membahas tentang kriteria-kriteria kemaslahatan, al-Ghazâlî menolak kemaslahatan yang didiamkan oleh syarak.26 Adapun kehujjahan maslahat dalam pandangan ulama terhadap posisi maslahat sebagai sumber hukum yang mengandung arti bahwa maslahat menjadi landasan tolak ukur dalam penetapan hukum. Atau dengan kata lain, penetapan suatu hukum tertentu pada suatu masalah tertentu, karena kemaslahatan menghendaki agar hukum tersebut ditetapkan padanya. Dalam hal ini, al-Munawwar menyebutkan bahwa para ushûliyyîn (para pakar ilmu usul fikih) membahas persoalan maslahat dalam dua pokok bahasan, yaitu27: Pertama, maslahat sebagai ‘illah (motif yang melahirkan hukum). Pengkajian mengenal ‘illah ini berkaitan dengan perubahan diseputar masalah qiyas, yaitu mempersamakan hukum suatu masalah yang tidak ada nas-nya karena diantara keduanya terdapat persamaan dari segi ‘illah. Mayoritas ulama berpendapat bahwa setiap hukum yang ditetapkan oleh nas atau ijma', semuanya didasarkan atas hikmah, yaitu untuk meraih manfaat atau kemaslahatan dan menghindarkan mafsadat (kerusakan). Dalam pada itu, setiap ‘illah yang menjadi landasan suatu hukum bermuara pada kepentingan kemaslahatan manusia. Mereka percaya bahwa tidak satupun ketetapan hukum yang ditetapkan oleh nas yang di dalamnya tidak terdapat kemaslahatan manusia, baik kemaslahatan di dunia maupun di akhirat.28
26‘Abd al-Wahhâb Khalâf juga membagi maslahat menjadi empat tingkatan juga, yaitu: (a) mu’atstsirah, (b) mulâ’imah, (c) mulghah dan (d) mursalah. Begitu juga al-Bûthî, membagi maslahat dalam katagori ini menjadi empat tingkatan, hanya dengan penggunaan istilah yang sedikit berbeda, yaitu: (a) mashlahah mu’atstsirah, (b) mashlahah mulâ’imah, (c) mashlahah munâsibah gharîbah dan (d) mashlahah mursalah. 27Said Agil Husin al-Munawwar, Dimensi-Dimensi, hlm. 40-42 28 Oleh karena itu, tidak heran jika sebagian ulama kontemporer seperti Jasser Auda berpandangan bahwa ada kesamaan antara ‘illah dan maqâshid, sebab ‘‘illah yang didefinisikan sebagai al-ma’nâ al-ladzî syuri’a al-hukm li ajlih (sebuah makna yang karenanyalah suatu hukum itu disyariatkan). Ini sama dengan definisi maqâshid (yang sudah disebut di depan). Belum lagi beberapa nama ‘‘illah, seperti al-sabab, al-amârah, al-dâ’i, albâ’ist, al-hâmil, al-manâth, al-dalîl, al-muqtadlâ, al-mujîb dan al-mu’atstsir juga bisa menjadi alasan bahwa ada kesamaan antara ‘‘illah dan maqâshid. Oleh karena itu, ketika ada kaidah ushûliyyah yang terkenal berbunyi: ”al-hukm al-syar’i yadûr ma’a ‘‘illatih; wujudan wa ‘adaman” (hukum syariat itu berorientasi dengan ada atau tidaknya sebuah ‘‘illah), artinya suatu hukum itu akan dihukumi ada, jika ‘‘illah-nya ada, dan sebaliknya, maka bisa dibuat sebuah kesimpulan bahwa juga; ”tadûr al-ahkâm al-syar’iyyah al-’amaliyyah ma’a maqâshidihâ wujudan wa ’adaman, kamâ tadûr ma’a ‘illalihâ wujadan wa ’adaman”. Baca: Abbas Arfan, “Maqâshid alSyarî’ah Sebagai Sumber Hukum Islalm: Analisis Terhadap Pemikiran Jasser Auda” dalam Jurnal al-Manahij (Terakriditasi Nasional), Vol. VII, No. 2, Juli 2013, hlm. 189-190.
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Kedua, sebagai sumber hukum Islam. Dalam membicarakan maslahat sebagai sumber hukum Islam, pada umumnya ulama lebih dahulu meninjaunya dari segi ada atau tidaknya kesaksian syarak terhadapnya, baik bersifat mengakuinya sebagai maslahat atau tidak. Dalam hal ini mayoritas ulama membagi kepada tiga macam, yaitu: (a) maslahat yang terdapat kesaksian syarak dalam mengakui keberadaannya, yaitu maslahat mujâbah (mu’atstsirah) dan mulâ’imah, ini menjelma menjadi landasan dalam qiyâs, karena sama dengan al-munâsib29 dalam pembahasan qiyas, yaitu: suatu sifat yang nyata dalam bentuk kemaslahatan, yang terdapat pada suatu kasus hukum, dapat diukur dan dinalar, merupakan salah satu ciri dalam mengenal ‘illah hukum dalam rangka melakukan qiyâs. Semua ulama sepakat mengatakan bahwa maslahat semacam ini merupakan hujjah (dapat dijadikan sebagai sumber hukum), (b) maslahat yang terdapat kesaksian syarak yang membatalkannya (menolaknya), maslahat ini dikenal dengan mashlahah mulghâ adalah batil. Artinya tidak dapat dijadikan sebagai hujjah atau sumber hukum karena ia bertentangan dengan nas, (c) maslahat yang tidak terdapat kesaksian syarak; baik dalam mengakuinya maupun menolaknya dalam bentuk nas tertentu. Ini yang dikenal dengan mashlahah gharîbah atau mursalah. al-Syâthibî dalam “al-I’ithishâm” dengan jelas menyatakan bahwa para ulama ushûl terbelah menjadi empat kelompok dalam menyikapi kehujjahan maslahat mursalah sebagai sumber hukum, yaitu: (a) al-Qâdlî (alBâqilânî) dan sebagian ulama ushûl menolaknya sebagai sumber hukum Islam, karena ia tidak memiliki dasar (dalil), (b) Imam Malik menerima keberadaannya secara mutlak sebagai salah satu pondasi hukum, (c) Imam Syafi’i dan sebagian ulama mazhab Hanafi menerimanya dengan satu syarat, yaitu ia harus mendekati dalil-dalil ushûl yang telah tetap dan kuat, (d) alGhazâlî memilih merincinya lebih jelas, yaitu: jika ia pada tingkatan ketiga (tersier), maka tertolak selama tidak ditemukan dalil pendukung. Sedangkan bila ia berada pada posisi pertama (primer), maka ia cenderung menerimanya, namun dengan satu syarat bahwa yang mengusahakannya (berijtihad) adalah seorang mujtahid30. Namun kata al-Syâthibî, jika ia dalam urutan kedua (skunder) ternyata al-Ghazâlî memiliki pendapat yang berbeda-beda; dalam kitab “al-Mustashfâ” al-Ghazâlî menolaknya, tapi
29Sebagaimana dijelaskan Khalâf dalam membagi macam-macam ‘illah itu ada empat macam al-Munâsib, yaitu: (1) al-Munâsib al-Mu’atstsir, (2) al-Munâsib al-Mulâ’im, (3) alMunâsib al-Mursal dan (4) al-Munâsib al-Mulghâ. Baca: ‘Abd al-Wahhâb Kh’alâf, Ilmu Ushûl, hlm. 71-75. 30Dalam hal ini, al-Syâthibî sepertinya sepakat dengan al-Ghazâlî, dimana al-Syâthibî menyatakan dalam al-Muwâfaqât-nya bahwa untuk memahami maqâshid al-syarî’ah itu dibutuhkan syarat-syarat ketat, seperti memiliki pengetahuan bahasa arab dalam memahami al-Qur’an, memiliki pengetahuan tentang al-Sunnah sebagai penjelas al-Qur’an dan mengetahui asbâb al-nuzûl.
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dalam kitab “Syifâ al-‘Alîl” sebaliknya, yaitu menerimanya.31 Sedangkan alSyâthibî dalam pandangan penulis lebih sependapat dengan Imam Malik yang memang menjadi pegangan mazhabnya. Dalam pada itu, al-Ghazâlî menambahkan tiga syarat agar maslahat jenis ketiga di atas dapat menjadikan hujjah, yang kemudian disebut dengan al-mashlahah al-mursalah, yaitu: (a) maslahat tersebut mesti memiliki sifat mulâ'imah, (b) berada dalam tingkatan al-dlarûrah (primer) ataupun dalam tingkatan hâjah (skunder) yang dapat disamakan dengan tingkatan darurat. Sedangkan yang berada dalam tingkatan tahsînât (tersier) tidak menjadi hujjah, dan (c) jika berkaitan dengan jiwa, maka maslahat tersebut harus bersifat dlarûrî, qath'î dan kullî.32 Sedangkan al-Munawwar menukil pendapat Husain Hamid Hassan yang menekankan keharusan adanya salah satu dari dua syarat agar almashlahah almursalah dapat menjadi dalil hukum, yaitu: 33(a) adanya kesesuaian antara al-mashlahah dengan hukum yang ditetapkan al-syari' (Qur’an dan Sunnah), melalui cara istikhrâj al-manâth (mengeluarkan ‘illah hukum), (b) adanya kesesuaian antara al-Mashlahah dan jins tasharrufât alSyâri', artinya maslahat paling tidak harus sesuai dan sejalan dengan jenis hukum yang telah ditetapkan syarak (mashlahah mulâ’imah). Pengembangan Konsep Maqâshid Kontemporer Pengembangan konsep Maqâshid oleh para tokoh Islam kontemporer terus berkembang dan tidak saja berhenti pada lima hal yang prinsip seperti tersebut di atas, tapi juga sudah ada yang berani memandang Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) sebagai kubutuhan yang primer juga, sebut saja misalnya Mashood A. Baderin. Dalam buku ”International Human Rights and Islamic Law”, ia memaparkan panjang lebar tentang hak asasi manusia khususnya yang bersumber dari ajaran Islam. Meski dalam kenyataannya, Islam sebagai suatu agama yang banyak diyakini oleh penduduk dunia dan mengalami pertumbuhan yang terus menerus, masalah HAM yang sudah menjadi kesepakatan Internasional bahkan banyak negara muslim menjadi anggota Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa (PBB), sepertinya masalah hak asasi manusia masih diabaikan. Mereka beranggapan bahwa kualitas syariah atau hukum Islam lebih memadai dari pada The Universal Declaration of Human Right (UDHR).34 Dengan argumen seperti itulah, Baderin menawarkan 31al-Syâthibî,
al-I’itishâm, (Baerut-Lebanon: Dâr al-Fikr, vol. 2, 2003), hlm. 78-79. agil al-Munawar, Dimensi-Dimensi, hlm. 42. 33Ibid., hlm. 43 34Mashood A. Baderin, International Human Rights and Islamic Law (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), hlm. 2-3. Kemunculan UDHR tidak terlepas dari pidato yang disampaikan Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1882-1945) pada tahun 1941. Dalam pidatonya, ia merumuskan The Four Freedom, yaitu (1) kebebasan berbicara dan menyatakan pendapat (freedom of speech); (2) kebebasan beragama (freedom of relegion); (3) kebebasan dari ketakutan (freedom from fear); dan (4) kebebasan dari kemiskinan (freedom from want). Lihat 32Said
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untuk menyadarkan umat Islam atau negara-negara muslim agar memahami betapa pentingnya HAM untuk diaplikasikan, khususnya oleh para penguasa muslim. Tujuan dari sistem hukum Islam, khususnya nilai-nilai yang terkandung dalam bingkai maqâshid al-syarî’ah, tidak bisa disangkal lagi bahwa di dalamnya penuh dengan penghargaan terhadap hak-hak asasi manusia.35 Menurutnya, bingkai maqâshid al-syarî’ah merupakan contoh kongkrit betapa hukum Islam sangat akomodatif terhadap prinsip HAM. Sehingga tidak sepatutnya untuk mempertentangkan apalagi menolak HAM. Sekarang tinggal bagaimana umat Islam berjuang secara serius dalam mengaplikasikan ajaran Islam, yang di dalamnya secara nyata juga memperjuangkan hak asasi manusia. Sebab, ajaran Islam sangat sarat dengan ajaran kemanusiaan universal, yang secara sistemik dirumuskan oleh UDHR; kesepakatan universal untuk tunduk kepada hak-hak dasar yang melekat pada manusia, baik sebagai individu maupun kelompok. Standar HAM internasional dan syariah, berikut asal usul dan pemberlakuannya menuai perdebatan panjang yang masih terus berlanjut. Selama ini, syariah dipahami sebagai ajaran sakral dan normatif, yaitu firman Allah SWT dan sunnah Rasulullah SAW. Sebagian besar umat Islam menyatakan bahwa syariah bersifat abadi dan bernilai qath’î, tidak bisa diubah atau diutak-atik, karena yang dimaksud syariah adalah nas (alQur’an dan al-Sunnah). Sedangkan yang bersifat nisbi, relatif dan dapat berubah adalah fikih, karena merupakan produk ijtihad dan produk historis yang sangat mungkin dipengaruhi oleh berbagai kondisi budaya lokal ketika dirumuskan.36 Oleh karena itu, pengkajian format HAM dengan paradigma ajaran Islam sepertinya merupakan dua sisi yang sulit dipertemukan, karena sebagian pemikir tradisional muslim masih terjebak pada gaya apologetik yang selalu memposisikan ajaran Islam sangat superior, sedangkan formulasi HAM yang dijadikan rujukan masyarakat M. Luqman Hakiem (ed.) Deklarasi Islam tentang HAM (Surabaya: Risalah Gusti, 1993), hlm. 6. 35Pada uraian selanjutnya dalam buku tersebut, Baderin menjelaskan prinsip HAM hasil deklarasi OKI di Kairo pada tanggal 5 Agustus 1990. Dari semua pasal dan ayat dari deklarasi tersebut ternyata semuanya merupakan realisasi dari nilai-nilai ajaran Islam. Justifikasi al-Qur’an dan al-Sunnah dalam uraian tersebut membuktikan bahwa prinsip ajaran Islam sangat akomodatif dengan nilai HAM. Lihat Ibid., hlm. 43-218. 36 Istilah syariah, hukum Islam, dan fikih merupakan tiga istilah yang banyak diidentikkan sama dalam penggunaannya, walaupun terminologi ketiganya secara literal maupun historis berbeda satu sama lain, namun demikian lebih banyak yang cenderung berusaha membedakan syariah dengan fikih. Yang merupakan hasil interpretasi nas adalah fikih, sedangkan Syari’ah tidak lain adalah wahyu itu sendiri. Menurut kelompok ini, Syariah adalah ajaran dasar yang bersifat universal dan permanen, sedangkan fikih adalah tafsir kultural terhadap syariah, yang merupakan ajaran non dasar, yang bersifat lokal, elastis, dan tidak permanen. Lihat Nasaruddin Umar, Argumen Kesetaraan Gender Perspektif Al-Qur’an (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1999), hlm. 290.
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dunia sekarang adalah bersumber dari Barat. Mereka tidak sadar kalau dunia ini sudah berubah. Itulah sebabnya, pintu untuk menyadarkan umat Islam tentang betapa pentingnya HAM harus melalui jendela hukum Islam. Dalam kebanyakan umat Islam, hukum Islam merupakan ajaran Tuhan yang di dalamnya sarat dengan nilai-nilai kemanusiaan, termasuk masalah hukum internasional dan hubungan sesama umat manusia.37 Memang terjadi tarik-menarik antara elemen-elemen umat Islam sendiri dalam menyikapi HAM tersebut, pro kontra di kalangan pemikir Islam itu sebagaimana yang ditulis oleh Mashood A Baderin, bahwa ada lima pandangan, yaitu: 1) Islam sangat compatible dengan HAM; 2) kebenaran nilai-nilai HAM sebenarnya hanya dapat direalisasikan di bawah hukum Islam; 3) HAM mengandung agenda imperialis yang harus ditolak; 4) Islam tidak selaras dengan HAM dan; 5) HAM Internasional mengandung tujuan yang anti agama.38 Disamping itu, dalam perspektif Barat, sistem nilai Barat-lah yang menjadi ukuran masalah HAM, karena itu mereka sering mengabaikan keberagaman peradaban manusia. Menanggapi diskursus HAM dan hukum Islam pun mereka masih dibayang-bayangi oleh Islamophobia, sehingga mereka menganggap hukum Islam tidak sejalan dengan HAM dan HAM tidak akan terlaksana selama hukum Islam masih dianut. Salah satu argumentasi kesan negatif ini adalah bahwa HAM tidak mendapat tempat dalam hukum Islam, yang ada hanyalah ketundukan kepada perintah Tuhan.39 Di pihak lain, Islam tradisional pesimis akan keobyektifan PBB dalam masalah HAM dan lebih condong untuk mengadakan pembelaan ideologis terhadap konsep hukum Islam.40 Dua cara pandang yang ekstim ini harus dipatahkan untuk memudahkan terjadinya dialogis HAM dan hukum Islam di negara-negara muslim. Perbedaan ini akan mudah dipetakan jika konsep HAM secara positif dibangun sebagai bagian dari tema-tema hukum Islam, dibanding jika memaksakannya sebagai suatu konsep yang asing sama sekali dari hukum Islam. . Dalam kancah internasional, bisa dikatakan bahwa ide HAM sudah diterima oleh hampir semua negara dan masyarakat dunia kontemporer dengan tanpa melihat sejarah, budaya, ideologi, ekonomi, dan perbedaan lain. Karena itu, ia bersifat universal yang dapat diterapkan oleh seluruh bangsa. Tetapi bagi bangsa non Barat, keuniversalan HAM itu relatif ketika berhadapan dengan konteks suatu peradaban dan budaya tertentu.41 Sebenarnya, masuknya HAM sebagai hukum internasional, menjadikan rujukan bagi penyelenggaraan negara dalam melindungi hak-hak warga Lihat Baderin, International, hlm. 2-10. Ibid., hlm. 13-6. 39 Ibid., hlm. 14. 40 Ibid., hlm. 3. 41 Ibid., hlm. 21-5. 37 38
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negara. Secara tidak langsung, berbagai budaya yang ada di masyarakat dunia harus menyesuaikan diri dengan standar HAM internasional. Tetapi sayangnya, relativitas budaya itulah yang seringkali menjadi benturan bagi penerimaan dan pelaksanaan HAM sebagai standar internasional. Argumentasi relativitas budaya ini terjadi, karena HAM khususnya hak polotik sipil sarat dengan nilai-nilai kultural Barat. Karenanya, negaranegara Barat menjadi pendukung utama HAM universal, sementara negaranegara non-Barat menjadi pendukung relativitas budaya.42 Hal yang sama terjadi dengan umat Islam, yaitu adanya pandangan bahwa Islam memiliki konsep yang khas mengenai HAM membuat penerimaan terhadap standar internasional terhambat. Persoalan “apakah HAM terkait dengan budaya Barat ataukah harus menjadi nilai yang universal?” menjadi kesulitan dalam menerimanya di kalangan negaranegara berpenduduk muslim. Elizabeth Mayer mencatat bahwa konferensi HAM di Wina tahun 1993 memberikan rangsangan bagi negara-negara muslim untuk mendefinisikan posisi mereka terhadap HAM. Saudi Arabia dan Iran misalnya, tetap mendukung Deklarasi Kairo 1990 tentang HAM alternatif versi Islam.43 Terkait dengan hukum Islam, Baderin menggarisbawahi pentingnya pembedaan terminologi syariah dan fikih. Hal ini dikarenakan; Pertama, syariah sebagi sumber hukum Islam berasal dari Allah SWT dan tetap terjaga, sedang fikih merupakan produk dari pemahaman muslim yang bisa berubah sesuai dengan waktu dan keadaan; Kedua, syariah secara luas mencakup aspek moral, legal, sosial, dan spiritual dalam kehidupan muslim, sedang fikih lebih banyak mencakup aspek legal atau yuridis dari syariah selain aspek moral. Selanjutnya Baderin juga menegaskan, bahwa syariah sebagai sumber hukum formal dan material terdiri dari nas (alQur’an dan al-Sunnah) dan fikih sebagai metode hukum Islam, padanan konsep ijtihad, yang mencakup ijmâ’, qiyâs, istihsân, istishlâh atau mashlahah, dan ’urf. Hukum Islam ini mempunyai lingkup permanen dan temporal, yang mempunyai tujuan yang dinamakan maqâshid al-syarî’ah, yaitu terwujudnya kesejahteraan manusia (jalb al-mashlâih) dan mencegah kejahatan kemanusiaan (daf’ al-mafâsid) serta menjunjung tinggi keadilan.44 Selanjutnya menurut Baderin, bahwa pernyataan bersama tidak cukup hanya menjadi saksi bisu yang tertulis, tanpa ditindaklanjuti dengan aksi nyata dalam tindakan yang kongkrit. Kendala arogansi, hegemoni, dan konfrontatif yang sudah menjadi pengalaman pahit perlu segera dihapus dengan tindakan nyata. Dalam konteks umat Islam agenda tersebut harus dimulai dengan: 1) pendekatan yang komprehensip dalam memahami ajaran Ibid. hlm. 26-9. Ann Elizabeth Mayer, Islam and Human Right: Tradition and Politics (Colorado: Wetsview Press, 1995), hlm. 179. 44 Baderin, International, hlm. 34-44. 42 43
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Islam; 2) penanaman dan pembiasaan HAM melalui sistem pendidikan; 3) membentuk komisi khusus tentang HAM dan; 4) membentuk jaringan kerja sama tentang HAM skala regional maupun global, khususnya sesama negara yang mayoritas penduduknya umat Islam.45 Penutup Dari pembagian maslahat yang dilakukan ulama di atas terlihat bahwa pada dasarnya mereka sepakat menyatakan bahwa ada maslahat yang keberadaannya diakui oleh syarak secara langsung dan tidak langsung, serta ada pula yang bertentangan dengan dalil syarak. Dalam hal ini, mereka berbeda pendapat tentang “apakah maslahat yang bertentangan dengan nas (al-Qur’an dan al-Sunnah) atau ijma' secara otomatis dinyatakan tidak diakui menjadi dalil syarak?”46 Perbedaan pendapat ini khususnya terjadi antara pendapat jumhûr (mayoritas) ulama yang dapat diwakili oleh al-Ghazâlî dan al-Syâthibî47 dengan pendapat aqalliyyât (minoritas) ulama yang diwakili al-Thûfî. Di mana antara kedua kelompok itu sangat bertolak belakang. Konsep maslahat yang ditawarkan al-Thûfî bisa digolongkan moderat dan liberal pada masanya dan bahkan juga pada masa ini; beliau mengatakan bahwa maslahat bisa diakui, tidak perlu kesaksian dari syariat kecuali dalam bidang ibadah. Adapun dalam bidang muamalah, umat Islam dengan akal sehatnya dapat membedakan maslahat atau mafsadat. Oleh karena akal pikiran berwenang menentukan maslahat atau tidaknya dalam hal-hal keduniaan, maka maslahat adalah dalil hukum itu sendiri dan maslahat adalah esensi yang harus dipertahankan, sedangkan nas-nas syariah tidak lain sebagai metode atau perantara untuk mewujudkan kemaslahatan itu. Nas-nas syariah dan ijma' dapat difungsikan selama nasnas itu dapat merealisasikan kemaslahatan. Apabila maslahat dengan pertimbangan akal berbenturan dengan nas qath’î, maka maslahat harus mau tunduk kepada nas syariah itu, karena dengan perbenturan itu dapat diketahui kepalsuan maslahat.48 Jadi menurut al-Thûfî, selain dalam bidang ibadah yang harus dilestarikan dari al-Qur'an dan al-Sunnah hanyalah nilal-nilal esensinya, bukan bunyi teksnya. Ia membedakan antara ajaran yang bersifat teknis dan ajaran yang bersifat tujuan. Ajaran yang bersifat tujuan tidak lain tujuannya adalah untuk melestarikan ajaran yang esensial, ajaran itu yang Ibid., hlm. 221-31. Said agil al-Munawar, Dimensi-Dimensi, hlm. 42. 47Walau sebenarnya masih ada sedikit perbedaan antara al-Ghazâlî dan al-Syâthibî dalam persoalan maslahat yang didiamkan syarak yang disebut al-Ghazâlî dengan maslahat gharîbah atau dalam istilah al-Syâthibî dengan nama maslahat mursalah. Di mana al-Syâthibî bisa menerimanya sebagai sumber hukum Islam secara mutlak, sedangkan al-Ghazâlî masih mensyaratkan beberapa syarat tertentu seperti telah penulis jelaskan di atas. 48Said agil al-Munawar, Dimensi-Dimensi, hlm. 47. 45 46
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menjadi landasan dalam menetapkan hukum, ia bersifat stabil, berlaku di setiap tempat dan zaman. Sedang yang bersifat teknis bisa diubah sesuai dengan tuntutan zaman. Ajaran ini tidak lain dari sebagai contoh-contoh praktis yang diberikan Allah dan Rasul-Nya yang cocok dengan masyarakat di waktu itu. Ia hanya dapat difungsikan selama la efektif mencapai tujuan. Jika tidak, maka la bisa diubah sesuai dengan kebutuhan. Maka Bagi alThûfî, tujuan hukum secara umum dapat dikembalikan kepada dua hal, yaitu: menghindarkan kemadlaratan dan meraih kemaslahatan. Setiap Ayat dan Hadis harus ditafsirkan dalam kerangka dua tujuan tersebut, dan dengan itu bisa menjamin pemecahan hukum dalam segala keadaan. Oleh sebab itu, ia tidak khawatir dengan perkembangan zaman.49 Pemikiran hukum seperti ini, walaupun kelihatan begitu dinamis, bisa menyesuaikan diri dengan seluruh situasi dan kondisi, namun berakibat terabaikannya teks-teks al-Qur'an yang bersifat suci. Atas dasar itulah banyak ulama yang menolaknya, seperti al-Syalabî, al-Bûthî dan lain-lain. Bahkan al-Bûthî dengan tegas menyatakan bahwa al-Thûfî telah keluar jauh dari ijma’ para ulama.50 Namun penulis lebih sepakat dengan al-Thûfî, karena kaidah dasar dalam muamalah adalah boleh secara mutlak;51 “al-ashl fî al-mu’âmalah al-ibâhah”. Belum lagi konsep maslahat adalah kullî (universal), sehingga bersifat mutlak. Sedangkan jenis-jenis contoh hukum muamalah dalam al-Qur’an dan Sunnah adalah juz’î (parsial), sehingga bersifat relativ dan terbatas, karena hanya sebuah gambaran keadaaan tertentu di suatu tempat dan kondisi tertentu pada saat wahyu Tuhan masih turun pada Nabi Muhammad SAW yang tidak bisa dengan serta-merta harus dipaksakan ada atau harus ada pada suatu masa, tempat dan situasi yang sudah jauh berbeda. Bahkan pada masa yang sama saja, banyak persoalan dalam muamalah yang tidak bisa disamakan antar negara atau daerah.52 Oleh karena itu, kita sebagai pemerhati atau peneliti Islamic law studies bisa mencari dan memahami maslahat atau maqâshid lewat tiga cara yang telah diajarkan al-Syâthibî pada kita, yaitu: 1) melakukan analisis 49Ibid. 50al-Bûthî,
Dlawâbith, hlm. 178-182. tetapi penulis masih belum bisa memastikan dengan bidang muamalah yang dimaksud al-Thûfî itu; Apakah muamalah dalam makna sempit, yaitu hanya mencakup persoalan transaksi ekonomi dan perdagangan? atau muamalah dengan makna luas, yaitu semua aspek fikih selain shalat, puasa, zakat dan haji (bidang ibadah mahdlah), sehingga mencakup pernikahan, perceraian, mawaris, dan pidana? Kemudian bagaimana dengan fikih ibadah seperti zakat yang dalam tasharruf-nya itu juga ada nilai muamalah di dalamnya? atau dengan analasis kesamaan antara fungsi zakat dan pajak? bahkan lebih besar prosentasi kewajiban nilai yang harus dibayar lewat pajak, lalu bisakah kita menafikan zakat dan cukup bayar pajak? 52Satu contoh mudah: pada zaman sekarang, telor misalnya di Mesir itu dijual dengan jumlah butiran atau lusinan (satu lusin adalah 12 butir), sedangkan di Indonesia di timbang dengan mengukur berat terlepas dari berapa jumlahnya. 51Akan
786 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
terhadap lafaz perintah (al-amr) dan larangan (al-nahy); 2) melakukan analisis terhadap ‘illah perintah dan larangan dan; 3) melakukan analisis terhadap sikap diam al-Syâri’ dari pensyariatan sesuatu.53 Adapun perkembangan konsep mashlahah atau maqâshid pada abad ini terus mendapat pencerahan dengan lahirnya beberapa ide progesif yang memasukan unsur-unsur HAM kedalam kebutuhan dharûrî (primer). Memang, seiring dengan menguatnya kesadaran global akan arti penting Hak Asasi Manusia dewasa ini, persoalan tentang universalitas HAM dan hubungannya dengan berbagai sistem nilai atau tradisi agama terus menjadi pusat perhatian dalam perbincangan wacana HAM kontemporer. Sedang perkembangan wacana global tentang HAM memberikan penilaian tersendiri bagi posisi Islam. Hubungan antara Islam dan HAM muncul menjadi isu penting mengingat di dalamnya terdapat interpretasi yang beragam yang terkesan mengundang perdebatan yang sengit, perkembangan politik global juga memberikan implikasi tersendiri antara hubungan Islam dan Barat, sekalipun tidak memberikan konsekuensi yang signifikan bagi munculnya interpretasi terhadap hubungan Islam dan HAM, tapi perlu dicatat bahwa faktor tersebut tidaklah dapat dipandang remeh. Meskipun HAM dalam realitas kalangan muslim masih terjadi adanya sikap pro dan kontra, justru bagi pemikir Islam progesif dan modern seperti Mashood A. Baderin, membuktikan bahwa ajaran Islam sangat akomodatif terhadap nilai-nilai HAM, terlebih lagi melalui jendela hukum Islam yang bernama maqâshid al-syarî’ah, karena hukum Islam merupakan ajaran Tuhan yang sarat dengan nilai-nilai kemanusiaan. Bahkan, beliau juga memberikan argumentasi yang kuat kalau nilai-nilai hukum Islam itu dapat dijadikan rujukan bersandarnya HAM di kalangan umat Islam. Oleh karena itu, penulis sependapat dengan Mashood A. Baderin, karena misi utama ajaran Islam yang di bawa Nabi Muhammad SAW adalah membawa dan menebarkan rahmat atau kedamaian bagi semua (Rammatan li al-‘Alamîn). Disamping itu, penulis juga sependapat dengan Auda yang berprinsip relativ dan sejajarnya hierarki maqâshid. BIBLIOGRAPHY Arfan, Abbas. (2008). Geneologi Pluralitas Mazhab Dalam Hukum Islam, UIN Malang Press, Malang. ____________(2013).“Maqâshid al-Syarî’ah Sebagai Sumber Hukum Islam: Analisis Terhadap Pemikiran Jasser Auda” dalam Jurnal al-Manahij (Terakriditasi Nasional), Vol. VII, No. 2, Juli 2013. 53al-Syâthibî,
al-Muwâfaqât, jilid 2, hlm. 393-395
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al-Badawî, Yusuf Ahmad Muhammad. (2000). Maqâshid al-Syarî’ah ‘Ind Ibn Taymiyyah, Yordan: Dâr al-Nafâis. al-Bûthî, Muhammad Sa’îd. (1992). Dlawâbith al-Mashlahah fî al-Syarî’ah alIslâmiyyah, Baerut-Lebanon: Muassasah al-Risalah, cet. VI. al-Jâbirî, Mohammad ‘Abid. (2001). Agama Negara dan Penerapan Syari’ah, terjh. Mujiburrahman, Yogyakarta: Fajar Pustaka Baru, cet. I. Ali, Atabik dan A. Zuhdi Muhdlor. (tt.). “Kamus Kontemporer ArabIndonesia”, Yogyakarta: Multi Karya Grafika, Pondok Pesantren Krapyak. al-Munawwar, Said Agil Husin. (2001). “Konsep al-Maslahat dalam Hukum Islam (Suatu Tinjauan sebagai Sumber Hukum Islam)”, dalam DimensiDimensi Kehidupan dalam Perspektif Islam, Malang: Pascasarjana UNISMA. al-Syâthibî, Abû Ishaq. (tt). al-Muwâfaqât fî Ushûl al-Ahkâm, Vol. 2, BaerutLebanon: Dâr al-Fikr. _________________. (2003). al-I’itishâm, Vol. 2. Baerut-Lebanon: Dâr alFikr. Auda, Jasser. (2007). Maqashid al-Shariah as Philoshopy of Islamic Law a Systems Approach, The International Institut of Islamic Thought (IIIT), London-UK. ____________Maqâshid al-Ahkâm al-Syar’iyyah wa ‘Ilaluhâ, makalah dalam www.jasser auda. Net. ____________Madkhal Maqâshidî li al-Ijtihâd, makalah dalam www.jasser auda. Net. ____________Fiqh al-Maqâshid; Inâthat al-Ahkâm al-Syar’iyyah bi Maqâshidihâ, PDF dalam www.jasser auda. Net. Baderin, Mashood A. (2003). International Human Rights and Islamic Law. New York: Oxford University Press. Dahlan, Abdul Aziz. (ed.). (1996). Ensikolopedi Hukum Islam, Jakarta: PT Ikchtiar Baru Van Hoeve, cet. I. Hakiem, Luqman (ed.). (1993). Deklarasi Islam tentang HAM, Surabaya: Risalah Gusti. Ibn ‘Asyûr, Muhammad Thâhir. (2007). Maqâshid al-Syarî’ah al-Islâmiyyah, Cairo-Mesir: Dâr al-Salâm, cet. II. Khalâf, ‘Abd al-Wahhâb. (tt). ‘Ilm Ushûl al-Fiqh, Baerut-Libanon: Dâr alQalam, cet. VIII. Mayer, Ann Elizabeth. (1995). Islam and Human Right: Tradition and Politics, Colorado: Wetsview Press.
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Raisûnî, Ahmad. (1992). Nadhariyyât al-Maqâshid ‘Ind al-Imâm al-Syâthibî, Beirut: al-Muassasah al-Jâmi’iyyah li al-Dirâsât wa al-Nasyr wa alTauzî’. Thayib, Anshari dkk. (ed.). (1997). HAM dan Pluralisme Agama. Surabaya: Pusat Kajian Strategi dan Kebijakan. Umar, Nasaruddin. (1999). Argumen Kesetaraan Gender Perspektif Al-Qur’an, Jakarta: Paramadina. Yusdani. (2000). Peranan Kepentingan Umum Dalam Reaktualisasi Hukum: Kajian Konsep Hukum Islam Najamuddin at-Tufi. Yogyakarta: UII Press.
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Lampiran: Mapping Maqâshid atau Mashlahah MASLAH AT berdasarkan
Tujuan Zaman/Waktu
Tingkat Kebutuhan
Cakupan
Ada/Tidak Syari’at dlm Penetapannya
Ada/Tidak Perubahan Waktu
Dunia ‘Ammah
Akhirat
Ghâlibah
Maqâshid Syarî’ah Khâshah
Dharûriyya h
Tahsîniyyah
Bisa Berub ah
al-Kulliyyât al-Khamsah
Menurut al-Ghazâlî
Bidang
Hâjjiyya h
Mu’amal ah/ Adat
Tidak Bisa Berubah
Mulgh ah
Mujâb ah Mulâ’imah
Ibadah
Sepakat di Tolak
H I F D Z
Sepakat di Terima 1. Dîn 2. Nafs 3. ‘Aql 4. Nasl 5. Mâl
Pengembangan Kontemporer
HA M
Prinsip-prinsip Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) seperti Hak Dasar bagi setiap orang untuk: hidup, diperlakukan adil, dapat pekerjaan dan pendidikan layak, bebas berserikat, persamaan derajat, kebebasan beragama, tanpa diskriminasi atas dasar ras, warna kulit, jenis kelamin, atau agama dan lain-lain.
Menurut al-Syâthibî: 1. Mardûd 2. Maqbûl 3. Maqbûl bi alSyarth (lah alAsl) 4. Tafshîl (lihat tingkat kebutuha n)
Gharîbah (Mursala h)
K H I L A F
THE IMPLEMENTATION OF SHARI’A BYLAWS AND ITS IMPACTS ON INDONESIAN WOMEN Ahmad Fuad Fanani (Lecturer at the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences (FISIP) the State Islamic University (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta; Research Director at MAARIF Institute for Culture and Humanity) Abstract: The formalisation of shari’a law has been the subject of wideranging debate in Indonesia, also internationally. This is because this idea has significant implications, politically and socially, not only for Muslims, but also for women and other followers of other religions who live in Indonesia. Although the majority of Indonesians are Muslims, shari’a law has not been implemented formally in many regions in Indonesia. However, since the fall of President Soeharto and the New Order in 1998, Indonesia has transitioned from an authoritarian regime to a democracy and undergone decentralization. Since that time, local governments have used their authority to create regional religious regulations (shari’a bylaws) that regulate religious norms (Crouch, 2009: 53). Many regional authorities and proponents of shari’a bylaws use the Reformasi era to formalize shari’a Islam at the state level. Besides that, Islamist groups in Indonesia also use the Reformasi era to struggle for ‘anti-pornography’ bill which had been passed on 30 October 2008 (Lee, 2009: 243). Some analysts argue that the implementation of shari’a bylaws reflects on the fact that the majority of the Indonesian population needs morality and public order which will be beneficial for improving their lives. However, others rebut this argument by pointing to the fact that the enactment of shari’a laws will discriminate and trigger violence against women. This paper will examine the implementation of shari’a bylaws and its impacts on Indonesian women. I will argue that the implementation of shari’a laws have negative impacts on Indonesian women. This paper consists of three parts. The first part examines the background of the emergence of shari’a bylaws. The second part assesses impacts of shari’a bylaws on Indonesian women. The third part reveals women’s responses toward the implementation of shari’a bylaws.
Introduction The formalisation of shari’a law has been the subject of wideranging debate in Indonesia, also internationally. This is because this idea has significant implications, politically and socially, not only for Muslims, but also for women and other followers of other religions who live in Indonesia. Although the majority of Indonesians are Muslims, shari’a law has not been implemented formally in many regions in Indonesia. However, since the fall of President Soeharto and the New Order in 1998, Indonesia has transitioned from an authoritarian regime to a democracy and undergone decentralization. Since that time, local governments have used
~ 790 ~
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 791
their authority to create regional religious regulations (shari’a bylaws) that regulate religious norms (Crouch, 2009: 53). Many regional authorities and proponents of shari’a bylaws use the Reformasi era to formalize shari’a Islam at the state level. Besides that, Islamist groups in Indonesia also use the Reformasi era to struggle for ‘anti-pornography’ bill which had been passed on 30 October 2008 (Lee, 2009: 243) It is important to note that there are 78 shari’a bylaws which have already been ratified by regional authorities. And more than 52 cities and regencies have applied these regulations at the regional level (Bush, 2008: 176). In general, these shari’a bylaws are concerned with three broad sets of issues: firstly, public order and social problems such as prostitution, consumption of alcohol and gambling. Secondly, religious skills and obligations, such as reading the Qur’an, paying zakat (alms or religious tax), and attending Friday prayers. Thirdly, religious symbolism, such as the wearing of Muslim clothing for women (Salim, 2007: 126). As Robin Bush writes, these shari’a bylaws attract significant attention from politicians, public figures, and intellectuals. This is because they raise a number of issues, including constitutional issues, discrimination (many of women and non Muslim felt threatened about shari’a bylaws), and governance (Bush, 2008: 175). Some analysts argue that the implementation of shari’a bylaws reflects on the fact that the majority of the Indonesian population needs morality and public order which will be beneficial for improving their lives. However, others rebut this argument by pointing to the fact that the enactment of shari’a laws will discriminate and trigger violence against women. This paper will examine the implementation of shari’a bylaws and its impacts on Indonesian women. I will argue that the implementation of shari’a laws have negative impacts on Indonesian women. This paper consists of three parts. The first part examines the background of the emergence of shari’a bylaws. The second part assesses impacts of shari’a bylaws on Indonesian women. The third part reveals women’s responses toward the implementation of shari’a bylaws. The background of the emergence of Shari’a bylaws The process of democratization and regional autonomy which has taken place since the fall of the Soeharto regime has had positive and negative effects for Indonesia. The fall of Soeharto opened many opportunities for Indonesia to reform its political system to be more democratic. The event also rebalanced the power of the central government, which often treated regions as a government branch with no real authority. On the one hand, regulating decentralization through regional autonomy made the government more effective, efficient, and democratic. On the other hand, the creation and implementation of ‘Islamic
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Shari’a’ regional bylaws (Perda Syariah Islam) in many regions has been one of the 'negative effects' in the country which constitutionally declares itself as a religiously neutral state. This can be seen as an example of Islamic radical groups in Indonesia using democratic processes for an undemocratic purpose. In this respect, the regional religious regulations or shari’a bylaws actually emerged as a response to the regional autonomy law which was passed in 1999. Under this new regulation, local governments at the district level have authority to issue their own regulations. And the central government cannot intervene in local administration (Assyaukanie, 2007: 1). In fact, regional autonomy may succeed if it can achieve two outcomes. Firstly, its implementation is followed seriously by improving the government’s bureaucracy. This is important to emphasize government services. Secondly, regional autonomy should create a governance finance that is oriented for people needs (Mulia, 2006: 23). The enactment of the Decentralized Law in January 2001 represents a fundamental change in the relationship between and position of the central and local governments. But there are many weaknesses in its implementation. This is because the law itself does not make clear how it should be implemented, leaving the relationship between central government and the regions ambiguous. Besides that, the Decentralization Law was labeled as contradictory, inadequate, and flawed (Crouch, 2009: 55-56). Another weakness was that the central government only provided for relatively few checks and balances relevant to the passing of shari’a bylaws. The enormous power which was given by the central government to local authorities has gone too far, leaving room for the creation of unimportant laws. Ironically, some of the regulations from regions are about religious matters which are actually still under control of central government. Due to the laziness of the central government to properly address this issue, these laws continue to operate (Crouch, 2009: 56). The emergence of shari’a bylaws in many Indonesian regions can also be seen as a new form of the shari’a Islam movement in Indonesia. This kind of movement emerged after the failure of the formalization of shari’a Islam at a national level. In 2002, the struggle of the implementation of shari’a Islam at the central level has experienced a considerable setback. During deliberations on the process of amending the 1945 constitution, the People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) rejected a proposal to insert the Jakarta Charter into the Constitution. The Jakarta Charter is an old constitutional amendment which recognised the obligation of Muslims to implement the shari’a in the country. The main factor behind this failure was a lack of supporters from mainstream political parties. There were only two small Islamic parties (the United Development Party and the Crescent Star Party) which supported the proposal. In contrast, the nationalist parties in parliament and major Islamic organizations such as Nahdhatul
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 793
Ulama’ (NU) and Muhammadiyah opposed idea (Assyaukanie, 2007: 1). As a result, there is little prospect Shariah Islam could ever be formalised at the state level. It is important to note that though the struggle of the formalization of shari’a Islam in national level ended in failure, the proponents of shari’a Islam still carry on with their cause. In fact, they use local (provincial and district) parliaments, along with the introduction of autonomy packages and direct elections as the strategic way to formalize shari’a Islam. This has resulted in the enactment of shari’a bylaws (Perda syari’ah) in dozens of provinces and districts throughout Indonesia (Hasan, 2009: 40). Some national magazines in Indonesia such as Gatra and Tempo reported that the supporters of shari’a are pursuing a strategy of controlling districts before spreading shari’a to provincial and national levels. This strategy is described as “from village to city” and promoting shari’a through the slow lane (Hara, 2010: 47-48). Clearly, the struggle to formalize shari’a Islam remains alive. Moreover, the implementation of shari’a Islam in Aceh has encouraged other regions in Indonesia to follow this success. After the central government allowed Aceh to implement shari’a through a special autonomy law, other regions began to imitate Aceh by introducing regional regulations (perda), decrees (keputusan), instructions (instruksi), and circulars (surat edaran). And all of these laws contained Islamic injunctions (Salim, 2007: 126). In this regard, it is widely known that Aceh has been the pivotal inspiration and pioneer of the implementation of the shari’a bylaws in Indonesia. Advocates of shari’a sought to imitate Aceh’s example and insisted that the central government give them the same opportunity (Hasan, 2009: 43). Although the social, political and historical background of Aceh in implementing shari’a bylaws is certainly different from other regions, advocates of shari’a Islam thought that they deserved to have the same rights as Aceh. The Impacts of Shari’a Bylaws on Women It has been asserted by the proponents of shari’a bylaws that the formalizing of shari’a Islam has produced positive impacts, including increased security, increased charitable contributions, donations and gifts, and improved levels of religious piety (Kamil, 2009: 135). However, as Moeslim Abdurrahman has said (Abdurrahman, 2001), when a shari’a bylaw is imposed, women, non-Muslims, and the poor will become the first victims of this regulation. This is because they have to follow a rigid interpretation of religious tenets which do not favor women and nonMuslims. The proponents of shari’a bylaws mostly favor a patriarchal perspective which places Muslims as the first priority and ignoring the existence of non-Muslims. As a result, the willingness of religious majority
794 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
to impose the shari’a bylaws on all Indonesians will negatively affect the rights of women. In this regard, gender activists actually have been criticizing on the negative effects of power devolution which was represented by the nation’s regional autonomy laws. They state that this new model of power will formalize traditional gender-biased attitudes towards women. The huge number of shari’a bylaws which discriminate women will then prove this prediction. These shari’a bylaws are commonly found in the provinces of Aceh, West Java, South Sulawesi, and West Sumatra. Such regulations typically oblige public servants and school children to wear Islamic dress; regulate restrictions on women’s activities after dark unless accompanied by the husband or a male relative (mahram); allow the arbitrary arrest of any women who are suspected of sex engagement at work (White & Anshor, 2008: 151). Besides that, nowadays we can see elements of shari’a which have penetrated other regional bylaws extensively. For example, in Pamekasan (East Java) women are required to wear the jilbab (veil) in public places such as schools and offices. In Gorontalo (North Sulawesi), women are not allowed to walk alone at midnight, and in Tangerang (Banten) women can be arrested because of suspicion of practicing prostitution if they are found in public places at night (Budiman, 2008: 78). These conditions clearly reverse social and political rights which were gained by women in the past decades. This is because women in Indonesia have actually made some success progress movements to enhance their rights and freedoms. Hence, shari’a bylaws certainly have the potential to proliferate the notion of gender’s discrimination. Instead of protecting women’s rights and implementing gender equality, many of the local leaders in Indonesia prefer to copy-paste shari’a bylaws from other regions which are inspired by fundamental-scriptural interpretation of religion. In this regard, National Commission on Violence against Women (KOMNAS Perempuan) has reported that there are around 48 shari’a bylaws which focus on regulating women. These shari’a bylaws are mainly about: (1) regulations of how women should dress up in public places and (2) regulations of how women should behave in public that includes the banning of women to enter the public places after 10:00 pm (Candraningrum, 2007: 298). Regulation of Kabupaten Bulukumba (South Sulawesi), for example, No. 04/2005 about Muslimah uniform which certainly discriminates against women. This is because it will limit the freedom of women to express their civil liberty. Another negative impact of such regulation for women is it will endanger their jobs if they refuse to obey the rule (Candraningrum, 2007: 298-299). It should be noted that women become the main target of shari’a bylaws in the regions which implement these regulations. This is because, within these laws, women are required to be responsible of the nation
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morality. In fact, religion is often used to allow restriction and segregation of women from public spaces (Candraningrum, 2007: 295). In 2005, there were many cases occurred in the implementation of shari’a bylaws which were against women because of ‘acts of indecency and immorality’ and contravention of using the veil. Besides that, some regions also regulated shari’a bylaws that restricted women activities in public places at night with the reason of protecting public morality (Blackburn, 2008: 98-99). Interestingly, the research which was conducted by the Women Research Institute in 2005 concluded that women’s rights were widely violated by shari’a bylaws. This is because women’s political agency has been restricted; conservative dress code has been forced; and the definition of prostitution has been monopolized by the rulers who are dominated by men. As a result, most shari’a bylaws try to marginalise women from the public spheres and bring them to domestic spheres (Wieringa, 2006: 4). In this respect, research on “The implementation of Shari’a Islam in regional autonomy era: its implications toward civil rights, women rights, and non-Muslim rights” that was conducted by CRCS (Center for the Study of Religion and Culture) UIN Jakarta (Kamil et al., 2007: 182-183) also provides a useful insight into the reach and impact of shari’a bylaws. CRCS studied six regions of shari’a bylaws that caused discrimination towards women rights. This research revealed that there were 17 % of the respondents who had ever imposed to wear the veil. While, 11,7 % of the respondents had heard about women who were harassed by cutting their hair because they were found not to wear the veil. This practice of harassment certainly contravened with the civil rights which should be implemented equally for all citizens. It also imposed the rigid interpretation of Islam which did not respect people with different opinions about wearing the veil. Furthermore, it should be underlined that the formalisation of shari’a bylaws in governing local administrations is only regulated in an artificial way. This is because the drafting process of shari’ah bylaws was often monopolized by fundamentalist groups which were only imposing religious sentiment rather than imposing the more substantial teaching of Islam such as combating authoritarianism and protecting women rights (Mulia, 2006: 44-45). The prevailing feature of shari’a bylaws that can be taken as one example is the obligation for women to wear the veil in public spaces. Instead of giving protection for women, the obligation often prefers to use the violence approach in implementing this law. For example, the act of harassing women such as pulling and cutting their hair is often experienced by women who are unveiled. Therefore, Aceh’s local administration has obliged the moral police to ensure that women are wearing proper Muslim dress. In addition, these officers are responsible to deal with other social ills. The local government also claims that veiling women and banning them from going out of their houses at night are
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serious attempts to curtail prostitution and zina (promiscuity) (Dzuhayatin, 2008: 53). Similarly, some people in Bulukumba and Cianjur districts state that the implementation of shari’a bylaws is only a symbol to show that the district is a religious area and is in good moral health. It is also a local government strategy to look like working seriously and to avoid solving serious problems such as corruption and poverty (Rifah, 2009: 96). By considering the real fact, it can be said that the claim of local governments to protect women’s rights is actually only a political movement which is difficult to believe. Therefore, it is not a surprise that women in Aceh become objects of formalistic policies which are apparent in shari’a bylaws by regulating women’s dresses. We can see that there is a ‘jilbab zone’ area in Aceh which is located in the radius of Baiturrahman mosque in Banda Aceh. Although out of the ‘jilbab zone’ the enforcement of shari’a bylaws is less rigid, social pressure for women in other areas has has grown bigger. As a result, in the name of shari’a bylaws, most women in Aceh have been imposed with more restrictions and regulations which violate their rights (Munir, 2003: 11). Actually many people in Aceh are disappointed with the application of shari’a bylaws because it does not touch the real problem of Aceh. Indeed, various social problems faced by the Acehnese such as security, poverty, injustices, violence against women, etc have been ignored by the local government. Then, the political dimension of shari’a bylaws in Aceh which is dealing more with physical symbol and identities is too obvious. Consequently, Aceh people only gain politicization, symbolization, and control over women from shari’a bylaws policy (Munir, 2005: 3). Their hope of justice and the end of violence among women which have occurred in long periods then cause disappointed feeling. In the same manner, the regency of Temanggung, Central Java, has recently issued that the proper dress for women is one of important indicators of achieving good governance. As a consequence, all Muslim women in that area should adopt Muslim dress in government offices while non-Muslim women should be as covered as Muslim women. The tendency of using the veil as ‘the public face’ is prevailing in many regencies and provinces as a result of the emergence of the enactment of shari’a bylaws. However, the regulation of women’s dresses in practice often contradicts with the virtue of personal choice. Many NGO and Islamic women leaders in Indonesia have actually been strongly opposed to this regulation (Dzuhayatin, 2008: 53). This is because, as witnessed elsewhere, the veil issue has been largely used antagonistically to discriminate those who refuse to obey. If people have been forced to wear the veil although they are non Muslims, it also contravenes with the human rights. It is important to note that there are several shari’a bylaws that rule the limitation of women’s access to economic, social, and educational
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activities after 10:00 pm. This regulation has been seen as violating working women’s rights and restricted women’s oppurtunies in enhancing their capabilities. According to Dewi Candraningrum (2007, 300), the examples of these shari’a bylaws are: (1). District Regulation Sumatera Barat No. 11 Tahun 2001 about reducing and eradicating social illness; (2) Regulation City of Gresik No 7 Tahun 2002 about banning prostitution; (3) Regulation District Tangerang No. 8 Tahun 2005 about banning prostitution. Indeed, these sharia bylaws that deny women economic rights seem to be the setback of the socio-cultural construction. By issuing these shari’a bylaws, men will become the sole breadwinner of the family and the control of women interests. In addition, perda on Social Ills in Sumatra Barat, which contains an article about banning women from going out at night, implicitly associates women activities at night with prostitution. In fact, prostitution will not take place without men’s participation. Hence, this shari’a bylaw is certainly a setback in women’s struggle for freedom and equal status. This regulation is also very strange because women in West Sumatra had been actively engaged in public spheres and now they are domesticated in the name of shari’a bylaws (Munir, 2003: 6). Perda of Gorontalo 10/2003 on Solving Social Problems takes a similar approach. This perda restricts women from going outside alone between 12.00 am and 4.00 am. They can walk outside if a male relative accompany them. Thus, the shari’a bylaws have actually been felt negatively by vulnerable groups such as women because these rules indirectly trigger violence against women (Crouch, 2009: 81-82). These shari’a bylaws also place women as subjects which can be controlled by men. As a result, women lose their freedom and are more dependent to men for doing their activities at nights. These shari’a bylaws have ignored women who live alone without husband or relative that are also commonly seen in Indonesia. Meanwhile, the case of Lilis Lindawati from Tangerang who became the victim of the implementation of shari’a bylaws should be discussed here to fully understand the impact of shari’ah bylaws on women. Tangerang’s Local Regulation on the Prohibition of Prostitution No. 8/2005 asserts that police have an authority to arrest any women in public places whose attitudes seem suspicious that they are sex workers. Then, Lilis Lindawati was accused of practicing prostitution and jailed for three days. Other women unaccompanied at night had also been arrested and accused of practicing prostitution. Responding to this case, women’s activists in Indonesia argue that the shari’a bylaws not only harm women, but also have specially chosen women as their target. In fact, these laws also discriminate and oppress women as well as legalize violence against women (Andren, 2007: 67-68).
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As Arskal Salim stated (2008: 22-23), arresting of women in Tangerang who were accused of practicing prostitution actually resulted in two serious problems. Firstly, the shari’a bylaws have widened afraid and worried feeling for women who conduct activities outside their homes, especially at night times. Thus, these laws have blocked the rights of people, especially women, to apply for a job. Secondly, instead of protecting citizen’s rights, the Tangerang government has issued injustice policy by accusing women as sex workers without valid proof. Tangerang’s case has taken greater attention from national and international audiences because the local government regulated injustice rules which stimulate against women. Violence against women, as the impact of the enactment of shari’a bylaws, not only occurs in Tangerang and Aceh, but also occurs in other regions which implement shari’a bylaws. Erwin Nur Rifah research about contesting women’s security and Perda Syariah which have been applied in Cianjur and Bulukumba confirm this argument (Rifah, 2009: 97-98). In both areas, the implementation of shari’a bylaws does not improve power relations between men and women. In contrast, most government policies were made by men and ignored women’s participation. As a result, all of the government policies have never given any room for women to be active and participate in the public spaces. The local government also made cooperation with militants or fundamentalist religious groups to ensure that women wear the jilbab (veil). In fact, the government engaged society to give a social sanction against women who do not wear the veil. Hence, women who do not wear Muslim dresses received two sanctions, formal sanction from the government and social sanction from the society. Syamsurijal Ad’han’s research about the implementation of shari’ah bylaws in Bulukumba also proved that these laws gave direct negative impact for women (Ad’han, 2008: 67-69). In Bulukumba, some women have faced serious obstacles to participate in public spheres and cannot get public services. Women who do not wear Muslim clothes will not be served by the local government, but men are excluded from this regulation. The application of shari’a bylaws in Bulukumba not only discriminates women, but also triggers psychological impact for women because some of them often feel afraid of the laws. The above examples clearly show that the shari’a bylaws are applied to discriminate women directly and indirectly. As Siti Musdah Mulia expresses (in White & Anshor, 2008: 151), the shari’a bylaws contain many negative implications toward women and gender equality in Indonesia. This is because these laws strengthen the subordination of women, limit their rights to choose their model of dress, limit their room to be active and mobile, and limit their activities at night. She also saw that shari’a bylaws only hinder women’s rights because its interpretation is based on gender insensitive (Mulia, 2006: 5). In this context, these ideas are
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very important for women to have the equal rights as similar as men. This notion should be struggled by men and women as the consequence of the equal rights of all citizens which was clearly declared in the Indonesian Constitution. Therefore, the enactment of shari’a bylaws in Indonesia actually ignores the existence of women who shall have equal rights as other Indonesian citizens. Women’s Responses toward Shari’a Bylwas As demonstrated above, shari’a bylaws do not give any benefits for women, but only hinder women’s rights and discriminate them. In this regards, several women’s NGO leaders in Indonesia protested shari’a bylaws because of its negative impacts for women. Also, these leaders opposed the laws because the regulations have violated the higher laws. According to Dewi Candraningrum (2008: 302) these higher laws are: (1) CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of the Discrimination against Women Rights) which is ratified in Indonesia in Undang-Undang No. 7 Tahun 1984; (2) International Convention on Civil and Political Rights which is ratified in Undang-Undang No. 12 Tahun 2005; (3) Undangundang Hak Asasi Manusia (Human Rights Law) No 39 Tahun 1999; (4) International Convention on Economic, Social, Cultural Rights which is ratified in Undang-Undang No. 11 Tahun 2005. The last law clearly mentions that the state must protect workers rights, family rights, health rights and an adequate standard of living, educational rights and cultural rights Moreover, the Indonesian Constitution recognises the equality among citizens without looking at their religion, ethnic, and gender background. Thus, it can be concluded that the shari’a bylaws which often discriminate women, clearly contravene Indonesian’s Constitution (Hara, 2010: 39). Furthermore, many women activists in Indonesia have actually done important strategy to employ legal means to seek the revision of shari’a bylaws. National Commission on Violence against Women (KOMNAS Perempuan) is working on a network with other groups in order to push for judicial review of shari’a bylaws which regulate women’s body, behavior and mobility (Andren, 2007: 69). Although they had proved facts that shari’a bylaws were contravened with the higher laws, the Supreme Court handed down its decision and declined to review the shari’a bylaws in April 2007. For them, these laws had fulfilled the correct legal and political criteria (White & Anshor, 2008: 152). While women activists efforts to review shari’a bylaws was failed, they continued to struggle for reviewing shari’a bylaws by rallying and coordinating women groups in many areas. The successful effort of the collaboration of women’s movement which was lead by LBH-APIK and KPI to combat shari’a bylaws in Minangkabau-West Sumatra can be taken as a good example for other movements. Both of organizations campaigned that the draft 2001 shari’a
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bylaws of Minangkabau discriminate women and violated CEDAW and the constitution (Wieringa, 2006: 7; Andren, 2007: 70). Besides that, they also used public campaign to educate women about the negative impacts of shari’a bylaws through seminars, workshops, public discussions, mass media, etc. According to Dewi Candraningrum (2006: 10-11), shari’a education and gender mainstreaming have to be done to prevent the future regulations which can enhance women rights and not merely deteriorate women’s rights. Furthermore, both actions are important for preventing the upcoming of the new regulation which has similarity with shari’a bylaws. Therefore, further assistance on the gendersensitive formulations and gender equality shall be proceeded and supported not only by women, but also by all Indonesian people. It is important to note that many shari’a bylaws reflect a narrow, text-based and traditional interpretation of shari’a. As a consequence, women, religious minorities and other Muslims groups which have different opinions from the hard-line Islamic groups often become the victims of such interpretation. The formalisation of shari’a Islam through bylaws only represents shari’a name only, without applying shari’a’s substantive meaning. In fact, the substantive meaning of shari’a Islam is to encourage peace, justice, humanity, wisdom, and prosperity (Ad’han, 2008: 70-71). Therefore, many Muslim progressive activists and women activist encourage Muslims to consider the substantive approach to shari’a that enhances women rights and gender equality. Muslims shall also show that shari’a does not necessarily cause political chaos or conflict that will harm women, religious minorities and society. Conclusion This paper has discussed the implementation of shari’a bylaws and its impacts on Indonesian women. It has suggested that shari’a bylaws represent an old agenda which reemerges during the regional autonomy era. The regional autonomy agenda which was intended to increase the effectiveness and efficiency of bureaucracy has often been misused by local leaders to create shari’a bylaws. The enactment of shari’a bylaws also represents a renewed attempt by advocating shari’a Islam to introduce shari’a by stealth at the regional level, after their failure to do so through open democratic processes at the national level. The introduction of such bylaws has many negative impacts on Indonesian women. This is because many of them became the main target as well as the victims of these laws. Shari’a bylaws have caused violence against women because they force women to wear Muslim dresses, to restrict their activities at nights, not to gain public services. Ironically, in some regions, under shari’a bylaws women are often accused of comitting prostitution because of their activities at nights. Besides that, shari’a bylaws have also resulted in hindering women rights to participate
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in public places. Consequently, women lose their rights to work, to activate, to express, and to gain education. By considering these facts, it can be said that the struggle of gender equality in Indonesia seems to be set back from pervious times. Therefore, women activists in Indonesia continue the agenda of reviewing shari’a bylaws and enhancing women rights by educating people through many ways. At the same time, they also encourage Muslims to consider the true meaning and substance of shari’a which enhance women rights and support gender equality. Bibliography Abdurrahman, M., ‘Korban Pertama dari Penerapan Syariat adalah Perempuan (the first victim of the application of Shari’a bylaws is women), www.islamlib.com, 16/9/2001, consulted 8 July 2011. Ad’han, S., ‘Indah Kabar dari Rupa: Nasib Perempuan di balik Tabir Syariat Islam di Bulukumba’ (Wonderful news of the arts: the fate of women behind the Islamic Shari’a in Bulukumba), Jurnal Perempuan, no. 60, Jakarta, September 2008, pp. 61-73. Andren, K., ‘Prostitution, Pornography, and Islamic Law: Women’s NGO Confronting Islamic Conservatism in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia’, Honours Thesis, Submitted at Discipline of Government and International Relations, The University of Sydney, 2007. Assyaukanie, L., ‘The Rise of Religious Bylaws in Indonesia’, RSIS Commentaries, (22/2007). Budiman, M., ‘Treading the Path of the Shari’a: Indonesian Feminism at the Crossroads of Western Modernity and Islamism’, Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities, vol. 1, 2008, pp. 79-93. Blackburn, S., ‘Indonesian women and political Islam’, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 39, no. 1, February 2008, pp. 83-105. Bush, R., ‘Regional Sharia Regulations in Indonesia: Anomaly or Sympton?’, in G. Fealy and S. White (eds.), Expressing Islam: Religious Life and Politics in Indonesia, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, 2008, pp. 174-191. Candraningrum, D., ‘Unquestioned Gender Lens in Contemporary Indonesian Shari’a-Ordinances (Perda Syari’ah), Al-Jami’ah, vol. 45, no. 2, 2007, pp. 289-320. Candraningrum, D., ‘Perda Sharia and the Indonesian Women’s Critical Perspectives, a working-paper presented at the conference on ‘Perda Sharia (New Arbitrary against Women in Indonesia: Perda Shari’a and Women’s Rights)’, held by SOAI (Seudostasien
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Informationsstelle, Asienhaus) and MATA Asien, 11 November 2006, in Blick, at Berseemuseum Bremen, Germany, pp. 1-12. Crouch, M., ‘Religious regulations in Indonesia: failing vulnerable groups’, Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, vol. 43, no. 2, 2009, pp. 53103. Dzuhayatin, S.R., ‘Islamic Identity: A Women’s Perspective’, in F. Fianto et al. (eds.), Islam & Universal Values: Islam’s Contribution to the Construction of a Pluralistic World, International Center for Islam and Pluralism, Jakarta, 2008, pp. 49-54. Hara, A.E., ’Pancasila and the Perda Syari’ah Debates in the Post-Suharto Era: Toward a New Political Consensus, in O. Atsushi et al. (eds), Islam In Contention: Rethinking Islam and State in Indonesia, The Wahid Institute, Indonesia – CSEAS, Japan – CAPAS, Taiwan, 2010, pp. 3575. Hasan, N., ‘Islamic Militancy, Shari’a Bylwas, and Democratic Consolidation in Post-Suharto Indonesia, KULTUR: The Indonesian Journal for Muslim Cultures, vol. 4, no. 2, 2009, pp. 33-61. Kamil, S., ‘Progressive Shari’a Perspectives of Non-Muslim Minority Rights’, KULTUR: The Indonesian Journal for Muslim Cultures, vol. 4, no. 2, 2009, pp. 133-157. Kamil, S., et al., Syariah Islam dan HAM: Dampak Perda Syariah terhadap Kebebasan Sipil, Hak-hak Perempuan, dan Non-Muslim (The implementation of Shari’a Islam in regional autonomy era: its implications toward civil rights, women rights, and non-Muslim rights), CRCS UIN Jakarta & KAS Jakarta, Jakarta, 2007. Lee, J.C.H., ‘Mobilizing for Social Change in Muslim Societies Amidst Political Turmoil and Conservatism’, Development, vol. 52, no. 2, 2009, pp. 239-245. Mulia, S.M., ‘Perda Syariat and Peminggiran Perempuan’ (The Marginalization of Women within Sharia Regulations), Tashwirul Afkar, no. 20, 2006, pp. 21-44 Mulia, S.M., Islam and Violence against Women (Promoting Gender Equality in Indonesia), Institute of Religious and Gender Studies, Jakarta, 2006. Munir, L.Z., ‘Islamic Fundamentalism and its Impact on Women’, Paper presented in the Association of Asian Studies (AAS) Forum, 27-30 March 2003, New York, pp. 1-9. Munir, L.Z., ‘Sharia and Justice for Women’, Paper presented on ‘Gender and Islam in Southeast Asia’ to be held at Passau University, 29 September-30 October 2005, Germany, pp. 1-5. Munir, L.Z., ‘Islam, Gender, and Formal Shari’a in Indonesia’, Unpublished
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Article, 2003 www.lfip.org, consulted 9 July 2011 Salim, A., ‘Muslim Politics in Indonesia’s Democratisation: The Religious Majority and the Rights of Minorities in the Post-New Order Era’, in R.H. McLeod and A. MacIntyre (eds.), Indonesia: Democracy and the Promise of Good Governance, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, 2007, pp. 35-75. Salim, A., ‘Perda Berbasis Agama dan Perlindungan Konstitusional Penegakan HAM’ (Religion-based regulation and Constitutional protection of human rights protection), Jurnal Perempuan, no. 60, Jakarta, September 2008, pp. 7-29. Rif’ah, E.N., ‘Contesting Women’s Security and Perda Syariah: Have Indonesia’s Perda Syari’ahs Enhanced Women’s Security?’, KULTUR: The Indonesian Journal for Muslim Cultures, vol. 4, no. 2, 2009, pp. 87113. Wieringa, S.E., ‘Islamization in Indonesia: Women Activists’ Discourses’, Signs, vol. 32, no. 1, Autumn 2006, pp. 1-8. White, S., and Anshor, M.U., ‘Islam and Gender in Contemporary Indonesia: Public Discourses on Duties, Rights and Morality, in G. Fealy and S. White (eds.), Expressing Islam: Religious Life and Politics in Indonesia, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, 2008, pp. 137-158.
MANUSCRIPTS AND ACCULTURATION OF SYARIAH VALUES IN INDONESIAN ISLAMIC CIVILIZATION (A STUDY ON FIKIH MANUSCRIPT IN LOMBOK) Lalu Muhammad Ariadi Abstract: The syncronization of syariah values with socio-cultural domains in the world is marked with the increasing numbers of syariah textual works (writings) in manuscripts, not only on the palm leaves, but also on animal’s leathers and piece of papers. It was through these mediums that syariah values spread out to the world as a constructive and peace views, and one amongst where humanistic values has spread is Indonesia. In Indonesia, the scripts which had been used to write Islamic texts were Java and Kawi. Java scripts was the result acculturation between Arabic and Malay scripts. Meanwhile, Kawi was a mixture of Sansekerta and Javanese scripts. One of several regions which was influenced by these two kinds of scripts is Lombok, the province of West Nusa Tenggara. Being a region in which many manuscripts of these scripts are found, Lombok preserve treasures of manuscripts with distinctive characteristics from those in any other areas. One of the obvious characteristics is on the contents of the manuscripts which mostly cover about the ethics, tolerance, and, at the same time, the symbolization of Justice in Fikih as the way to view syariah values. These manuscripts in turn has succesfully constructed a culture which is cohering to a great extand with many syariah values in it. This culture is called “Berajah Jari Manusia (Learn to Be a Man)” Key words: Syariah, Art, Manuscript, Jawi, Kawi, Lombok.
Preface One of several developments in which has been simultanously affected the acculturation process of syariah values in Indonesia archipelagoes since long is “literature within manuscripts.” The literature, in several ways including trading amongst islands in these archipelagoes has arisen unique patterns of syariah practices and peace culture within the people who lived on the islands. Of the patterns is that linked to the way they think of culture, their daily proverbs, how they tell their ancestors’ stories, language dialects, as well as the use of language terms. Examples showing this can be seen in the way how Melayu Loloan of Bali, Papuan Malay people, and Sasaknese of Lombok internalized affection, tolerance, and appreciation on syariah to others. Melayu Loloan people have been known as Balinese Moeslems who have reflected the views of “to be Malay means being better people” and the tradition of “to sit together” in an endeavor to solve problems. Papuan Malay people have customs of greeting (as an expression of hospitality) and visiting each other regardless of
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other’s etncity, race, and relgion. The same applies to Sasaknese people of Lombok island who have tradition of “betulung” (offering some helps to others without being asked) and a tenet of “preserving togetherness” which is reflected in the “Awig-Awig Pinajaran Sasak”.1 In addition to its role in safeguarding syariah values, literature within manuscrips has also been the pivotal medium in disseminating tenets of peace amongst various religions in the archipelago, particularly Bhuddists, Hindu, and Islam. In the era of Buddha and Hindu, for example, manuscpripts written in Sansekerta dan Kawi skripts promoted the emergance of common civilization between Budha, Hindu, and Islam in Indonesia. This idea is clearly indicated by the abundance of Mosque which originated from Buddhist and Hinduism “temples” (Candi). This is also strengthened by manuscripts compositing theachings of both Buddha and Hindu with theacing of Islam. When Islam came, these patterns, -especially those relating to manuscripts of life-based texts- were used by preachers to spread out Islam on the basis of socio-cultural phenomena. It is thus not surprising that Kawi scripts are still used for noting down Islamic teachings through texts, as they are closely linked to the synthesized scripts of Arabic and Malay in the archipelago. This kind of a blended script has been known by preachers and a wide scope of Muslim in the archipelago as Jawi script. Historically, Jawi script which spreaded in the archipelago diffused with local languages and formed new dialects and unique patterns of syariah understanding on culture. These dialects, however they diverse, are still rooted to the dialect of the Malay people. The same runs in the way how they percieved about God, human being, and nature. According to Collins, there are tens of diverse Malay dialects which have spread out in the archipelago, from the Western part of Sumatera to the coastal area of Papua, and from Thai to Cocos Keeling island in the south ocean. The emergance of sixty dialects of Malay language becomes proof of the exelence of Malay people as the pioneer of culture, trade, and also technology in the archipelago. These dialects came together with the immigrants who came from Sumatera; also through the firm trading contact in the time of Sriwijaya kingdom.2 In the meantime, various teachings of peace-building which then labelled with Islam, together with the texts of Arabic-Malay script which is called Jawi, found their access to several etnic groups which already affected by the Malay language. In Gorontalo, for example, the Arabic1More details about the development of Malay language in Loloan Bali, see I Nyoman Suparwa, Akomodasi Bahasa Loloan Bali dalam Dinamika Masyarakat Kultural: Kajian Adaptasi Fonologi dari bahasa Lingkungannya, in Jurnal Dinamika Kebudayaan, Vol. XI No. 1 2009. 2J.T. Collins, Khazanah Dialek Melayu (Bangi: University Kebangsaan Malaysia, 1996), 13-4.
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Malay script formed a unique language and religious system of relation, between Gorontalo language and Malay language, as shown in the text of Me’eraji Li Nabi Muhammad. In Bima, Arabic-Malay text of Bima Kingdom poetry engendered Bimanese traditions which are strongly affiliated to Islam, such as the use of Rimbu tradition as an expression of protection upon women.3 For the Sasaknese on Lombok, the Malay traditions have been acculturated from the relation between learning process of writing in Arabic-Malay script and the relation harmonization amongst God, human, and nature as shown in the “Metu Telu” and “Berajah Jari Manusia”.4 Texts in Jawi scripts, such as al-Tuhfah al-Mursalah ila Ruh an-Nabi, Bayān al-Tasdīq, Insān Kāmil, Fath al-Rahmān, Ma‘rifat al-Jabbar, Tarekat Imām Abū Hasan, Samarqandī, Qishash al-AnbiyCā, and Saīr as-Salikin, before they were copied, were learned and comprehended through what is called now as behikayat. These manuscripts succeded in either unifying teachings of “tarekat” and “fiqh” or forming principles of culture regarding tollerance. In addition, within the Kawi texts such as Serat Rengganis, Wayang Menak, Jati Suara, Jati Rasa, Manusia Jati, and others, the tradition of Bewacan created the narration as what can be found in Hikayat Orang Melayu (The Malay People’s Dictions) and, the importance of togetherness in Awig Awig Pinajaran Sasak is correlated.5 On the basis of these relations, particularly that relating to the teachings of peace-building according to manuscripts, description and deep analysis on text/manuscript making which is linked to the acculturization of syariah values become both intellectual and cultural necessity. A. The History of Syariah Texts Development in Lombok Historically, the arrival as well as the development of various kinds of religion texts in Lombok are closely related to the development of religions in the archipelago, i.e. pre-Islam religions, such as Buddhism, Hinduism, and Islam itself. To classify them, these religio-texts are devided into two: first those which came prior to the coming of Islam and, second, those after Islam. The first is like Negara Kertagama which was written by Empu Prapanca during the empire of Majapahit. The second is religion texts such as al-Tuhfah al-Mursalah ila Ruh an-Nabi which was written by al-Burhanpuri.6 s Rimbu is a traditional clothing for women in Bima. It’s looks like the Hijab in Arab. In addition to functioning as a costume covering the body, Rimbu also is a cultural marker in Bima. 4 Metu Telu and Berajah Jari Manusia is a concept that aims to construct the syariah values in Lombok. 5The pattern of narration in Tale of Malays is not just about the stories that developed within the society and the story of palace life, but also the meanings of life itself. 6Azyumardi Azra, Jaringan Ulama Timur Tengah dan Kepulauan Nusantara Abad XVII & XVIII (Jakarta: Kencana, 205), 120-2
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 807
In the past time, the writing down of religious teachings on various medium, such as stone, dried palm leaves, and leathers played a pivotal role which determined the success of dissemination of any religion. It is through the written form that teachings of any religions were preserved and inharitted to the next generation. The compound of written texts has then been known by people of the archipeago as Lontar, or Jontal.7 After the coming of Islam, the religion texts were commonly written in Kawi and Jawi script. The first is the mix of Sansekerta and Javanese language. The second one is the blent of Arabic and Malay language. In addition to reflecting the acculturation of two languages, either Kawi or Jawi has become the marker of the dominant culture in the archipelago, i.e. of the Javanese and the Malay.8 As reflection of culture, both Kawi and Jawi eventually accommodate not only Islamic teachings, but also merge the traditions of Islam with local living traditions in a given society. This can be seen in the Hikayat Hasanuddin and the tradition of Bantenese people who are convinced that Mecca is the central of cosmos and super-naturallity, as well as the Javanese firm belief in the power of mountains.9 Different from people in Banten and other parts of Java who believe Mecca as the central of cosmic, some Sasaknese people on Lombok believe Mecca and the Ka’bah therein as one of several ways in percieving universal meanings within the pilgrimage, i.e. the necessity of mercy, equality, social justice, tollerance of life, and taking care of the nature. For some people of Sasaknese, these values can be manifested in the ritual which is so called “Behaji” and “Berajah Jari Manusia” (learning to be true man/woman in a more perfect sense).10 The Sasaknese people, in their daily life, have their rituals in the basis of developing and teaching values of life through Behikayat (reciting particular texts in Jawi script), Bewacan (Reciting texts in Kawi script), and Behaji.11 Lombok island can be regarded as the main island in the province 7Often, religious texts associated with the development of the tradition and culture in society. See Suripan Sadi Hutomo, Filologi Lisan (Jakarta: CV Lautan Rezeki, 1999), 6. Furthermore, see Nyoman Kutha Ratna, Teori, Metode, dan Teknik Penelitian Sastra (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2008) 8About historical background of Kawi script and Jawi, see Baroroh Baried, Pengantar Teori Filologi (Yogyakarta: Fakultas Sastra UGM, 1994), 25 9Martin van Bruinessen, “Mencari Ilmu dan Pahala di Tanah Suci,” in Jurnal Ulumul Qur’an No. 5, 43-4 10Lalu Muhammad Ariadi, Haji Sasak: Sebuah Potret Dialektika Haji dengan Kebudayaan Lokal (Jakarta: Impressa, 2012), 9. Berajah Jari Manusia is a Sasaknese concept in order to understand humanity itself. 11The name of Sasak and Lombok associated both with the basic view on traditions and culture of the Sasak people. In Sasak people, Sasak means the united bamboos and became a solid raft and Lombok means straight and consistent. See Lalu Muhammad Azhar, Sejarah Daerah Lombok: Arya Banjar Getas (Mataram: Yaspen Pariwisata Pejanggiq, 1997),
808 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
of West Nusa Tenggara since it has become the transit point for various etnic group who came from different places, such as Austronesian, Javanese, Sundanese, and Malay people. The province is located in the south eastern part of Indonesia which consists of two main islands, i.e. Sumbawa and Lombok.12 Even though the island is in between the province of Bali whose majority citizens are Hindus and the province of East Nusa Tengara whose majority citizens are Christian, the majority of the West Nusa Tenggara’s citizens are Musims, with the percentage of 94%; and 2,6% of Hindus; 0,9% of Christians; 0,6% of Buddhists.13 Within the Negarakertagama, it is mentioned that in the 14th century, there were two islands in between Bali of Hindus and the East part: Samawa island (now it is called Sumbawa) and Lombok. In Samawa, there were Bima, Dompu, Taliwang, Seran, dan Utan Kedali. On the other hand, Lombok had Lombok Mirah in the western part of the island and Sasak Adi in the East part.14 The first inhabitants of Pulau Lombok came from Mongoloid etnic group who are originated from South Asia.15 This is shown by the ancient archeological goods found in Gunung Piring Truwai under the sub-district of Pujut. They are poetry, fragment of broken tile, Human Skeleton, Buddhist Arch of Awalokiteswara, and gravestone written with Chinese and Arabic scripts. Based on this finding, it can be concluded that since the end of Bronze Era, West Nusa Tenggara, particularly Lombok island had been inhabited by a number of people who shared the common culture with people who inhabitted Gua Tabon of South Vietnam, the Pallawan island of the Philipine, Gilimanuk of Bali,
21. And see Lalu Lukman, Lombok (Mataram: Pokja, 2004), 1. After the arrival of Islam, the Sasak meaning changed as the only one dan Lombok as Istiqamah in Islam. 12Badan Pusat Statistik Prop. NTB, NTB Dalam Angka 2005 (Mataram: UD. Fajar Indah, 2005), 4. 13West Nusa Tenggara (NTB) total population is about 2 million and 600 thousand people with the greatest housing on the island of Lombok. See Badan Pusat Statistik Prop. NTB, 6. Because Islam as a religion professed by the whole people of Sasak, the term suggests the Sasak people identity. It’s “dengan Sasak no dengan Islam” or being Sasak is being Moslem. See Djalaluddin Arzaki dkk, Nilai-nilai Agama dan Kearifan Budaya Lokal Suku Bangsa Sasak Dalam Pluralisme Kehidupan Bermasyarakat: Sebuah Kajian AntropologisSosiologis-Agamis (Mataram: Pokja Redam NTB-Indonesia, 2001), Cet. 1. 14Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Sejarah Daerah Nusa Tenggara Barat, (ttp., Proyek Kajian Kebudayaan Daerah, 1977/1978), 1-2. In Negarakertagama, the both term mentioned to mark the territory between West Lombok (Lombok Mirah) with East Lombok (Sasak Adi). 15Sudirman, Gumi Sasak dalam Sejarah (Pringgabaya: KSU Prima Guna, 2007), 3-4. By Alfred Russel Wallace, Lombok people indicated as Malay race. See Alfred Russel Wallace, Kepulauan Nusantara: Sebuah Kisah Perjalanan, Kajian Manusia, dan Alam, terj. Tim Komunitas Bambu (Depok: Komunitas Bambu, 2009), 109-10.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 809
Malielo of Sumba island.16 Eventhough the these archeological stuff may reveal the first inhabitants of Lombok, there are nothing to convince with a degree of certainty. The culture which develops amongst Sasaknese people in Lombok is manifestation of two things: firts the cuture which develops from the comprehension of the relation among human, creature, and nature. The second, that which develops from the changing meanings of values conteined in the social-religio texts which they used for a given cultural area, particuarly Islam at this time. These two aspects are interpreted in sociocultural manner in Lombok and manifested in the textual tradition with various rituals and other traditions preserving it, mainly the tradition of Behikayat and Bewacan which comprises a story-telling performed by the forklorists. Both traditions have promoted the textual tradition to become a living tradition, not a mere tradition which base itself on the ancient texts/manuscripts. 17 Of the Kawi texts, there are six patterns of reciting, called “tembang.” The most popular are: Durma, Sinom, Smaranda, Pangkur, Dangdang, and Maskumambang. The others with less popularity are: Kinanti, Girisa, and Kasmaran. Of these tembangs, there are some which go along with the plots of poetry and prose lines in the Malay literature. In terms of contents, they sometimes related to what they regard life as. Examples of them can be seen in the Sinom tembang of Rengganis manuscript as follows (from line 14th): Goyo Taruna ndeqna gila, Siq toaq bajerik tarik (Jangankan pemuda takkan tergila-gila, kaum tua pun kembali) Kyai pada badoa, Guru Tuan gurik tahlil (Para Kiyai merapal doa, Guru Tuan membaca tahlil) Sangkaq lueq Guru Kyai lupaq tarekat Tuan Guru (Karena banyak Guru Kiyai lupa ajaran Tuan Guru) Si angena kambelisan, pada mele bawa diriq (Karena iman tergoncang, ingin menonjolkan diri sendiri) Patuh Soroh Waliullah, mufakat Wali kedak kedik (Termasuk golongan Waliullah, golongan kaum yang sesat) Madukan alim tain jaran, bareng guru buncat bancit) (Alim macam tai kuda, begitu pula si guru munafik) Pekakas Salehang diriq, tangkong belo begeruduh 16In addition to indicating the cultural similarities, the discovery have demonstrated a trade relations between living people in Lombok with living people in outside of Lombok since the Bronze age. See Sudirman, Gumi Sasak dalam Sejarah, 3-4. 17Being an important part of the manuscript tradition that developed in Lombok, Behikayat and Bewacan also a ritual associated with the life cycle of the Sasak people. This’s seen in the habit of the Sasak people to read the manuscript in celebration of birth, marriage, and the celebration of the harvest.
810 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
(Pakaian saja yang bersaleh-saleh, baju kurung teluk belanga) Bekupiah papindayang Sorban, aran Wali Kedak Kedik (Berkupiah berbentuk Surban, aran Wali Kedak Kedik) Ujut niat perih tajum isiq dengan (Itulah ulama yang fasik, ingin dipuja puji orang) Nemana araq berhajat, banjur tengkok berasanji (Bila ada orang selamatan, pura-pura menenteng Barzanji) Serakalan bergemalah, bagaikan gemuruh Gunung Gugur (Guru Tuan pada nyerakal, arak nyebeng laiq mudi)18 Itung Tasbeh sebeng pacu, ruana gaweq tarekat (Pura pura menghitung Tasbih, Khusyuk macam ahli Tarekat) Ujut niat keranaq mele kaken jaja (Niatnya cuma cari panganan) The two compounds of lines above are then read as song lyrics in the ritual process which is called Bewacan. This song is sung and enjoyed together by the reciter and the listeners. The reciting is also withnessed by the sound of Pereret instrument (producing sounds like fluite) which is blowen with one long breath.19 On the other hand, religion texts after the dissemination of Islam since the 16th century employed Kawi, Sasaka, and Malay scripts. In the texts with Arabic-Malay sript (that is to say that the script was in Arabic, but the language is Malay), the reciting with the form of Behikayat has been a process that must be performed. This is such a tradition of Nyanyi Panjang for Petalangan society, the province of Riau. This ritual is performed during particular celebrations, such as marriage, circumcision, and Berpisah celebration (sort of Farewell party) for those who will conduct the pilgrimage to Mecca. Texts read during these celebrations are Qamaruzzaman, Hikayat Ali Hanāfiah, Hikayat Nabi-Nabi (Qishash alAnbiyā), Nabi Bercukur, Insān Kāmil an so on.20 All these texts, especially Insān Kāmil which comprises the True Man, elaborate three main topic, both in implicit and explicit way, i.g. mercy, tolerance, and social justice. In addition to be a mere story-telling tradition for the rural Sasaknese, the ritual of Behikayat has since long become pivotal element in disseminating Syariah teachings in regard with tollerance and the importance of appreciating others. 18Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Direktorat Jenderal Kebudayaan, Museum Negeri NTB, Bunga Rampai Kutipan Naskah Lama dan Aspek Pengetahuannya (Mataram: Museum Negeri NTB, 1991), 37, 71. 19For anyone who heard Serunai, they often think the sound of the Pereret similarly like Serunai sound. Interview with Djalil, a blower of Pereret. 20Mujib dan Achmad Cholid Sodrie, Khazanah Naskah Desa Ketangga Kecamatan Suela, Kabupaten Lombok Timur (Jakarta: Kementerian Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata, 2004), cet. 1
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 811
B.
The Development of Islamic Culture on Lombok; From Normative Aspects to Rituals. Referring to the acculturation of syariah values on the basis of manuscripts which had been embodied in the tide relationship among religions in the archipelago, i.e. Hinduism, Bhuddism, and Islam for hundreds of year, the relationship among the religions in constructing values of life basically does not come to rest. This can be seen in the relation between manuscripts in Kawi and Jawi scripts in Lombok, as is shown below:21 No. Nama/Judul Jlh Isi Katergori Naskah Naskah 1. Abu Bakar 2 Companions of the Humanities Prophet Story 2. Adi Parwa 1 3. Agama 2 The Teachings of Religion Religion 4. Agama 1 The Teachings of Religion Hindu and Budshism 5. Agama Hindu 2 The Teachings of Religion Hindu 6. Agama Islam 20 The Teaching of Agama and Islam Fikih 7. Ajar Wali 2 Menak Story Humanities 8. Aji Sang 1 Mantera Literature Hyang Ayu 9. Aji Sang 1 Mantera Literature Hyang Bayu 10. Aji Serandil 1 Cerita rakyat Literature 11. Akherat 1 The Teaching of Religion Islam 12. Akhlak 1 Nasehat Adat dan Religion Religion 13. Ala Ayuning 1 Prophecy Humanities Dewasa 14. Alam Kudus 1 15. Amir 90 Menak Story Humanities Hamsyah 16. Amir 1 Menak Story Humanities Hamsyah ing Ngutus Mara ing Nagareng 21Data
Koleksi Museum NTB (Mataram: Museum Negeri NTB, 2003).
812 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34.
Yunan Ana Kidung Andanigar Asmara Kandi Babad Lombok Babad Tuan Besar Babad Lombok Badik Walam Bancangah Batu Dendeng Badik Walam Bancangah Batu Dendeng Dalang Jati Doyan Neda Jatiswara Kabar Melayu Kitab Perukunan Manusia Jati
7 2 1 1
Adam Story Menak Story Menak Story Babad
Humanities Humanities Humanities History
1
Babad
History
1
Babad
History
4 1
Menak Story Bancangah
Humanities History
4 1
Menak Story Bancangah
Humanities History
2 4 46 3 1
Philosophy Folklore Teologi Menak Story The Teaching Islam Teologi
1
Philosophy Literature Philosophy Humanities of Agama and Fikih Philosophy
By the Sasaknese, these documents have become learning medium on religion, traditions, the values of life, and so on about syariah values. These four aspects in some manuscripts scattered in Lombok have been corellated to each other through the same understandings about humanity, mercy, tollerance, justice, and the appreciation upon the universe by which people become “men” as part of syariah values on Islam. For the Sasaknese, this meanings were accumulated in the aphorism “Berajah Jari Manusia” (Learning to be a true man) and are learned through the reciting ritual of Behikayat and Bewacan texts. In addition, these values were also internalized through various kinds of art, such as Shaman dance, Gandrung dance, and Gendang Beleq. From the texts of manusripts, traditions, and arts did the values of life understood. In some socio-cultural area, the acculturation of the values of life has been reflected in the customs of the society. The customs emphasize good deeds and polite behaviors upon God, human being, and nature. To the Sasaknese, such the way is called tate krame, contained in the Awig Awig
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 813
Pinajaran Sasak.22 In the religion domain, such acculuration formed ascetical practices and at the same time made the pilgrimage which is so called Behaji23 as the supporting point for their practices. Through the rituals of Behaji, they would perform behaji in order to apply values of pious values, either individual or social piousness. In this regard, Behaji and Behikayat rituals have been, up to now, the historical withness of the relation between religious texts on Mecca and the constuction (also reconstraction) of the patterns of culture-religion guide. For most of them, these rituals promoted the contextualizing the Islamic Jurisprudence with local wisdoms adhered by the Sasaknese, such as the just in regard with inharitance, punishment for the fornicators, and the prohibition from nature destruction. In this case, inharritance just is marked by giving bequest for women who are economically weak and have received less. For the fornicators, the isolation is committed. And in order to preserve the nature, there are some rituals conducted these all are manifested in the values of Behaji. 24 The significance of the religious texts on Mecca in the socio-cultural area is also marked with the changing mechanism of the culture. This is known from the summit spiritual symbol for the Sasaknese, i.g. from Rinjani mountain to Mecca. This shift of spiritual symbol surely describes about Mecca with Ka’ah as the core which can be seen from the teaching of values of Tauhid and social teachings in Islam as are shown in the Serat Rengganis and Manusia Jati.25 It can be said then, that the culturization of the religious texts involved the religious understandings on the other elements of culture, such as rituals and symbols. Regarding the rituals and symbols, Joachim Wach sees that a religion consists of three forms in expressing its universal values: (1) belief system, (2) system of worship, and (3) system of social relation.26 The expression of those values is the core of religiousness. In the value level, religiousness 22Tate Krame is an indigenous concept that strongly emphasizes the practice of polite and courteous to God, man and nature. This concept is similarly same with moral teachings in Budha, Hindu, and Islam. See Lalu Lukman, Lombok (Mataram, Pokja:2004), 10. 23Behaji is a ritual performed by Sasak people before and after the pilgrimage. Before leaving for Hajj, a Sasak people will do the meeting with the community, pray together, and visit the tomb, especially those who sanctified. After returning from the Hajj, a Sasak people will restrain themeself from lust, including having sex with his wife for 40 days. Today, this ritual is only performed by follower of the Tarekat in Lombok. 24Fairness in inheritance through a grant (Hibah) known as Bebagi, isolation for adultery known as Neteh and nature preservation philosophy collected in mentelok, mentiok, and meranak, it’s known as the Metu Telu or Wetu Telu. 25 About description of Serat Rengganis, see Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. Bunga Rampai Kutipan Naskah Lama dan Aspek Pengetahuannya (ttp., Proyek Kajian Kebudayaan Daerah, 1990). 26Joachim Wach, Sociology of Religion (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1948), 37.
814 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
has five dimmensions, i.g. belief, practise, feeling, knowledge, and effect.27 All is connected to each other, forming a society’s stigma about the religiousness and culture within a culture. In regard with the religious life, Geertz perceives a religion as a pattern of behavior by which religion functions as a guide for human interpretation. Besides, a religion is also a pattern of behaviour, i.g. every living thing and has an effect on everyday life. Due to this function, Geertz sees a religion as a value system or evaluative system,28 while pattern of behavior is related to cognitive system or human’s knowledge. The relations between pattern for behaviour and pattern of behaviour is located in symbolic system which plaussible the understanding.29 On the basis of Geertz views, the sequense of culturizations of syariah texts through Behikayat, Bewacan, and Behaji historically and culturally substantiated Geertz views on the symbol systems as a bridging point between cognitive system and value system in producing meaning system within a religion.30 Thus, these religious rituals comprise a ceremony involving symbols which result in holy experience. Victor Turner, in this regard analyzes the spiritual essence and characteristics of traditions as factors of a society’s social structure simplification. This can be seen from the emphasys on the common relations, not in the particulaty of a tradition.31 Looking at the aforementioned facts which link among manuscripts, development of religious traditions and all their teachings, and the their role in the acculturization syariah values, it can be said that the acculturization of the acculturization of syariah values through manuscript tradition is one of several ways in localizing islamic values. Conclussion As a pivotal aspect of the development of values acculturization of syariah in social and culture domain, the forming of various traditions and 27Roland Robertson, ed., Agama Dalam Analisa dan Interpretasi Sosiologis, terj. Achmad Fedyani Saifuddin (Jakarta: CV Rajawali, 1992), 295-97. 28Clifford Geertz, “Religion as Cultural System,” dalam Michael Banton, Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion, 5. Geertz statement about religion as part of the culture is in line with the opinion AR Radcliffe Brown who argued that religion as an element of culture that are considered as a part of the social structure. That’s necessary for the social solidarity and integration. See A.R. Radcliffe Brown, Struktur dan Fungsi dalam Masyarakat Primitif (Kualalumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka Kementerian Pelajar Malaysia, 1980), 204. 29Within this framework, Geertz positioning himself to see reality from the perspective of the subject. See Clifford Geertz, Local Knowledge (New York: Basic Books Inc, 1983), 55. 30Nur Syam, Madzhab-Madzhab Antropologi (Surabaya: LKiS, 2007), 91-92. 31Victor Turner, “Pilgrimage as Social Process”, in Dramas, Fields and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society (Itacha, New York: Cornell University Press, 1974), 95-96.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 815
cultural arts on the basis of disseminating teachings of mercy, tolerance, social just, and appreciation upon the nature as shown in the manuscripts, proves that the signifficant role of the manuscripts on the acculturization of syariah values is an important point of the history of manifesting values of life in the world. References Agus, Bustanudin. Agama dalam Kehidupan Manusia: Pengantar Antropologi Agama. Jakarta: PT Rajagrapindo Persada, 2006 Ariadi, Lalu Muhammad. Haji Sasak: Sebuah Potret Dialektika Haji dengan Kebudayaan Lokal. Jakarta: Impressa, 2012. al-Jazīrī, ‘Abd al-Rahman. Fikih Empat Mazhab. Semarang: CV Asy-Syifa, 1993. Aswandikari. Konsep Tasawuf Naskah Indarjaya Sasak. Mataram: Arga Puji Press, 2007. Azra, Azyumardi. Jaringan Ulama Timur Tengah dan Kepulauan Nusantara Abad XVII & XVIII. Jakarta: Kencana, 2005. Baried, Baroroh. Pengantar Teori Filologi. Yogyakarta: Fakultas Sastra UGM, 1994. Bruinessen, Martin Van. Kitab Kuning: Pesantren dan Tarekat. Bandung: Mizan, 1999. Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. Bunga Rampai Kutipan Naskah Lama dan Aspek Pengetahuannya. ttp., Proyek Kajian Kebudayaan Daerah, 1990. --------. Sejarah Daerah Nusa Tenggara Barat. Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Pusat Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya Proyek Penelitian dan Pencatatan Kebudayaan Daerah, 1977/1978. Dhofier, Zamahkhsyari. Tradisi Pesantren; Studi tentang Pandangan Hidup Kyai (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1982). Fathurrahman, Oman. Tarekat Syattariyah di Minangkabau. Jakarta: Pusat Pengkajian Islam dan Masyarakat (PPIM) UIN Jakarta, KITLV, 2008. Geertz, Clifford. After The Fact: Dua Negeri Empat Dasawarsa Satu Antropolog. Yogyakarta: LKiS, 1999. --------. Kebudayaan dan Agama, terj. Francisco Budiman Hardiman. Yogyakarta: Kanisius, 1992. --------. Local Knowledge. New York: Basic Books Inc, 1983.Geertz, Clifford. The Religion of Java. New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1960.
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--------. The Religion of Java. New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1960. Hutomo, Suripan Sadi. Filologi Lisan. Jakarta: CV Lautan Rezeki, 1999. Jamaluddin. Persepsi dan Sikap Masyarakat Sasak terhadap Tuan Guru. Yogyakarta: CRCS-Sekolah Pascasarjana UGM, 2007. --------. Sejarah Sosial Islam di Lombok Tahun 1740-1935. Disertasi, Jakarta: 2010. Jurnal Ulumul Qur’an No. 5, Vol. II. Jakarta: Lembaga Studi Agama dan Filsafat [LSAF], 1990. Mujib dan Achmad Cholid Sodrie, Khazanah Naskah Desa Ketangga, Kecamatan Suela, Kabupaten Lombok Timur. Jakarta, Kementerian Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata, 2004. Putuhena, M. Shaleh. Historiografi Haji Indonesia. Yogyakarta: LKIS, 2007. Ratna, Nyoman Kutha. Teori, Metode, dan Teknik Penelitian Sastra. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2008. Syam, Nur. Madzhab-Madzhab Antropologi. Yogyakarta: LKiS, 2007., Cet. 1. Sudirman. Gumi Sasak dalam Sejarah. Pringgabaya: Yayasan Budaya Lestari bekerjasama dengan KSU Prima Guna, 2007. Turner, Victor. “Pilgrimage as Social Process”, dalam Dramas, Fields and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society Itacha, New York: Cornell University Press, 1974.
Maqâshid al-Syarî'ah : Paradigma Istinbâth Hukum Islam Mutawalli I.
Pendahuluan Dalam ushûl al-fiqh, tujuan Islam sering disebut dengan maqâshid alsyarî'ah yang diaktualisaikan melalui pencerminan nilai-nilai fundamental dalam hukum Islam, yakni memelihara agama, jiwa, nalar, keturunan, dan harta.1 Meskipun demikian, dalam kajian ushûl al-fiqh kelima prinsip universal, dalam tataran teoretisnya, masih saja terikat oleh bunyi teks atau setidaknya tidak boleh bertentangan nash-nash agama. Fenomena intelektual seperti inilah yang menggiring ushûl al-fiqh mendapatkan kritik dari sejumlah pemerhati hukum Islam karena dianggap terlalu bergantung pada teks, sehingga mengabaikan fakta-fakta realitas.2 Dalam muqaddimah buku Nazhriyat al-Maqâshid 'Inda al-Imâm alSyâthibî yang ditulis oleh Ahmad al-Raysûnî, Thahâ Jâbir al-'Ulwânî, memberi kata pengantar buku tersebut dengan mengatakan, “kita menyadari bahwa (banyak) karya dan pemikiran dalam hukum Islam, namun sebagian besar menampakkan kevakuman dan kelemahan dalam membangun kehidupan dan kreativitas. Hal itu terjadi, "karena hilangnya" atau "dihilangkannya" ruh atau teori maqâshid. Fenomena intelektual seperti inilah yang ditengarai oleh Muhammad Thâhir bin 'Âsyûr, seorang sarjana hukum Islam dari Tunisia, sebagai salah satu sebab terjadinya kevakuman berpikir dalam bidang fiqh.3 Thâhir bin 'Âsyûr, seperti dikutip
Makalah ini disampaikan dalam “Anual International Confrence on Islamic Studies (AICIS)” yang diselenggarakan oleh Direktur Jendral Perguruan Tinggi Islam KEMENAG RI dan Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN), Mataram, pada 18-21 Nopember 2013, di Hotel Santosa, Senggigi, Lombok Barat, Nusa Tenggara Barat. 1Perlu ditambahkan, konsep maqâshid al-syarî'ah merupakan suatu tema penting dalam diskursus pemikiran hukum Islam, dan telah menjadi bagian yang cukup sentral. Karena itu, tidaklah mengherankan jika para ulama menaruh perhatian dan menjadi pembahasan mereka seperti yang dilakukan oleh al-Imâm al-Juwaynî (w. 478 H), al-Ghazalî (w. 505 H), al-Râzî (w. 606 H), al-Amidî (w. 631 H), al-'Izz bin 'Abd al-Salâm (w. 631 H), alQarâfî (w. 685 H), al-Thûfî (w. 716 H), Ibn Taymyyah (w. 728 H), (w. 751 H), al-Syâthibî (w. 790 H), dan yang paling muttakhir ditangan Muhammad Thahîr Ibn 'Asyûr (w.1393 H). Lihat. Faqihuddin Abdul Qadir, "Nilai-nilai Pluralisme Dalam Ajaran Sosial Islam: Perspektif Fiqh Realitas", dalam Ulumuna, Vol. III. Edisi 5, No. 2, Juli-Desember (2004), 270. 2Abdul Muqsith Ghazali, "Merancang (Kaidah) Ushul Fikih Alternatif." dalam Kamaruddin Hidayat dan Ahmad Gaus AF. ed. Negara dan Civil Society Gerakan dan Pemikiran Islam Kontemporer (Jakarta: Paramadina, 2005), 356-357. 3Lihat. Thahâ Jâbir al-'Ulwânî, "Muqaddimah al-Ma'had", dalam Ahmad al-Raysûnî, Nazhriyat al-Maqâshid 'Inda al-Imâm al-Syâthibî (Riyâdh: al-Dâr al-'Âlamiyah li al-Kitâb al-
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Thahâ Jâbir al-'Ulwânî, mengatakan:
فَِك و وأمَكنم ماه َكنعنه. اكن إهامل إملقاصد سببا ىف مود كبِي للفقهَكاء ومَِكوال لَكنق أحَكَكم 4 مسنةل إحليل إليت ولع هبا إلفقهاء عني مكرث و مقل و “Mengabaikan maqâshid merupakan (salah satu) sebab (terjadinya) kemandekan besar yang dialami para fuqahâ (dalam upaya mengembangkan hukum Islam) dan hilangnya (baca. Daya kritis) penyingkapan hukum-hukum yang bermanfaat, serta membuat orang bosan dengan masalah-masalah hilah yang menjadi kecenderungan para fuqahâ, baik dalam skala banyak maupun sedikit.”
Kritik 'Ulwânî maupun 'Âsyûr tersebut tidak berarti mengabaikan karya fiqh para fuqahâ. Namun kedua pemikir tersebut melihat adanya kecenderungan fuqahâ dalam memahami fiqh yang terlalu legal formalistik dan terkesan "mengabaikan" dimensi maqâshid. Hal ini juga bisa diartikan sebagai tuntutan untuk melakukan kajian ulang terhadap ushûl al-fiqh dan fiqh itu sendiri. Kebutuhan untuk melakukan rekonstruksi ushûl al-fiqh dan memperbarui pemahaman fiqh bukan saja didasari oleh kenyataan bahwa ushûl al-fiqh dan fiqh merupakan produk suatu zaman, tetapi juga oleh adanya tuntutan yang mendesak dalam konteks realitas kehidupan. Hasan al-Turabî bahkan menenggarai gagasan ushûl al-fiqh dan fiqh yang ada selama ini masih dalam tataran abstrak. Hasan al-Turabî mengatakan sebagai berikut: Dewasa ini kita perlu mengkaji kembali ushûl al-fiqh dalam konteks hubungannya dengan realitas kehidupan. Sebab, produk-produk ushûl al-fiqh dalam tradisi pemikiran fiqh kita masih bersifat abstrak dan berupa wacana teoretis yang tidak mampu melahirkan fiqh sama sekali dan justru melahirkan perdebatan yang tidak kunjung selesai. Padahal, fiqh dan ushûl al-fiqh semestinya terus berkembang dalam menghadapi tantangan realitas kehidupan modern. 5 Secara lebih kritis, Akhmad Minhaji juga melihat bahwa apa yang disebut sebagai fiqh dan ushûl al-fiqh yang ada selama ini cenderung dianggap sebagai dogma yang tidak boleh disentuh nalar, padahal baik fiqh maupun
Islâmî wa al-Ma'had al-'Alamî al-Fikr al-Islâmî, 1981), 13. 4Ibid. Lihat. Nu’mân Jughaim, Thurûq al-Kasyfi ‘An Maqâshid al-Syarî’ah, Cet. 1 (Yordan: Dâr al-Nafâ’is, 2002), 8. 5Hasan al-Turabi, Fiqih Demokratis dari Tradisionalisme Kolektif Menuju Modernisme Populis, ter. Abdul Haris dan Zaimul Am (Bandung: Arsy, 2003), 50.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 819
ushûl al-fiqh pada masa awal Islam amat dinamis dan berkembang. Lebih jauh, Akhmad Minhaji mengatakan: Memang sangat disayangkan karena dalam perjalanan sejarahnya, fiqh yang semula berupa ilmu beralih menjadi dogma. Akibatnya, pemikiran fiqh (juga ushûl al-fiqh) yang pada masa awal Islam amat dinamis dan berkembang sedemikian rupa sesuai dengan perkembangan masyarakat kemudian berubah menjadi sebuah dogma yang harus dihafal, dipertahankan, dan diikuti apa adanya. Pemahaman dan pemikiran hukum Islam (fiqh) yang merupakan hasil kreasi manusia yang bersifat dinamis, relatif, dan profan beralih menempati posisi syarî'ah yang bersifat absolut, suci dan sakral (taqdîs al-afkâr al-dinî).6 Diskusi di atas menjadi alasan penting penulis mengangkat term maqâshid. Bagaimana pun, dalam kajian ushûl al-fiqh selama ini maqâshid “cenderung” diletakkan sebagai hasil akhir dari sebuah penalaran hukum Islam dan “jarang” diletakkan sebagai prangkat metodologis. Di sinilah, problem epistemologis muncul.7 Kontruksi tulisan ini meliputi: pertama, telaah maqâshid, kedua, maqâshid sebagai instrumen penalaran hukum Islam, maqâshid sebagai paradigma penalaran hukum Islam. II. Telaah Umum Maqâshid al-Syarî'ah Dalam literatur hukum Islam, maqâshid diterjemahkan dengan berbagai istilah, yakni maqâshid al-syâri', maqâshid al-syarî'ah, dan almaqâshid al-syar'iyah.8. Berbagai bentuk ungkapan tersebut pada intinya mengandung makna yang sama yakni tujuan ditetapkannya hukum Islam. Secara umum, sarjana hukum Islam memaknai maqâshid al-syarî'ah sebagai esensi ditetapkannya hukum Islam. 'Alâl al-Fâsî, seperti dikutip al-Raysûnî, mengatakan “Yang dimaksud dengan maqâshid al-syarî'ah adalah tujuan daripada syarî'ah dan rahasia-rahasia yang telah ditetapkan oleh al-syâri' (Tuhan) dalam setiap ketentuan hukum-hukum-Nya.”9 Dan, prinsip umum dari maqâshid al-syarî'ah adalah menegaskan pentingnya menciptakan 6Akhmad Minhaji, Hukum Islam Antara Sakralitas dan Profanitas: Perspektif Sejarah Sosial (Yogyakarta: UIN-Sunan Kalijaga, 2004), 33-34. 7Diskursus tentang epistimologi merupakan diskusi kefilsafatan. Dalam diskusidiskusi keislaman, epistemologi diletakkan sebagai kerangka berpikir yang hampir menembus seluruh kajian keisalaman, tak terkecuali dalam ushûl al-fiqh dan fiqh. Karena itu, layak menjadi pertimbangan untuk sebuah kajian dalam upaya menemukan “paradigma baru” dalam konstruksi pemikiran hukum Islam. Bandingkan. Moch. Tolchah, “Epistemologi Thomas S. Khun: Telaah Awal atas Gagasan ‘Peran Paradigma dalam Revolosi Sains’”, dalam Nizama, Vol. 3. No. 5. Januari-Juni, 2000, 60. 8al-Raysûnî, Nazhariyat al-Maqâshid, 17. 9Ibid., 18.
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kemaslahatan dan menolak kerusakan. Dalam hal ini al-Raysûnî berkata sebagai berikut:
حفَكَكن إلنظَكَكام وصلَكَكب إمل َكَكاا ودرء إملفاسَكَكد وإقامَك إملسَكَكاوإة عَكَكني إلنَكَكاس وجَِكَكل: إملقاصَكَكد إلِامَك ِفذة وجِل إلم قوي مرهوع إجلانب مطمئ إلبالووو إن مقاصَكد إلَشَكي. إلَشيِ هماع مطاع 10 إلغاايت إليت وضِت إلَشيِ لصل حتقيقها مل لح إلِبادو “Maqâshid secara umum adalah memelihara aturan, menarik kemaslahatan, menolak kerusakan, menegakkan persamaan di antara umat manusia dan menjadikan syarî'ah (hukum Islam) sebagai suatu hukum yang berwibawa, dan ditatati. Di sisi lain, dapat menjadikan umat sebagai (komunitas) yang kuat (berkualitas) lagi disegani dan menenangkan... Jadi, sesungguhnya maqâshid al-syarî'ah itu merupakan tujuan ditetapkannya hukum Islam untuk direalisasikannya demi kepentingan umat secara keseluruhan (universal).” Bahkan, karena pentingnya dimensi maqâshid dalam kajian hukum Islam justru diletakkan oleh sejumlah sarjana hukum Islam sebagai salah satu syarat utama seseorang dalam melakukan ijtihad. al-Raysûnî, kembali menegaskan dengan mengatakan:
ِفلول مرة ىف حدودمايِمل جند أن أول رشط لبلوغ درص الاجإَكاد هَكو فهَكِ مقاصَكد إلَشَكي عَكَكَل كاملهَكَكا وجنَكَكد إن إلَشَكَكط إل َكَكاِن والايَكَكِي ال َكَكرا أيضَكَكا عَكَكن إملقاصَكَكد وهَكَكو إ َك كن مَكَكن 11 الاس تنباط عناء عَل فهِ فهيا أي ىف إملقاصدو
“Untuk pertama kali, dan dalam batas-batas tertentu, yang dapat diketahui, kami menemukan bahwa syarat pertama untuk sampai ke derajat ijtihad adalah memahami maqâshid al-syarî'ah secara baik. Dan kami juga menemukan syarat kedua dan ini yang terakhir, juga tidak boleh keluar dari pemahaman terhadap maqâshid, yaitu dimungkinkannya meng-istinbâthkan hukum berdasarkan pemahaman terhadap maqâshid al-syarî'ah.” Hal itu bertujuan agar jangan sampai orang yang melakukan penafsiran atau penalaran “terperangkap” pada hukum-hukum yang bersifat partikular (juz'iyat) semata dan mengabaikan maqâshid al-syarî'ah. Dalam kaitan ini, al-Qardlâwî, mengingatkan dengan mengatakan:
لهَكذإ اكن إلَِكَكمل مبقاصَكد إلَشَكَكيِ ىف غايَك إل يَك حَكَكهي ال يغلَكَكو علهيَكا إلغَكَكالطون و َكَكروإ ورإء 12 إلحَكم إجلزئي همملني إملقاصد إللكي فيخلطون و بطونو
10Ibid., 11Ibid.,
18-19. 353.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 821
“Mengetahui tujuan (maqâshid al-syarî'ah) merupakan suatu hal yang penting, agar seseorang tidak terjebak dalam kesalahan dengan hanya memperhatikan hal-hal (hukum-hukum) yang bersifat parsial (juz'î), tanpa mengindahkan maksud hukum-hukum yang bersifat universal (kullî). Akibatnya, akan membawa kepada pencampuradukan hukum dan kebingungan.” Dengan maqâshid diharapkan dapat melahirkan suatu perspektif penalaran hukum Islam yang tidak hanya berkutat pada ketentuanketentuan literer suatu teks, tetapi juga memberi perspektif penalaran hukum Islam yang senantiasa mampu berdialog dengan perkembangan zaman, terutama dalam konteks penalaran hukum Islam yang berwajah mu’âmalah-jinâyah. III. Maqâshid : Instrumen Penalaran Hukum Islam Sebagai sebuah metode, maqâshid al-syarî'ah memberikan suatu perspektif penalaran dalam memecahkan persoalan hukum Islam, terutama hukum-hukum mu'âmalah di tengah kehidupan keagamaan umat yang plural. Untuk sampai kepada upaya-upaya pemecahan hukum Islam tersebut, terdapat beberapa langkah untuk mengimplementasikan maqâshid al-syarî'ah sebagai metode penalaran hukum Islam. Pertama, dalam meng-istinbâth (menyimpulkan) hukum Islam yang mesti dilakukan oleh seorang mujtahid adalah memfokuskan perhatiannya pada tujuan hukum (maqâshid) yang dikandung dalam al-Qur’ân maupun alSunnah, bukan huruf dan aksaranya, tetapi tujuan hukum itu sendiri yang harus menjadi aksis utamanya. Dalam hal ini adalah bagaimana menemukan dan memformulasikan cita-cita etik-moral hukum dari suatu ayat, dan bukan legislasi spesifik atau formulasi literalnya.13 Dengan kata lain, maqâshid al-syarî'ah atau cita-cita etik hukum itulah yang harus digali dan diperhatikan ketika menetapkan atau mengambil kesimpulan hukum, baik yang tertuang dalam ayat atau konteks suatu ayat. Namun, konteks yang dimaksud adalah bukan konteks personal yang partikular (juz'î) melainkan konteks impersonal yang universal (kullî). Dalam konteks ini, bukan sekedar melihat asbâb al-nuzûl (sebab-sebab turunnya ayat) dalam pengertian klasik, tetapi maqâshid al-syarî'ah.14 Penekanan terhadap penggunaan maqâshid ini diaktualisasikan melalui ungkapan "al-'ibrah bi al- maqâshid lâ bi al-fâzh" (yang harus dipegang dalam menetapkan hukum adalah maqâshid-nya, bukan lafaz harfiyah suatu
12Yûsuf al-Qardlâwi, al-Ijtihâd fî al-Syarî'ah al-Islâmiyyah ma'a Nazhrâti Tahliliyat fî al-Ijtihâd al-Mu'âshir (Kuwait: Dâr al-Qalam, 1985), 44. 13Abdul Muqsith Ghazali, "Merancang (Kaidah) Ushul Fikih Alternatif", 358. 14Ibid.
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teks).15 Jadi, suatu ungkapan (dalam ayat al-Qur'ân dan al-Hadîts) yang harus dipertimbangkan adalah keumuman tujuan syarî'ah bukan tergantung pada nash-nash (teks-teks) yang spesifik. Secara epistemologis, tawaran teoretis tersebut bisa diartikan sebagai peringatan terhadap penggunaan teks literal yang terlalu berlebihan, sehingga mengabaikan substansi teks itu sendiri. Keberpegangan yang berlebihan pada bunyi teks akan mengabaikan tujuan teks itu sendiri. Inilah yang dimaksudkan oleh al-Raysûnî, ketika mengatakan sebagai berikut:
فالن وص إذإ أيذت عظاهرهاوحرفيإا فقَكو ضَكان نطاقهَكا وقَكل عطا هَكاو وإذإ أيَكذت عِللهَكا ومقاصَكَكدها اكنَكَكت مِينَكَكا ال ينضَكَكب فيفَكَكتا َبي إلقيَكَكاس وينفسَكَكا َبي إالس ت َكَكَل و َكَكري 16 إلحَكم جمرإها إلطبِي ىف حتقيق مقاصد إل ارع جبلب إمل اا ودرء إملفاسدو Nash-nash (teks-teks), apabila diambil (pemahamannya) dari segi lahir (zhâhir) dan hurup-hurupnya saja, niscaya akan menyempikan cakupan (ungkapan)-nya dan sedikitlah kontribusinya. Dan apabila yang diambil 'illat dan maksud-maksud teks (makna terdalamnya), niscaya nash-nash itu akan menjadi sumber pengetahuan yang tidak akan pernah hilang maknanya, terbukalah pintu penalaran analogis (al-qiyâs) dan melapangkan pintu kemaslahatan (al-istishlâh), serta hukum-hukum itu sendiri akan berlaku secara alami dalam merealisasikan tujuan-tujuan alsyâri', menarik mashlahat dan menolak mafsadat. Dalam tradisi pemikiran hukum Islam klasik dan kontemporer, biasanya para teoretisi hukum Islam berpegang pada kaedah hukum yang berbunyi. .وص إلسبب
17
إلِْة عِموم إللفن ال خب
Yang dipegangi (standar dalam menentukan hukum) adalah keumuman suatu lafazh (ayat al-Qur’an atau al-Hadîts), bukan sebab khususnya. Menurut al-Zuhaylî, kaedah ini telah dijadikan pegangan oleh hampir seluruh sarjana ushûl al-fiqh dan kaedah tersebut telah memberikan petunjuk kuat untuk mengarahkan kepada keharusan setiap orang dalam menetapkan suatu hukum dengan tetap berpijak atau merujuk kepada harfiah (zhâhir) suatu lafazh (nash). Kebanyakan teoretisi hukum Islam (ushûliyûn) berpendapat, “lafazh 'âm (yang diungkapkan dalam nash) muncul (terjadi) karena (adanya) sebab khusus, baik karena adanya pertanyaan atau 15Ibid. 16al-Raysûnî, 17al-Zuhaylî,
Nazhariyat al-Maqâşid, 360. Ushûl al-Fiqh al-Islâmî, 1 (Damaskus: Dâr al-Fikr, 1986), 273.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 823
karena terjadinya suatu peristiwa, atau selain dari keduanya. Namun, sifat keumuman (lafazh) itu tetap tidak berubah, karena lahiriah suatu lafazh dan tidak boleh dikhususkan karena adanya sebab tertentu. Inilah yang dimaksudkan "yang harus dipegangi adalah keumuman lafazh, bukan karena adanya sebab khusus." Argumen untuk menyatakan keumuman itu adalah nash pembuat hukum, bukan karena pertanyaan atau sebab tertentu.18 Secara garis besar, kaedah ini menyatakan bahwa jika nash-nash syara' yang menggunakan sighat 'âm, maka yang harus diikuti adalah apa yang ditunjukkan oleh sighat 'âm tersebut, tanpa memperhatikan sebab-sebab khusus yang dituangkan oleh nash, baik sebab itu berupa pertanyaan atau peristiwa. Dalam hal ini umat manusia berkewajiban mengikuti nash yang dituangkan menurut sighat-nya. Dengan demikian, dalam perspektif kaedah tersebut umat Islam hanya mempunyai satu pilihan, yaitu mengikuti bunyi teks (harfiyah) suatu nash. Dengan menggunakan kaedah tersebut, aspek asbâb al-nuzûl tidak menentukan, yakni tidak mengubah sifat keumuman dari suatu sighat 'âm yang ada dalam nash syara' dan yang harus dipegang adalah lahiriyah-nya suatu nash (teks). Selanjutnya, kaedah ini mengajarkan bahwa suatu nash yang menggunakan redaksi umum, maka tidak ada pilihan lain kecuali menerapkan nash tersebut, sekalipun nash tersebut hadir dalam konteks untuk merespons suatu peristiwa yang khusus, atau dalam istilah Muqsith, “pasrah pada keumuman lafazh hanya menyebabkan kita senantiasa berada dalam “kerangkeng” makna linguistik.”19 Cara pandang seperti ini bukan saja dapat mengabaikan realitas kemanusiaan dan realitas sejarah, namun juga teks itu sendiri telah mensubordinasikan pengalaman riil manusia. Disadari atau tidak, langsung maupun tidak langsung, kaedah tersebut telah menempatkan partikularitas pengalaman riil kehidupan manusia berada di bawah supremasi teks (al-Qur’ân atau al-Sunnah), dan konsep semacam ini, secara tidak langsung, berlawanan dengan prinsip dasar dalam agama di mana manusia diletakkan pada posisi yang begitu tinggi.20 Secara metodologis, kaedah ushûl al-fiqh klasik tersebut setidaknya akan berakibat pada dua hal: Pertama, kaedah ini terlalu banyak berkonsentrasi dan bergerak pada medan semantik dan menepikan peran asbâb al-nuzûl (historisitas suatu teks). Implikasinya, para pengguna kaedah ini kerap terjebak kenaifan. Kedua, dengan kaedah ini akan mensubordinasikan realitas ke dalam bunyi teks. Jadi, yang dituju oleh kaedah tersebut adalah kebenaran suatu teks dengan konsekuensi 18Ibid. 19Muqsith,
"Merancang (Kaidah), 359. Abshar Abdalla, "Menghindari Bibliolatri” Tentang Pentingnya Penyegaran Kembali Pemahaman Islam" dalam Kamaruddin Hidayat dan Ahmad Gaus AF. ed., Negara dan Civil Society Gerakan dan Pemikiran Islam Kontemporer (Jakarta: Paramadina, 2005), 67. 20Ulil
824 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
mengabaikan konteks historis (al-siyâq al-târikhî) yang mengitarinya. Dengan kaedah ini, konteks akan dipandang atau didudukkan pada posisi sekunder.21 Berdasarkan kaedah ini pula, segala jenis diskursus kebahasaan seperti qath'î-zhannî, muthlâq-muqayyad, muhkam-mutasyâbih hanya merupakan upaya untuk menegakkan otoritas teks (nash) semata. Dalam situasi penalaran seperti ini akan melahirkan apa yang disebut dengan "otoritarianisme”22 penafsir.23 Dalam konteks kekinian perspektif pemahaman terhadap maqâshid sebagai salah satu metode dalam menetapkan hukum Islam adalah untuk mengetahui dan menimba serta memperoleh prinsip-prinsip dasar Islam. Karena itu, ketika hukum telah sampai kepada maqâshid-nya, maka teks-teks tersebut harus dilepaskan dari konteks ke Arabannya yang awal (dekontekstualisasi) untuk kemudian dilakukan rekontekstualisasi, yaitu melabuhkan prinsip-prinsip dasar Islam di belahan bumi non-Arab. Jadi, kontekstualisasi, diskontekstualisasi, dan rekontekstualisasi merupakan mekanisme kerja penafsiran sepanjang masa.24 Ada beberapa contoh yang berkaitan dengan ayat-ayat hukum baik mu'âmalah-jinâyah dan lainnya, misalnya, tentang hukuman (had) terhadap pelaku pencurian. Dalam alQur’ân disebutkan: 25 .وإلسارن وإلسارق فاقطِوإ أيدهيامجزإء مبا كس با نالك من هللا Laki-laki dan perempuan yang mencuri hukumannya adalah potong tangan keduanya, sebagai balasan atas perbuatan yang mereka lakukan dan siksaan dari Allah. Artinya, dengan tidak melihat sejarah turunnya (asbâb al-nuzûl) ayat tersebut, pada tataran aplikasi, mau tidak mau, bunyi teks ayat tersebut 21Muqsith,
"Merancang (Kaidah), 360. Amin Abdullah, otoritarianisme adalah tindakan seseorang, kelompok atau lembaga yang "menutup rapat-rapat" atau membatasi Keinginan Tuhan (the Will of the Divine), atau keinginan terdalam maksud teks dalam suatu batasan ketentuan tertentu, dan kemudian menyajikan ketentuan-ketentuan tersebut sebagai sesuatu hal yang tidak dapat dihindari, final, dan merupakan hasil akhir yang tidak dapat dibantah. Amin Abdullah, “Kata Pengantar Pendekatan Hermeneutika dalam Studi Fatwa-fatwa Keagamaan.” dalam Khaled Abou el-Fadl, Atas Nama Tuhan dari Fikih Otoriter ke Fikih Otoritatif. ter. R. Cecep Lukman Hakim, (Jakarta: Serambi Ilmu, 2004), xiii. 23Penafsiran yang “cendrung otoriter”, misalnya dapat dibaca dari karya-karya tulis seperti karya Hartono Ahmad Jaiz, misalnya, dalam buku Ada Pemurtadan di IAIN (Jakarta: Pustaka al-Kautsar, 2006); Aliran dan Paham Sesat di Indonesia (Jakarta: Pustaka al-Kautsar, 2003); Menangkal Bahaya JIL dan Fiqh Lintas Agama (Jakarta: Pustaka al-Kautsar, 2004). Adian Husaini, dalam Islam Liberal, Sejarah, Konsepsi, Penyimpangan dan Jawabannya (Jakarta: Gema Insani Press, 2002), dan Luthfi Bashari dalam Musuh Besar Ummat Islam (Yogyakarta: Wihdah Press, 2003). 24Muqsith, "Merancang (Kaidah), 359. 25al-Qur'ân, 5: 38. 22Menurut
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 825
harus diaktualisasikan dalam konteks masyarakat yang berbeda pula, meskipun ayat tersebut diturunkan dalam konteks masyarakat Arab dulu.26 Di sinilah, unsur historisitas atau latar turun ayat tersebut memang tidak digunakan. Meskipun demikian, bagi sebagian orang, justru dengan mempertahankan bunyi teks ayat tersebut dipandang sebagai cara untuk menyelesaikan kasus sosial kemasyarakatan. Dalam hal ini adalah mencegah terjadinya tindak pidana kejahatan yang merupakan wujud maqâshid alsyarî'ah itu sendiri. Dalam "al-Tasyrî' al-Jinâ'î", 'Abd al-Qâdir 'Awdah misalnya, melihat pentingnya penerapan ayat tersebut secara tekstual, bukan saja karena ayat tersebut (secara lafzhi) memang harus dilakukan, tetapi juga adanya kebutuhan, di mana ketentuan ayat tersebut dimaksudkan untuk menjaga ketenteraman masyarakat dari bencana kejahatan yang merupakan wujud dari maqâshid al-syarî'ah itu sendiri. 'Awdah berkata sebagai berikut:
الا ساس إذلي قامت عليَكه عقوعَك إلةَكق ىف إلَشَكيِ إالسَكَلمي وإنَكه لِمَكري يَكِي أسَكاس قامت عليه عقوع إلةق من يوم ه نة عاملنا حهي إلآن وإنه إلةَك ىف جنَكا عقوعَك إلةَكق ىف 27 ..إلَشيِ إالسَلمي قدميا وهو إلة إذلي جِلها تنجا جناحا َبهرإ ىف إحلجاز ىف عرص “Dasar yang menjadi pijakan diterapkan hukuman terhadap pelaku kejahatan pencurian dalam hukum Islam (sesuai dengan bunyi literal ayat. pen), dan menurut saya, ini merupakan dasar yang terbaik pemberian sanksi bagi pelaku kejahatan pencurian dari sejak dulu sampai sekarang di dunia Islam. Dan itulah rahasia kesuksesan sanksi (pidana Islam) bagi pelaku kejahatan pencurian dalam hukum Islam sejak dulu, sebuah rahasia (makna) yang dapat dilihat adalah di Hijaz (baca. Arab Saudi) pada era sekarang ini.”
Jika argumen 'Awdah tersebut benar, maka substansi (maqâshid) dari bunyi tekstual ayat hukum tersebut adalah terciptanya suatu kondisi masyarakat yang aman. Ini berarti bahwa mempertahankan bunyi teks tidak semata-mata mengabaikan makna substantif suatu ayat. Dengan demikian, dapat dipastikan bahwa argumen apa pun dalam konteks penganut pendekatan literal, kaedah ushûl fiqh di atas masih relevan bagi mereka. Mencermati pandangan kaum literalis di atas, ssungguhnya ingin
26Lebih jauh. Lihat Abî al-Hasan ‘Alî bin Ahmad al-Wâhidî, Asbâb al-Nuzûl, tahqîq, al-Sayid al-Jumaylî (Beirut: Dâr al-Kitâb al-'Arabî, 1991), 159. Lihat pula. Jalâl al-Dîn alSuyûthî, Asbâb al-Nuzûl al-Musammâ Lubâb al-Nuqûl fi Asbâb al-Nuzûl (Beirut: Muassasah al-Kitâb al-Tsaqâfiyah, 2002), 107. 27Abd al-Qâdir 'Awdah, al-Tasyrî' al-Jinâ'î al-Islâmî Muqâranân bi al-Qânûn al-Wadl'î, 1, (Beirut: Muasasah al-Risâlah, 1992), 652-653.
826 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
menunjukkan bahwa dalam setiap nash literal agama terkandung maqâshid atau dalam ungkapan Ibn Hazm:
إن مق د إل ارع غائب عنا حهي ينتينا مايِرفناعه وليس ذكل إال َبلترصحي إلالكم جمردإ عَكن 28 .تتبع إملِاىن “Sesungguhnya, maksud Syâri' (Tuhan) misterius bagi kita sehingga Ia menjelaskannya sendiri. Hal ini tidak bisa terjadi kecuali melalui firman yang jelas yang terlepas dari makna-makna yang lain.”
Atas dasar inilah, kaum literalis Islam akan dengan segara menolak argumen penalaran untuk menjelaskan ketentuan hukum suatu nash karena suatu nash hanya dapat diterangkan oleh nash itu sendiri.29 Terlepas dari perbedaan pandangan dalam melatakkan maqâshid, tetapi dengan mengambil contoh kasus ayat tentang pencurian di atas, misalnya, ayat tersebut tidak dapat diterapkan secara tekstual dalam konteks Indonesia,30 sebab Indonesia dengan Arab berbeda. Secara geografis, jazirah Arab merupakan tanah yang tandus dan gersang berupa lembah yang dikelilingi oleh gunung-gunung. Karena kondisi tanah yang tidak subur ini, masyarakatnya lebih senang melakukan perdagangan sebagai mata pencaharian pokok. Perdagangan mereka pun tidak hanya bersifat lokal, tetapi juga dalam lingkup "internasional" dan harta mereka pun berlimpah.31 Dalam kondisi semacam ini, tentunya akan membangkitkan gairah para pembegal dan perampok yang menjadi kebanggaan penjahat Arab saat itu. Oleh karena itu, adalah sangat rasional jika al-Qur’ân memberi hukuman kepada para perusuh dan pengacau keamanan yang kadangkala disertai dengan merampas harta dengan hukuman berat sebagaimana yang ditentukan oleh al-Qur’ân,32 dan pada saat itu memang tepat karena kejahatan yang merajalela hanya dapat ditanggulangi dengan hukuman yang keras sehingga menyebabkan orang merinding dan takut mendengarnya. Dengan mencermati kondisi sosial masyarakat Arab seperti di atas, wajar bila al-Qur’ân menetapkan hukuman yang berat sebagaimana disebutkan dalam surat al-Mâ'idah: 38 di atas. 28Abû Ishaq al-Syâthibî, al-Muwâfaqât fî Ushûl al-Syarî'ah, 2 (Beirut: Dâr al-Kutub al'Ilmiyah, tt), 297. Lihat. Muhammad Thahir bin ‘Âsyûr, Maqâshid al-Syarî'ah al-Islâmîyah (Kairo: Dâr al-Salâm, 2005), 19-20. 29Ibn Hazm, al-Ihkâm fi Ushûl al-Ahkâm, 3 (Beirût: Dâr al-Kutub al-'Iliyah, tt.), 530. 30Mungkin saja, Negara-negara seperti Pakistan, Sudan, atau Negara-negara yang menjadikan agama sebagai bagian dari Undang-undang Negara, tentu saja ayat tersebut dapat diberlakukan, seperti di Negara-negara Timur Tengah. 31Di dalam al-Qur'ân disebutkan, “Karena kebiasaan orang-orang Quraisy, (yaitu) kebiasaan mereka bepergian pada musim dingin dan musim panas.” al-Qur'ân, 106: 1-2. 32al-Mâ’idah: 33.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 827
Jika dikaitkan dengan konteks Indonesia sekarang serta memperhatikan kondisi sosial-geografis saat diturunkannya ayat tersebut, penekanan terhadap makna substantif atau kemungkinan membuka makna atau bentuk arti lain, tanpa harus dipahami secara tekstual-literal, menjadi terbuka. Dalam hal ini, menarik sekali saran dari Ibn Qayyim yang mengatakan:
وال مد عَل إملنقول ىف إلكتب ول معرك عَكل إذإ صَكاءك رصَكل مَكن غَكِي إقل َكف يسَك تفتيف فَل ره عَل عَكر عَك ك وسَكن عَكن عَكر عَك ه فَكنجره عليَكه وأفتيَكه عَكه دون عَكر عَك ك فهذإ هوإحلَكق إلَكوإو وإدَكود عَكَل إملنقَكوالت أعَكدإ ضَكَلل ىف إعيَكن:وإملذكور ىف كتبف قالوإ 33 .وهجل مبقاصدعلامء إملسلمني وإلسلف إملاضني “Dan janganlah anda terlalu terpaku pada teks-teks yang terdapat dalam kitab-kitab sepanjang umur Anda. Jika ada seseorang datang kepadamu dari luar daerah Anda lalu menanyakan tentang suatu hukum, maka janganlah Anda memperlakukan keputusan hukum menurut tradisi Anda, tetapi tanyakan lebih dahulu tradisinya, baru kemudian Anda putuskan dengan mempertimbangkan tradisi dia dan bukan menurut tradisi Anda atau atas dasar kitab-kitab Anda. Menurut ulama, ini cara yang benar dan jelas. Dan jika Anda jumud, maka Anda telah sesat dan tidak mampu memahami maksud para ulama dan generasi muslim awal (al-Salaf).”
Pandangan Ibn al-Qayyim di atas mengesankan bahwa dalam upaya menetapkan suatu hukum hendaknya memperhatikan kondisi sosial, budaya dan bahkan juga geo-politik suatu daerah (negara), sehingga apa yang menjadi tujuan hukum itu dapat terlaksana dengan baik. Dalam konteks ini, pendekatan dalam pembacaan teks-teks agama, terlebih lagi teks-teks yang merupakan produk sarjana Islam dimungkinkan dilakukan penafsiran-penafsiran baru. Di antara penafsiran baru itu adalah dengan memberikan pemahaman yang menekankan pada tujuan ditetapkannya hukum itu sendiri atau maqâshid al-syarî'ah. Oleh karena itu, sudah saatnya mengembangkan suatu pemahaman yang menekankan pada substansinya, bukan legal formalistiknya suatu nash hukum. Dalam bahasa Muqsith, “kejarlah maqâshid al-syarî'ah dengan pelbagai cara, tanpa terlalu banyak terpesona terhadap keindahan suatu teks. Sebab keterpsesonaan merupakan tindakan ideologis yang hanya akan menumpulkan kreativitas dalam pencarian makna objektif dan pentingnya memahami latar belakang turunnya ayat.”34 Pencapaian atas makna substanstif akan meniscayakan adanya analisa yang bukan hanya terhadap struktur kalimat saja, melainkan 33Ibn
al-Qayyîm, I'lâm al-Muwâqi'în ‘an Rab al-‘Âlamîn, (Bairût: Dâr al-Fikr, tt), 652. "Merancang (Kaidah), 361.
34Muqsith,
828 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
yang justru fondasional adalah analisis kelas dan struktur sosial dan budaya yang melingkupi sejarah kelahiran teks. Kedua, meletakkan mashlahat sebagai payung hukum. Sesungguhnya hukum Islam tidak memiliki tujuan lain kecuali untuk mewujudkan kemaslahatan (jalb al-mashâlih) dan menolak segala bentuk kemafsadatan (dar'u al-mafâsid). Paradigma ini oleh Muqsith Gazali dirumuskan dengan ungkapan "naskh al-nushush bi al-mashlahat".35 "Kaedah" ini secara paradigmatik ingin menyatakan bahwa nash-nash apapun, baik dalam alQur'ân, al-Hadîth dan nash-nash lainnya dapat dibatalkan oleh mashlahat. Artinya, nalar mashlahat lebih kuat dijadikan sebagai hujjah daripada nalar teks (nash). Persoalannya, jika yang menjadi acuan adalah mashlahat, siapa yang berhak mendefinisikan dan memiliki otoritas untuk merumuskannya? Dalam hal ini, terlebih dahulu harus dipilah antara mashlahat individual (subjektif) dan mashlahat yang bersifat kolektif. Mashlahat yang bersifat individual (subjektif) adalah mashlahat yang menyangkut kepentingan individu, orang per orang, dan terpisah dengan kepentingan orang lain. Karena sifatnya subjektif, maka yang berhak menentukannya adalah pribadi yang bersangkutan.36 Sedangkan mashlahat yang bersifat sosial-objektif yang menjadi kepentingan orang banyak, maka otoritas yang memberikan penilaian adalah orang banyak juga melalui mekanisme syura untuk mencapai konsensus (ijmâ'). Sesuatu yang telah menjadi konsensus dari proses pendefinisian mashlahat melalui musyawarah itulah hukum tertinggi yang mengikat. Di sinilah pemecahan masalah bersama cukup menentukan,37 dan inilah yang dimaksudkan oleh al-Qur’ân: 38 . ِوأمرمه مورى عيهن Sedang urusan mereka diputuskan dengan musyawarah antara mereka. Sering disinyalir bahwa mashlahat yang diandaikan oleh manusia adalah mashlahat yang semu dan relatif, sementara mashlahat yang ditetapkan Tuhan melalui bunyi teks-teks harfiah nash adalah kemaslahatan hakiki. Manusia tidak memiliki otoritas untuk mempertanyakan dan menggugat kemaslahatan literal teks dan kewajiban manusia adalah mengamalkan dan mengimaninya secara sepenuh hati.39 Padahal, lanjut Muqsith, sebagai spirit dari teks (nushûsh) al-Qur’ân, kemaslahatan dapat berfungsi untuk mengontrol balik dari keberadaan teks dengan menganulir beberapa teks yang sudah tidak relevan. Dengan cara ini, cita-cita kemaslahatan akan senantiasa berkreasi untuk memproduksi formulasi teks 35Ibid.
36Ibid., 37Ibid.
362.
38al-Qur'ân, 39Muqsith,
42: 38. "Merancang (Kaidah), 362.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 829
keagamaan baru di tengah kegamangan dan kegagapan formulasi dan teks keagamaan lama.40 Pertanyaanya selanjutnya adalah bagaimana kalau terjadi pertentangan antara mashlahat dengan nash. Kalau menggunakan paradigma ushûl al-fiqh, yang dimenangkan (yang diambil untuk dijadikan argumen) adalah nash. Karena dalam nash itu sendiri sudah mencakup mashlahat. Kalaupun mashlahat yang diambil atau dimenangkan, mashlahat itu adalah mashlahat yang tidak bertentangan dengan nash terlebih lagi nash itu termasuk dalam nash yang qath'i al-dilâlah wa tsubût (yang pasti penunjukkan dan ketetapannya).41 Menurut Muqsith, yang dimenangkan adalah nalar mashlahat atau mashlahat mempunyai otoritas menganulir teksteks suci. Hal ini dapat diketahui dari pembatalan demi pembatalan terhadap sejumlah ketentuan hukum Islam yang dikenal dengan istilah nasîkh-mansûkh dan semua pelajar Islam mesti tahu cerita tentang penganuliran beberapa syarî'ah Islam yang dipandang tidak lagi bersendikan kemaslatan.42 Karena itu, tidak mustahil bahwa sesuatu yang bernilai mashlahat dalam suatu tempat dan waktu tertentu, kemudian berubah menjadi mafsadat dalam suatu ruang dan waktu yang lain. Menrut Muqshit, bila kemaslahatan dapat berubah karena perubahan konteks, maka dapat saja Allah menyuruh berbuat sesuatu karena diketahui mengandung mashlahat, kemudian Allah melarangnya pada waktu kemudian karena diketahui di lapangan aturan-aturan tersebut tidak lagi menyuarakan kemaslahatan.43 Untuk memperkuat argumen ini, Muqshit mengutip pendapat Ibn Rushd yang mengatakan, bahwa hikmah (kemaslahatan) itu merupakan saudara kandung dari syarî'ah-syarî'ah yang telah ditetapkan Allah swt.44 Dengan demikian, kemaslahatan yang merupakan realisasi dari maqâshid adalah fondasi paling pokok dari setiap perundang-undangan syarî'ah Islam. Ini bukan karena ajaran Islam yang memang perlu dicocokcocokkan secara oportunistik dengan perkembangan kemaslahatan, melainkan tuntutan kemaslahatan itu secara objektif mengharuskan demikian, dan inilah yang disarankan oleh ‘Izz al-Dîn Ibn 'Abd al-Salâm dengan mengatakan, “seluruh ketentuan agama diarahkan untuk sebesarbesarnya kemaslahatan umat manusia”.45 Jadi, kemaslahatan merupakan 40Ibid.
362-363. al-Zuhaylî, Ushûl al-Fiqh, 2, 801. 42Muqsith, "Merancang (Kaidah), 363. Lebih jauh, Muqsith mengatakan, “Dijelaskan bahwa nasakh itu bukan hanya berlaku terhadap syarî'ah nabi-nabi terdahulu (syar'u man qablanâ) saja, melainkan juga berlangsung dalam batang tubuh syarî'ah Nabi Muhammad sendiri. Betapa banyak syarî'ah Islam yang baru diundangkan, kerap dalam 3 (tiga) sampai 5 (lima) tahun dianulir kembali oleh Nabi Muhammad saw. karena tidak bermaslahat lagi. Ibid. 43Ibid. 44Ibid. 363. 45Ibid. 364. Bandingkan. al-Raysûnî, Nazhariyat al-Maqâshid, 67. 41Lihat.
830 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
ajaran agama yang fundamental, tidak berubah, dan universal. Sementara wujud pelaksanaan cita kemaslahatan itu merupakan perkara agama yang fushûl (cabang), sehingga bisa berubah-ubah mengikuti perubahan alur sejarah dan peradaban. Sebagai yang ushûl, teks-teks agama yang demikian tidak boleh diubah dan dianulir.46 Yang perlu mendapat perhatian bahwa nasakh tidak dapat dilakukan terhadap teks-teks universal, ajaran mana telah melintasi ruang dan waktu, mengatasi pelbagai etnis dan keyakinan47 seperti ayat yang berbunyi: .أن حتمكوإ َبلِدل
48
وإذإ حمكمت عني إلناس
Apabila kamu memberikan keputusan hukum di antara manusia, maka putuskanlah dengan penuh keadilan.
ينهيا إذلين أمنوإ كونوإ قَكومني مَكهدأآء َبلقسَكو وال َكرمنمك مَكن ان قَكوم عَكَل أال تَِكدلوإ 49 .إعدلوإ هو أقري للتقوى وإتقوهللا إن هللا خبِي مبا تِملون Hai orang-orang yang beriman, hendaklah kamu jadi orang-orang yang selalu menegakkan (kebenaran) karena Allah, menjadi saksi dengan adil. Dan janganlah sekali-kali kebencianmu terhadap suatu kaum, mendorong kamu untuk tidak berlaku adil. Berbuat adillah, karena keadilan itu lebih dekat kepada takwa. Dan bertakwalah kepada Allah, sesungguhnya Allah Maha Mengetahui apa yang kamu kerjakan. Ayat-ayat yang berkaitan dengan keadilan dan kemanusiaan tersebut disebut sebagai “al-ayât al-a'lâ qîmâtan” atau “al-ayât al-ushûliyât” (ayat-ayat yang fundamental), atau ushûl al-Qur’ân, dan berkedudukan tinggi. Ayatayat seperti ini tidak boleh di-nasakh50 karena me-nasakh ayat-ayat yang 46Muqsith,
"Merancang (Kaedah), 364.
47Ibid. 48al-Qur'ân,
4: 58. 5: 8. 50Dalam karya ushûl al-fiqh, konsep nasakh dipahami sebagai pencabutan atau pembatalan suatu hukum terhadap ketentuan hukum yang sudah ada atau mencabut suatu hukum yang telah ditetapkan pada khithâb dahulu dengan khithâb yang datang kemudian. Menurut ulama Syî'ah, nasakh berarti mencabut apa-apa yang telah ditetapkan dalam syarî'ah dari hukum-hukum dan lainnya. Kedua definisi tersebut, secara substansial mengandung makna "mencabut" atau "membatalkan". Secara garis besar, nasakh berarti 1) al-syâri' (pembuat hukum) menetapkan suatu hukum untuk berlaku terhadap suatu kejadian dalam suatu masa; 2) kemudian menetapkan suatu hukum terhadap suatu kejadian yang berbeda dengan apa yang telah ditetapkan sebelumnya, dan; 3) khiţâb yang datang kemudian, di samping menetapkan hukum baru, sekaligus mencabut berlakunya hukum yang lama. Amir Syarifuddin, Usul Fiqih, I, (Jakarta: Logos, 1999), 213-214. 49al-Qur'ân,
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demikian itu, bukan saja berseberangan dengan semangat dasar Islam awal, melainkan juga bertentangan dengan logika nasakh sendiri.51 Sedangkan ayat-ayat yang berkaitan dengan mu'âmalah yang bersifat teknis seperti yang terdapat dalam al-Qur'ân disebut sebagai “al-ayât al-adnâ qîmâtan” atau “al-ayât al-furû'iyah” atau “fiqh al-Qur'ân” misalnya, ayat-ayat yang berkaitan dengan hudûd atau 'uqûbah, bilangan waris dan sejenisnya. Semua ayat yang termasuk dalam kategori ini terbuka kemungkinan untuk dinasakh, sekiranya tidak efektif lagi sebagai sarana untuk mewujudkan kemasalahatan. Karena dalam sejarahnya, nasakh hadir untuk terus-menerus memperbaharui teks-teks agama yang tidak lagi merepresentasikan prinsip dasar Islam.52 Dengan demikian, dapat ditarik suatu pemahaman bahwa posisi otoritatif mashlahat menjadi begitu dominan dalam menetapkan ketentuan hukum Islam, meskipun ketentuan hukum itu telah mendapatkan justifikasi nash al-Qur'ân. Ahmad Khalaf Allâh dalam bukunya "al-Harakah al-Islâmîyah al-Mu'âshirah" seperti dikutip Jamâl Sulthân yang mengatakan, "Mashlahat tidak hanya berubah-ubah mengikuti zaman pada perkaraperkara di mana tidak ada nash, tetapi juga kadang-kadang berubah pada perkara-perkara di mana ada nash".53 Menurut Hasbi ass-Shiddiqiey, al-Qur’ân dan al-Sunnah tidak menerangkan hukum-hukum yang disertai oleh keterangan yang menunjuk kepada keabadiannya itu akan di-nasakh. Setiap hukum yang akan di-nasakh, tentulah tidak akan disertai dengan keterangan yang menunjuk kepada keabadiannya. Dan nasakh itu pula tidak mengenai nash-nash yang mengandung hukum asasi yang tetap berlaku untuk segala zaman.54 Penjelasan Hasbi tersebut memberi pemahaman bahwa objek hukum yang dapat di-nasakh adalah hukum-hukum yang bersifat juz'î. Artinya, suatu nasakh hanya berlaku terhadap ketentuan-ketentuan yang bersifat parsialpartikular, bukan hukum-hukum yang bersifat universal. Dengan kata lain, ayat-ayat yang partikular adalah ayat-ayat hukum yang di Madinah dan yang universal adalah ayat-ayat hukum yang di Makkah. Hasbi dengan mengutip pendapat al-Syâthibî menyatakan, “kebanyakan nasakh dilakukan di Madinah, karena hukum-hukum yang ditumbuhkan di Makkah bersifat kaedah kulliyâh. Kaedah kulliyâh itu tidak menerima nasakh. Yang menerima nasakh hanyalah hukum-hukum juz'iyâh.”55 Jadi, yang qath'î itu adalah ayat51Muqsith,
"Merancang (Kaedah), 364. "Merancang (Kaedah), 365. 53Jamal Sultan, Pembaruan Pemikiran Islam Kritik Terhadap 'Pembaruan', ter. Muhammad Syauqi (Ttp.: Lembaga Konsultasi Pendidikan dan Sosial Islam, 1994), 52. 54Hasbi mengatakan, “mengingat bahwa nasakh suatu usaha untuk memperbaiki masyarakat, maka nasakh itu tidaklah dihadapkan kepada hukum-hukum yang bersifat kullî, tetapi kepada sebagian hukum yang bersifat tafshilî-juzh'î yang berpautan dengan persoalanpersoalan masyarakat. Lebih jauh, lihat. Hasbi ash-Shiddiqiey, Pengantar Hukum Islam, 2 (Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1981), 14. 55Ibid. 15. 52Muqsith,
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ayat yang kullî, karena menurut al-Syâthibî dalil-dalil yang digunakan untuk menetapkan al-kulliyâh al-khamsah termasuk dalil yang qath'î, maka ia juga dapat dikelompokkan sebagai qath'î.56 Ketiga, mengamandemen (membatalkan) ketentuan-ketentuan "dogmatik" agama yang menyangkut urusan publik baik yang terdapat dalam al-Qur’ân maupun al-Sunnah. Menurut Muqsith, ketika terjadi pertentangan antara akal publik dengan bunyi harfiyah teks ajaran, maka akal publik berotoritas menyempurnakan atau memodifikasinya. Penyempurnaan atau modifikasi ini dapat dilakukan dengan tanqîh (memilah-milah) yang berupa taqyid bi al-'aql (pembatasan dengan akal), takhshîsh bi al-'aql (pengkhususan dengan akal), dan tabyin bi al-'aql (penjelasan dengan akal), yang secara metodologis dirumuskan dengan ungkapan "tanqîh al-nushûsh bi al-'aql al-mujtma'".57 Dengan demikian, maqâshid al-syarî'ah bukan saja hanya digali melalui proses dilaektika antara umat Islam dengan teks al-Qur'ân per se (saja), melainkan juga sebagai hasil dari dialog yang bersangkutan dengan hati nuraninya di satu pihak, dan interaksi mereka dengan rialitas kehidupan di pihak lain. Penggalian hukum yang dihasilkan dari interaksi dengan teks dan juga dengan realitas sosial akan melahirkan kesadaran bahwa tujuan hukum Islam itu bukan hanya dapat ditarik dari bunyi teks, tetapi juga dari kesadaran kemanusiaan yang diwujudkan dengan bagaimana menciptakan keadilan, persamaan, kasih sayang, hak asasi manusia dan pluralisme, yang kesemuanya ini mencerminkan maqâshid alsyarî'ah. Dengan berpijak pada nilai-nilai tersebut, maka kesimpulan hukum yang besifat partikular dapat dianulir dengan hukum yang bersifat universal. Dengan kata lain, maqâshid al-syarî'ah merupakan sumber dari totalitas hukum Islam yang pada tataran implementatifnya dapat dijadikan sebagai paradigma pengambilan hukum Islam. Oleh karena itu, sekiranya ada satu ketentuan hukum Islam baik dalam al-Qur'ân maupun al-Hadîth yang bertentangan secara substantif dengan maqâshid al-syarî'ah, maka ketentuan hukum tersebut mesti direformasi demi logika maqâshid alsyarî'ah.58 IV. Paradigma Maqâshid dan Implikasi Teoretis Pembaruan pemikiran hukum Islam (ushûl al-fiqh)59 dengan berlandaskan pada pencarian semangat ajaran (maqâshid) sebagaimana 56Fathurrahman Jamil, Metode Ijtihad Majlis Tarjih Muhammadiyah (Jakarta: Logos, 1995), 39-40. 57Muqsith, "Merancang (Kaedah), 365. 58Ibid. 356-357. 59Perlunya reformulasi metodologi ushûl al-fiqh karena format ushûl al-fiqh yang ada selama ini cenderung teosentris-normatif, tidak mampu lagi menyesuaikan diri dengan perkembangan ilmu pengetahuan. Menurut Akhmad Minhaji, akhir-akhir ini memang muncul kritik terhadap ushûl al-fiqh karena dianggap masih menggunakan pola pikir lama.
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disebutkan di atas, setidaknya menuntut perlunya reformulasi metodologi penyimpulan hukum (istinbâth al-ahkâm) dalam kajian ushûl al-fiqh. Ushûl alfiqh, seperti dinyatakan oleh para pemerhati pemikiran hukum Islam memiliki posisi yang cukup signifikan. Signifikansi ushûl al-fiqh bukan saja karena dapat dijadikan sebagai suatu metode atau ilmu pengetahuan dalam kajian hukum Islam, tetapi juga dalam kajian keislaman lainnya. Tidak mengherankan kalau ushûl al-fiqh tidak jarang disebut sebagai the queen of Islamic sciences.60 Salah satu pendekatan dalam kajian hukum Islam yang dapat dijadikan sebagai paradigma reformulasi metodologi istinbâth alahkâm adalah maqâshid al-syarî'ah. Dalam konteks ini maqâshid al-syarî'ah diletakkan sebagai paradigama dalam memahami hukum Islam. "Paradigma" di sini, seperti dalam konstruksi Thomas S. Kuhn adalah suatu model atau pola berpikir (mode of thought).61 Menurutnya, paradigma merupakan suatu model pemecahan masalah. Bila seorang ilmuan telah sampai kepada suatu pengakuan bersama terhadap suatu paradigma, maka paradigma tersebut disebut dengan normal science.62 Selanjutnya, bila suatu paradigma itu dipertanyakan kembali karena tidak mampu memecahkan masalah, maka paradigma tersebut disebut dengan crisis.63 Krisis legitimasi paradigma tersebut disebut dengan anomaly.64 Dalam pengertian ini, terjadi suatu pergeseran paradigma. Pergeseran paradigma inilah yang disebut dengan scientific revolution.65 Dalam kaitan ini, paradigma berarti cara pandang terhadap suatu bentuk pemikiran atau pengetahuan dalam rangka memahami dan mereformulasi suatu pengetahuan yang memungkinkan lahirnya suatu pemahaman hukum Islam dengan berpijak pada semangat hukum Islam (ruh al-syarî'ah) di tengah-tengah terjadinya perkembangan modernitas dan tantangan globalisasi. Karena itu, pembacaan kritis terhadap suatu pemikiran dalam pemikiran hukum Islam menjadi tidak terhindarkan. Upaya ini bukan untuk mengabaikan khazanah keislaman yang telah terbangun sacara baik dan kuat dalam studi ushûl al-fiqh.
Bahkan, sebagian ada yang melihatnya sebagai out of date karena dianggap terlalu Aristotelian logic. Dengan pendekatan seperti ini, logika ushûl al-fiqh cenderung mendekati masalah secara hitam putih, benar-salah, halal-haram dan semacamnya. Lebih jauh, lihat. Akhmad Minhaji, “Reorientasi Kajian Ushul Fiqh” dalam Al-Jâmi’ah, No. 63, Vol. VI, 1999, 17-19. 60Ibid., 14-15. 61Thomas S. Kuhn, The Stucture of Scientific Revolutions (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1970), 23. 62Ibid., 23-24. 63Ibid., 66. 64Ibid., 52. 65Amin Abdullah, Islamic Studies di Perguruan Tinggi (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2006), 43.
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Maqâshid al-syarî'ah tidak saja diletakkan sebagai suatu metode, tetapi juga sebagai doktrin sekaligus. Sebagai “metode”, maqâshid al-syarî'ah merupakan pisau analisis untuk mengembangkan nilai-nilai naş yang terbatas, dan sebagai “doktrin” bermaksud mencapai dan menjamin kemaslahatan umat manusia, khususnya umat Islam,66 terutama ketika dikaitkan dengan tiga masalah pokok dalam filsafat ilmu: ontologi,67 epistemologi,68 dan aksiologi.69 Ontologi adalah objek yang ingin diketahui atau sesuatu yang ingin diketahui. Dalam ushûl al-fiqh objek (aspek ontologisnya) adalah kaedah-kaedah atau metode-metode istinbâth alahkâm70 yaitu al-adillah al-syar’îyah (dalil-dalil syar’î atau nash-nash agama). Epistemologi atau teori ilmu pengetahuan adalah teori pengetahuan yang membahas secara mendalam segenap proses yang terlihat dalam usaha memperoleh pengetahuan. Dalam kajian keislaman, ‘Âbid al-Jâbirî memetakan tiga bentuk epistemologi, yaitu al-bayânî, al-irfânî, dan al-burhânî. Epistemologi bayânî,71 menegaskan bahwa sumber ilmu pengetahuan Islam berdasarkan teks-teks agama (al-Qur’ân, al-Hadîts) dan teks-teks keagamaan lainnya seperti alijmâ’ dan al-qiyâs. Karena itu, segala aktivitas keilmuan Islam harus berdasarkan pada teks-teks keagamaan. Jadi, aspek metode penalaran hukum Islam dalam perspektif bayânî adalah metode penalaran yang selalu beranjak dari makna lahiriyah teks-teks agama (zhâhir al-fâzh al-syar’îyah), seperti dalam ushûl al-fiqh, fiqh, dan kalam. Epistemologi irfânî72 yaitu suatu proses bernalar yang berdasarkan pada ilhâm atau kasysyâf sebagai sumber pengetahuan.73 Sedangkan epistemologi burhânî74 adalah suatu epistemologi yang berpandangan bahwa sumber pengetahuan Islam adalah akal. Dalam penalaran hukum Islam, epistemologi burhânî muncul pada metode induksi (istiqra’î), deduksi (istinjâj), universalitas (kullî), dan juga tujuan-tujuan hukum Islam (maqâshid al-syarî'ah).75
66Yudian
Wahyudi, Ushul Fikih Versus, 44-52. Bagus, Kamus Filsafat (Jakarta PT. Gramedia Pustaka Utama, 1996), 746. 68Ibid., 212. Bandingkan. C.A. Qadir, Ilmu Pengetahuan dan Metodenya (Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia, 1988), viiiI. 69Lihat. Jujun S. Sumantri, Filsafat Ilmu (Jakarta: Sinar Harapan, 1993), 35. 70Muhammad Roy, Ushul Fiqh Madzhab Aristoteles: Pelacakan Logika Aristoteles dalam Qiyas Ushul Fiqh (Yogyakarta: Safira Insania Press, 2004), 22. 71Muhammad Abid al-Jâbirî, Bunyat al-‘Aql al-‘Arabi 2, (Beirut: al-Markaz al-Thaqâfî al-'Arabî, 1991), 38. 72Ibid., 252. 73al-Jâbirî, Takwîn al-‘Aql al-‘Arabi (Beirut: Markaz Dirâsat al-Wih}dah al‘Arabiyah, 1991), 190. 74al-Jâbirî, Bunyat al-‘Aql al-‘Arabi 2, 383-384. Lihat. Idem, Ishkâliyah al-Fikr al‘Arabi al-Mu’âşir (Beirut: Markaz Dirâsat al-Wihdah al-‘Arabiyah, 1989), 59. 75al-Jâbirî, Post Tradisionalisme Islam, ter. Ahmad Baso (Yogyakarta: LKiS, 2000), xIvii. 67Loren
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Aksiologi atau tujuan dan kegunaan ilmu pengetahuan yang berfungsi sebagai suatu ilmu untuk memecahkan berbagai persoalan yang dihadapi oleh umat manusia.76 Dalam konteks aksiologi, ushûl al-fiqh berfungsi membimbing manusia dalam menangkap maksud Tuhan secara benar. Artinya, dengan menelaah kembali kaedah-kaedah ushûl al-fiqh (al-qawâ'id al-ushûlîyah) seseorang dapat menangkap apa yang terkandung dalam nashnash agama (al-Qur’ân dan al-Sunnah). Namun, metode penyimpulan hukum (istinbâth al-ahkâm) dalam ushûl al-fiqh77 pada umumnya masih saja terkungkung dalam bunyi harfiyah teks, karena itu metode ini dipandang bersifat normatif-doktriner. Oleh karena itu, dengan menggunakan tiga pilar keilmuan tersebut, diharapkan dapat dirancang suatu bangunan metodologi atau setidaknya ada upaya reformulasi metodologi ushûl al-fiqh dalam memahami dan mengembangkan pemikiran hukum Islam, khususnya yang berkaitan dengan teks-teks hukum mu’âmalah. Pilihan terhadap teks-teks hukum mu’âmalah sebagai contoh di sini didasarkan atas pertimbangan bahwa aspek mu’âmalah78 dalam pengertiannya yang lebih luas dipandang sebagai hukum yang mengatur prilaku keberagamaan umat Islam dalam hubungannya dengan lingkungan sosial-kemasyarakatan yang hampir tidak dapat dilepaskan.
76Muhammad
Roy, Ushul Fiqh Madzhab Aristoteles, 28. pendekatan dengan penggunaan al-qawâ'id al-ushûlîyah dan al-qawâ’id alfiqhîyah merupakan pendekatan yang bercorak doktriner-deduktif. Pendekatan seperti ini biasanya didasarkan atas keterangan-keterangan yang bersifat tektualis dan cukup hanya dengan menjelaskan arti, makna, maksud dan ilustrasi-ilustrasi lainnya. Pendekatan ini cenderung mengabaikan atau setidaknya terlepas dari realitas sosial yang dihadapi umat. Akhmad Minhaji, “Reorientasi Kajian Ushul Fiqh, 16. 78Dalam catatan ‘Abd al-Wahhâb Khallâf, al-Qur’ân sebagai sumber hukum Islam, setidaknya mangandung tiga bentuk hukum: pertama, hukum-hukum yang berkaitan dengan masalah keimanan (i’tiqâdîyah), seperti keimanan kepada Allah, para malaekat, kitab-kitab, rasul-rasul, dan hari kemudian (yawm al-qiyâmah); kedua, hukum-hukum yang berkaitan dengan prilaku (akhlâq); ketiga, hukum-hukum yang bersifat amaliyah, seperti perkataan dan perbuatan. Model ketentuan yang ketiga ini disebut dengan fiqh al-Qur’ân. Ketentuan hukum amaliyah ini melahirkan dua formulasi hukum: (1) al-ahkâm al-‘ibâdah, yaitu aturan yang mengatur hubungan hamba dengan Tuhannya, dam (2) al-ahkâm al-mu’âmalah, yaitu hukumhukum yang mengatur bentuk transaksi, hukuman-hukuman, tindak pidana, transaksi keperdataan, dan lain-lain, yakni hukum-hukum yang mengatur hubungan hamba dengan hamba. Bentuk hukum mu’âmalah terdiri atas al-ahkâm al-ah}wâl al-sakhşîyah (hukum keluarga) sebanyak 70 ayat al-Qur’ân, al-ahkâm al-madaniyah (hukum perdata) sebanyak 70 ayat al-Qur’ân, al-ahkâm al-jinâ’îyah (hukum pidana) sebanyak 30 ayat, al-ahkâm al-murâfa’ah (hukum acara peradilan) sebanyak 31 ayat, al-ah}kâm al-dustûrîyah (perundang-undangan pemerintahan) 10 ayat, al-ahkâm al-dawlîyah (hukum internasional) sebanyak 25 ayat, dan alahkâm al-iqtishâdîyah (hukum-hukum perekonomian) 35 ayat. Khallâf, ‘Ilm Ushûl al-Fiqh, 3233. 77Model
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Berkenaan dengan teks-teks hukum mu’âmalah, penalaran (‘aql) tidak hanya diletakkan sebagai alat tafsir,79 tetapi juga sebagai instrumen telaah kritis dengan mempertimbangakan aspek-aspek sosio-kultural, peristiwaperistiwa yang berkembang dalam kehidupan masyarakat dan dengan mengedepankan tujuan hukum sehingga universalitas hukum Islam dapat diwujudkan dalam kehidupan nyata umat. Dalam hal ini penulis merumuskannya dengan ungkapan “Mendahulukan teks-teks universal lebih utama daripada teks-teks partikular dalam hukum-hukum mu’âmalah.”
تقدمي إلن وص إللكي أوىل من إلن وص إجلزئي ىف إملِامَلت Yang dimaksud dengan teks-teks universal (al-nushûsh al-kullîyah) di sini adalah ayat-ayat yang berkaitan dengan tema pokok, seperti keadilan (al-‘adâlah), hak-hak asasi manusia (huqûq al-insâniyah), syura (al-syûra), persamaan (al-musâwah), toleransi (al-tasâmuh). Teks-teks seperti ini bercorak tetap dan tidak berubah (tsâbitah, ghayru mutaghayyirah).80 Berkaitan dengan penegakan keadilan, terdapat sejumlah ayat yang menegaskan kepastian untuk dilaksanakannya, seperti ayat yang berbunyi:
ين هيا ذلين أ آ منوإ كونوإ قومني مَكهدأ آ ء َبلقسَكو وال َكرمنمك مَكن ان قَكوم عَكَل أال تَِكدلو 81 إعدلوإ هو أقري للتقوى وإتقوهللا إن هللا خبِي مبا تِملونو Hai orang-orang yang beriman, hendaklah kamu jadi orang-orang yang selalu menegakkan (kebenaran) karena Allah, menjadi saksi dengan adil. Dan janganlah sekali-kali kebencianmu terhadap sesuatu kaum, mendorong kamu untuk berlaku tidak adil. Berlaku adillah, karena adil itu lebih dekat kepada takwa. Dan bertakwalah kepada Allah, sesungguhnya Allah Maha Mengetahui apa yang kamu kerjakan.
Tema penegakan keadilan seperti disebutkan dalam ayat di atas berlaku untuk semua umat dan pelaksanaannya pun tidak dipengaruhi oleh situasi dan kondisi tertentu demi untuk kemaslahatan orang banyak. Pada tataran teoretisnya, mendahalukan penegakan ayat-ayat seperti ini dalam kehidupan masyarakat, secara ushûl al-fiqh dipandang berstatus qath’î. Ke-
79Dalam studi keislaman, umumnya penggunaan nalar hanya berfungsi sebagai alat tafsir teks-teks keagamaan, misalnya dalam aqidah dengan metode deduksi (qiyâs manţiqî), fiqh Islam melalui metode qiyâs fiqhî, filsafat Islam melalui proses falsafikasi (ta’arrudl aladillah) dan verifikasi (tahqîq). Lihat. Amin Abdullah, “Al-Ta’wîl Al-‘Ilmî: Kearah Paradigma Penafsiran Kitab Suci”, al-Jâmi’ah. Vol. 39, No. 2. Juli-Desembar, 2001, 366. 80Ghazali Sa’id dan A. Ma’ruf Asrori, Ahkâm al-Fuqahâ: Solusi Problematika Aktual Hukum Islam. Surabaya: Lajnah wa Ta'lif wa Nashr NU Jawa Timur bekerjsama dengan Diantama, 2004), lii. 81al-Qur’ân, 5: 8.
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qath’î-an ayat seperti ini dapat dilihat dari sejumlah ayat al-Qur’ân yang mendukungnya, seperti dalam surat al-Nisâ’: 135,82 dan al-Hadîd: 25.83 Ke-qath’î-an makna al-Qur’ân dapat tercapai apabila sejumlah dalil syara’ berkumulasi saling dukung-mendukung dalam makna yang sama. Gabungan makna ayat-ayat merupakan makna qath’î yang kukuh dan tidak mengandung kemungkinan makna yang lain. Status qath’î tersebut kuat dan tidak mengalami perubahan makna dalam menghadapi tantangan zaman,84 seperti nash-nash yang mengandung prinsip-prinsip dasar dalam Islam, perintah berlaku jujur, bermusyawarah, dan ayat-ayat tentang akidah.85 Dalam rumusan Adîb Shâlih, suatu nash itu dipandang qath’î apabila:
أن يكون إحلمك إذلي دل عليه إللفن حكام أساس يا من قوإعَكد إعيَكن اكالميَكان َب: إلول تِاىل و وحدإنيته وإالميان مبَل ئكته وكتبه ورسن وإليوم إلآخر وإلخبار مبااكن أو يكَكون أن يكون ذكل إحلمك من أهمات إلفاضل وقوإعَكد إليَكَلن إلَكيت يقرهَكا إلِقَكل إلسَكل: إل اِن. 86 وإليت ال ختتلف َبختَل إلحوإل اكلِدل وبر إلوإعين وصَل إلرمح وإلوفاء َبلِهدو Pertama, suatu hukum itu ditunjukkan oleh lafaz sebagai hukum-hukum fundamental (prinsip-prinsip) dalam agama, seperti keimanan kepada Allah, keesaan-Nya, para malaikat, kitab-kitab-Nya, rasul-rasul-Nya, hari kemudian, dan berita-berita tentang sesuatu yang telah terjadi dan akan terjadi. Kedua, hukum yang berkaitan dengan akhlak yang mulia yang dapat diterima oleh akal sehat, dan hukum-hukum yang tidak mengalami perubahan karena perubahan situasi, seperti keadilan, berbuat baik kepada orang tua, silaturrahmi, dan menepati janji. Sedangkan teks-teks partikular (al-nushûsh al-juz’îyah) dalam bidang mu’âmalah adalah teks-teks yang berkaitan dengan ketentuan teknis dalam 82“Wahai orang-orang yang beriman, jadilah kamu orang yang benar-benar penegak keadilan, menjadi saksi karena Allah biarpun terhadap dirimu sendiri atau ibu bapa dan kaum kerabatmu. Jika ia kaya ataupun miskin, maka Allah lebih tahu kemaslahatannya. Maka janganlah kamu mengikuti hawa nafsu karena ingin menyimpang dari kebenaran dan jika kamu memutar balikkan (kata-kata) atau enggan menjadi saksi, maka sesungguhnya Allah adalah Maha mengetahui segala apa yang kamu kerjakan.” Ibid., 4: 135. 83“Sesungguhnya Kami telah mengutus Rasul-rasul Kami dengan membawa bukti-bukti yang nyata dan telah Kami turunkan bersama mereka al-Kitab dan neraca (keadilan) supaya manusia dapat melaksanakan keadilan.” Ibid., 57: 25. 84Agus Mahmud, “Mencermati Kriteria Qath’i-Dhanni, dalam Istinbâth. No. 2. Vol. 3 Juni, 2006, 149-150. 85Muhammad al-Madâni, Mawâthin al-Ijtihâd fî al-Syarî’ah al-Islâmîyah (Kuwait: Maţba’ah al-Manâr, tt.), 6. 86Adîb Shâlih, Tafsîr al-Nushûsh, Tafsîr al-Nuşûş fî al-Fiqh al-Islâmî Dirâsat Muqâranah Limanâhij al-‘Ulamâ’ fî Istinbâth al-Ahkâm min Nushûsh al-Kitâb wa al-Sunnah, Cet. 4, 1 (Beirut: al-Maktab al-Islâmî, 1993), 172.
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hukum Islam, seperti hukum pidana Islam (al-tasyrî’ al-jinâ’î al-Islâmî), politik Islam (al-siyâsah al-syar’îyah), dan lain-lain. Ayat-ayat teknis dalam hukum pidana Islam seperti ayat tentang hudûd, qishâsh, dan ta’zîr. Ayat tentang ketentuan potong tangan, misalnya ayat yang berbunyi: 87
وإلسارن وإلسارق فاقطِوإ أيدهيام جزأآء مباكس با نالك من هللا وهللا عزيز حك و
Laki-laki yang mencuri dan perempuan yang mencuri, potonglah tangan keduanya (sebagai) pembalasan bagi apa yang mereka kerjakan dan sebagai siksaan dari Allah. Dan Allah Maha Perkasa lagi Maha Bijaksana. 88
إلزإني وإلزإِن فاص وإ لك وإحد مهنام مائ ص ة وال تنيذمك هبام رأف ىف دين هللاووو
Perempuan yang berzina dan laki-laki yang berzina, maka deralah tiaptiap seorang dari keduanya seratus kali dera, dan janganlah belas kasihan kepada keduanya mencegah kamu untuk (menjalankan) agama Allah… Partikularitas ayat tersebut terlihat dari teknis penjelasan sanksi pidana yang dijatuhkan kepada pelaku kejahatan. Namun, ayat itu tersebut juga tidak menjelaskan bagaimana bentuk pelaksanaan hukuman tersebut. Oleh karena itu, mengganti teknis pelaksanaan sanksi pidana bagi suatu kejahatan dapat disesuaikan dengan situasi dan kondisi sosial-masyarakat. Menurut ‘Abd al-Azhîm Ma’ânî dan al-Ghundûrî, meskipun ayat tersebut memerintahkan pelaksanaan sanksi pidana sebagaimana disebutkan dalam ayat “maka deralah tiap-tiap seorang dari keduanya seratus kali dera”, ayat tersebut tidak menjelaskan bagaimana penderaan itu dilaksanakan, kondisi orang yang didera, dan alat yang digunakan untuk mendera. Oleh karena itu, teknis pelaksanaannya diserahkan kepada masyarakat itu sendiri.89 Selanjutnya, Ma’ânî dan al-Ghundûrî mengatakan:
لن عيان إلقرأآن إلكَكرمي عيَكان َكي إجَكامي ال يتَِكر مل َكل هَكذه إلتف َكيَلت عَكل يَك ك ذكل للس ن أو لمئ إملسلمني وإجملإدين يضِون لهامن إلحَكم ماينسب عيئَكإِ وزمَكا ِ لن م َكل 90 هذه إلمور ختتلف َبختَل إلآرإء و إلزمن وإلمكن و “Karena penjelasan al-Qur’ân tersebut bersifat umum, tidak memberikan suatu petunjuk tentang semua teknis pelaksanaannya, tetapi diserahkan kepada al-Sunnah atau pemimpin umat Islam, dan para mujtahid, mereka
87al-Qur’ân,
5: 38. 24: 2. 89‘Abd al-Azhîm Ma’ânî dan Ahmad al-Ghundûrî, Ahkâm min al-Qur’ân wa al-Sunnah: Lughatun, Ijtimâ’un, Tasyrî’un (Mesir: Dâr al-Ma’ârif, 1967), 200. 90Ibid. 88al-Qur’an,
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membuat (menentukan) teknis pelaksanaan hukuman yang sesuai dengan lingkungan (sosial-masyarakat) dan situasi mereka karena dalam masalah-masalah seperti ini terjadi perbedaan sesuai dengan perbedaan pendapat, masa, dan tempat.” Meskipun ayat di atas menunjukkan secara jelas dari sudut redaksionalnya, namun ayat itu tidak memberikan penjelasan teknis pelaksanaan penjatuhan sanksi, dan para ulama (fuqahâ’) pun berbedabeda.91 Demikian juga, dalam kasus pencurian perbedaan tersebut juga terlihat, misalnya mengenai batas pencurian dan batas tangan yang dipotong, barang yang dicuri, tempat terjadinya pencurian, dan kadar barang yang dicuri. Menurut al-Sawkânî, mengenai kadar barang yang dicuri yang mengakibatkan dijatuhi sanksi pidana pemotongan tangan, ada dua puluh pandangan madhhab yang masing-masing mempunyai pandangan yang berbeda.92 Oleh karena itu, teknis pelaksanaan hukuman (penjatuhan dera atau potong tangan) dapat tidak dilakukan sesuai dengan bunyi teks dan diganti dengan hukuman lain yang memiliki tujuan yang sama, misalnya penjara. Jadi, teknis pelaksanaan hukuman tersebut bersifat mutaghayyirah, ghayru tsâbitah.93 Dengan demikian, konteks metodologisnya adalah penundaan implementasi bunyi literal suatu nash, seperti dalam kasus pencurian dan zina, bukan menolak keberadaan teks, tetapi mencari makna dari perintah pelaksanaan teks tersebut dalam rangka mencapai tujuan nash hukum itu sendiri. Perubahan paradigma inilah sering disebut “ta’aqqûli,94 atau “alzawâjir” dalam fiqh al-jinâyah.95 Kebolehan untuk memalingkan suatu ketentuan hukum dari makna tekstual (lafzhi) ke makna substansi (ma’nâ) dalam pemikiran hukum Islam dapat ditolilir.96 91Lihat. Ibn Rusyd, Bidâyat al-Mujtahid wa Nihâyat al-Muqtashid, 2 (Beirut: Dâr alFikr, tt.), 296-344. 92Muhammad bin ‘Ali bin Muhammad al-Sawkânî, Nayl al-Awthâr, 7 (Mesir: tp., 1344H), 300. 93Ghazali Sa’id dan A. Ma’ruf Asrori, Ahkâm al-Fuqahâ’, lii. 94Ibrahim Husen, “Memecahkan Permasalahan Baru, 23. 95“Al-Zawâjir” adalah suatu hukuman yang dijatuhkan kepada pelaku kejahatan untuk membuat jera dan menggugah kesadaran orang lain. Bila pelaku telah dijatuhi hukuman dalam bentuk apapun, asalkan hukuman itu diharapkan dapat menjerakan dan tidak lagi mengulangi perbuatannya. Teori ini sejalan dengan teori behavioral prevention. Artinya, hukuman pidana harus dilihat sebagai cara agar yang bersangkutan tidak lagi berada dalam kapasitas untuk melakukan tindak pidana, dan pemidanaan dilakukan untuk memudahkan dilakukannya pembinaan untuk merehabilitasi si terpidana sehingga ia dapat mengubah kepribadiannya menjadi orang yang taat aturan. Ghazali Sa’id, “Piagam Madinah dan Konstitusi Indonesia: Antara Idealisasi Syari’at Islam dan Lokalitas Sosio-Kultural Masyarakat Indonesia”, dalam Ian Suherlan, Formalisasi Syari’at Islam di Indonesia Sebuah Pergulatan Yang Tak Pernah Tuntas (Jakarta: Renaisan, 2005), 137. 96Lihat. Adib Shâlih, Tafsir al-Nushûsh, 1, 81.
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Jika harus menerapkan makna teks literal ayat tersebut, dengan alasan bahwa al-Qur’ân secara tegas memerintahkannya, seperti tuntutan sejumlah kalangan akhir-akhir ini di Indonesia, maka penerapan makna teks harfiyahnya akan menghadapi kendala, baik dilihat dari konstitusi negara, setting sosial masyarakat, adat-istiadat, dan pandangan-pandangan keagamaan yang plural. “Penundaan” bunyi harfiyah teks tersebut, justru untuk menunjukkan bahwa hukum Islam itu bersifat fleksibel. Fleksibilitas hukum Islam dapat ditemukan dasar teologisnya dalam sejumlah ayat alQur’ân seperti ayat yang berbunyi:
رعنا وال حتمل علينا إرصإ كام محلته عَل إذلين من قبلنا رعنَكا97ال يلكف هللا نفسا إال وسِها ووو 98 وال حتملنا ماال اق لناعه ووو Allah tidak membebani seseorang, melainkan sesuai dengan kemampuannya… Ya Tuhan kami, janganlah Engkau bebankan kepada kami beban yang berat sebagaimana Engkau bebankan kepada orangorang yang sebelum kami. Ya Tuhan kami, janganlah Engkau pikulkan kepada kami apa yang tak sanggup kami memikulnya. Ayat tersebut, menurut Thâhir bin ‘Âsyûr, menunjukkan fleksibilitas dan kemudahan yang diberikan oleh hukum Islam yang merupakan tujuan agama dan merupakan ayat yang menunjukkan upaya menyingkirkan kesulitan bagi umat manusia dan bersifat qath'î.99 Selanjutnya, Thâhir bin ‘Âsyûr berkata:
إن حمك إلسامح ىف إلَشيِ أن هللا جِل هذه إلَشيِ ديَكن إلفطَكرة وأمَكورإلفطرة رإجَِك إىل قَكال.إجلبَل فهيي اكئن ىف إلنفوس سهل علهيا قبولهاو ومن إلفطَكرة إلنفَكور مَكن إل َكدة وإالعنَكات و وقَكدأردهللا تَِكاىل أن تكَكون رشيَِك100تِاىل يريَكدهللا أن ففَكف عَكنمك ويلَكق إالهسَكان ضَكِيفا إالسَلم رشيِ عام ودإمئ فنقتىض ذإكل أن يكون تنفيذها عني إلم سهَل وال يكَكون ذإكل إال إذإإنتفَكَكع عهنَكَكا إالعنَكَكات فَكنَكَكت شسامحإاأمَكَكد مَلمئَك للنفَكَكوس لن فهياإرإحَك إلنفَكَكوس ىف حَكَكاي 101 خوي إا وجم ِإاو Sesungguhnya hikmah fleksibilitas hukum Islam adalah bahwa Allah telah menjadikan hukum Islam sebagai agama fitrah. Hal-hal yang 97al-Qur’ân,
2: 185. 2: 286. Dalam surat yang lain disebutkan, “Dia sekali-kali tidak menjadikan untuk kamu dalam agama suatu kesulitan.” al-Qur’ân, 22: 78. 99Thâhir bin ‘Âsyûr, Maqâshid al-Syarî’ah, 59. 100al-Qur’ân, 4: 28. 101Thâhir bin ‘Âsyûr, Maqâshid al-Syarî’ah, 60. 98al-Qur’ân,
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bersifat natural itu kembali kepada “jibilah”, yaitu kejiwaan manusia mudah menerima. Salah satu dari sifat kejiwaaan itu adalah menyingkirkan segala kesulitan dan pembebanan. Allah berfirman, “Allah hendak memberikan keringanan kepadamu dan manusia dijadikan bersifat lemah.” Sesungguhnya Allah menghendaki agar hukum Islam itu menjadi hukum yang universal (untuk semua umat) dan abadi; karena itu, ditetapkan agar dalam pelaksanaannya di antara umat menjadi mudah. Namun, semua itu tidak akan terjadi (tercapai), kecuali dengan menyingkirkan segala hal yang memberatkan. Fleksibilitas itu sangat sesuai dengan jiwa karena dalam fleksibilitas itu ditemukan ketenangan jiwa, baik dalam kehidupan individu maupun lingkungan masyarakat. Selain beberapa ayat tersebut terdapat sejumlah hadîts yang tidak memberikan kesulitan kepada penganutnya, misalnya hadîts yang berbunyi:
: قيل لرسول هللا صَل هللا عليه وسمل أي إلداين أحَكب إىل هللا قَكال: عن إبن عباس قال 102 إحلنفي إلسمح (روإه مسمل)و Dari Ibn ‘Abbâs, dia berkata, “Ketika Rasul Allah saw. ditanya, ‘Agamaagama apakah yang paling disukai Allah?’ Nabi menjawab, ‘Agama yang memberi kemudahan dan toleran.”
ووو إن هللا رشع: عن عكرم عن إبن عباس قالو خطَكب رسَكول هللا صَكَل هللا عليَكه وسَكمل 103 إعين جفِن سهَل مسحا وإسِا ومل ِن ضيقا (روإه إلطْإِن)و Dari ‘Ikramah, dari Ibn ‘Abbâs, ia berkata, “Rasul Allah saw. pernah berkhutbah dan bersabda, “… Sesungguhnya Allah telah menetapkan agama. Dia menjadikannya mudah, toleran, serta luas, dan tidak menjadikannya sempit.”
إن هللا مل يبِ َك مِنتَكا وال متِنتَكا ولكَكن عِ َك مِلَكام ميةَكإ (روإه: عَكن عاش َك ووو قَكال 104 .)مسمل
102Jalâl al-Dîn al-Suyûthî, Jâmi’ al-Shaghîr fi Ahâdîts al-Basyîr al-Nadzîr, Cet. I. (Beirut: Dâr al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyah, 1990), 19. 103Sulaymân bin Ahmad bin Ayyûb Abû al-Qâsim al-Thabrânî, al-Mu’jam al-Kabîr, Tahqîq Hamdî bin ‘Abd al-Majîd al-Salafî, 11 (Mosul: Maktabah al-‘Ulûm wa al-Hukm, 1983), 213. 104Ibid., 111. Lihat. ‘Abd al-Ra’ûf al-Manâwî, al-Taysîr Syarh Jâmî’ al-Shaghîr fî Ahâdîts al-Basyîr al-Nadzîr, 1 (Beirut: al-Maktab al-Islâmî, tt.), 259.
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Dari ‘Âishah… Nabi bersabda, “Sesungguhnya Allah tidak mengutusku untuk memberatkan dan tidak membebani, akan tetapi Allah mengutusku menjadi pengajar yang memberi kemudahan.” Selain beberapa contoh di atas, contoh lain dalam konteks mu’âmalah adalah tentang penggunaan “jilbab”. Berkaitan dengan penggunaan jilbab Thâhir bin ‘Âsyûr berpendapat bahwa masalah jilbab adalah masalah adatkebiasaan yang tidak dapat dipaksakan kepada umat tertentu. Dia pun berkata sebagai berikut:
فنحن نوقن أن عادإت قوم فق لها مبا عادإت أن فمل علهيَكا قَكوم أآخَكرون ىف إلتَشَكيع وال 105 أن فمل أصهبا كذإكلو Kami meyakini bahwa adat-kebiasaan suatu kaum tidak boleh, dalam kedudukannya sebagai adat, dipaksakan kepada kaum lain atas nama agama, bahkan tidak dapat pula dipaksakan kepada kaum itu.
Dalam konteks ini, Thâhir bin ‘Âsyûr memberikan contoh dengan ayat alQur’ân yang berbunyi:
ينهيالنيب قل لزوإصف وهساء إملؤ منني يدنني علهين مَكن صلبيَكهبن ذإكل أدىن أن يَِكرفن فَكَل 106 .يؤذين واكن هللا غفورإرحامي Hai Nabi, katakanlah kepada isteri-isterimu, anak-anak perempuanmu dan isteri-isteri orang mukmin: “Hendaklah mereka mengulurkan jilbabnya keseluruh tubuh”. Yang demikian itu supaya mereka lebih mudah untuk dikenal, karena itu mereka tidak diganggu. Dan Allah adalah Maha Pengampun lagi Maha Penyayang. Pandangan Thâhir bin ‘Âsyûr tersebut memberi pemahaman bahwa dalam masalah-masalah yang bersifat juz’îyah, seperti dalam masalah penggunaan “jilbab”, pada tataran implementasinya diserahkan kepada masing-masing masyarakat sesuai dengan kondisi dan adat-istiadat yang berlaku. Fenomena seperti ini tampak dalam kehidupan masyarakat, misalnya di dusun Gundu, Jawa Barat107 yang tidak mengenal satu format 105Thâhir
bin ‘Âsyûr, Maqâshid al-Syarî’ah, 89. 33: 56. 107Fenomena penggunaan model jilbab yang tidak mesti harus dengan cadar terjadi, misalnya pada masyarakat Gundu, Tanjung Sari. Fenomena ini dieksplorasi dalam majalah Tashwirul Afkar. Umaruddin Masdar menyatakan, “Sikap yang menurut saya liberal ditunjukkan oleh penduduk yang cenderung bersikap realistik. Dalam pandangan mereka, jilbab lebih realistik dipakai oleh gadis-gadis atau ibu-ibu muda. Sementara perempuanperempuan yang sudah tua (kepala tiga ke atas) dianggap kurang pantas memakai jilbab, dan 106al-Qur’ân,
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tertentu, seperti cadar yang berlaku di beberapa Negara Islam, seperti Saudi Arabia, Iran, dan lain-lain. Dalam ushûl al-fiqh dinyatakan: 108
إ لصل ىف إلِادإت الا لتفات إىل إملِاِنو
“Dasar hukum dalam hal adat-istiadat adalah kembali kepada tujuan (substansi).” Bentuk operasional dari formulasi ini adalah dengan memilah-milah teks-teks universal (al-nushûsh al-kullîyah) dan yang spesifik-partikular (alnushûsh al-juz’îyah). Suatu teks itu dipandang sebagai kullî apabila diterima secara mutlak baik oleh individu maupun masyarakat umum, tanpa membeda-bedakan ras, keyakinan, adat-istiadat, dan faktor-faktor primordialisme lainnya. Artinya, ayat tersebut dapat berlaku bagi orang banyak. Sebaliknya, suatu teks dipandang juz’î apabila ayat-ayat yang khusus hanya dapat diberlakukan bagi komunitas tertentu. Dengan kata lain, suatu teks yang bersifat universal dalam hukum mu’âmalah berlaku untuk seluruh umat, sedangkan hukum-hukum partikular berlaku pada individu-individu dalam masyarakat.109 Hal ini sejalan dengan prinsip umum konsep kullî dan juz’î dalam perspektif nalar maqâshid yang menyatakan:
مااكن عائدإ عَل معوم إلم ومااكن عائدإ عَل جامع عظ مَكن إلمَك أو قطَكر 110إليت تِود عَل أ آ حاد إلفرإد أو عَل إجملموعات إل غِية مهنِو
إللكي و إجلزئي
Al-Kullîyah adalah sesuatu yang (pemberlakuannya) dikembalikan kepada umat secara keseluruhan dan mayoritas umat, sedangkan al-juz’îyah pemberlakuannya diserahkan kepada individu-individu atau komunitas masyarakat tertentu. Demikian juga, dalam konteks penegakan khilâfah Islâmiyyah111 dapat dikategorikan dalam ranah mu’âmalah yang terbuka ruang bagi penalaran lebih pantas memakai kerudung biasa (yang hanya menutupi rambut). Bagi para gadis pun, jilbab biasanya hanya digunakan pada acara-acara resmi, misalnya ke sekolah, mendatangi pengajian umum, bermain ke teman di luar desa atau ketika berbelanja ke pasar. Di luar itu, umumnya gadis-gadis itu umumnya memakai jilbab. Kalau ada gadis ke sawah, misalnya untuk mengirim makanan bagi para buruh tani, maka cukup memakai penutup kepala biasa (istilahnya, tudung) dan tidak memakai jilbab.” Zuhairi Misrawi, “Dekonstruksi Syari’at, 20. 108al-Syâthibî, al-Muwâfaqât, 2, 228. 109Thâhir bin ‘Âsyûr, Maqâsid al-Sharî’ah, 84-85. 110Nu’mân Jughaym, Thurûq al-Kasyfi, 31. 111Tuntutan penegakan pelaksanaan khilâfah Islâmîyah dalam konteks Indonesia diusung oleh sejumlah aktivis Islam, terutama oleh Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia. Dalam konteks pemikir Islam kontemporer, jargon penegakan kembali khilâfah Islâmîyah diusung oleh Tâqî al-Dîn al-Nabhânî. Al-Nabhânî dalam sejumlah karyanya memperlihatkan pentingnya menjadikan Islam sebagai suatu sistem universal dan total yang dinilainya tidak akan dapat
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yang perlu mempertimbangkan sosio-kultural dan geo-politik yang ada. Formulasi ini juga bermaksud bahwa dalam upaya menyimpulkan (mengambil ketetapan) dan pengembangan hukum Islam, maqâshid alsyarî’ah bukan sekedar menjadi alat interpretasi, tetapi menjadi sumber penetapan hukum Islam (doktrin). Artinya, dengan meletakkan maqâshid alsyarî’ah sebagai metode penetapan hukum Islam, baik yang tertuang dalam al-Qur’ân, al-Hadîts, dan dalam kitab fiqh, hal-hal yang sama berkaitan dengan mu’âmalah-âdiyah bisa dan boleh dilakukan perubahan demi tercapainya tujuan hukum Islam (maqâshid al-syarî’ah). Dengan formulasi itu pula diusahakan suatu pemahaman yang menekankan pada penggunaan nalar kritis dalam pembacaan teks-teks hukum Islam, bukan berorientasi pada ketentuan nash-nash harfiyah. Orientasi ke makna harfiyah (normatif-tekstual) pada teks-teks mu’âmalah bukan saja dapat menghilangkan dimensi teks, tetapi juga akan mempertegas bahwa suatu teks akan dianggap sebagai simbol yang tidak pernah mengandung makna lain. Akibatnya, penafsiran yang muncul adalah penafsiran yang "otoriter". Padahal, pesan-pesan Tuhan yang diformulasikan dalam syarî'ah selalu mengandung dua dimensi: eksoteris (makna lahir) dan esoteris (makna terdalam). Dengan demikian, kaedahkaedah hukum Islam (al-qawâ'id al-ushûlîyah) dalam ushûl al-fiqh dapat diupayakan pengembangannya melalui nalar mashlahat dengan metodologi dan doktrinnya adalah “maqâshid”. Berkaitan dengan ini, menarik dipertimbangkan pernyataan ‘Umar ‘Ubayid Husnah, yang mengatakan:
فاال َكاه إملقاصَكدي ىف إالجإَكاد وإسَك تنباط إلحَكَكم إ َكا إسَك تدعته مقتضَكيات حتقيَكق يلَكَكود إلَشيِ وإالمتدإد عنحَكهما وشسطها عَل ميَكع جوإنَكب إحليَكاة وإلتَكدليل عَكَل رعايإَكا مل َكاا إلِباد وختليص إلفقَكه وعَكَل إلخَكص ىف ع َكور إلتقليَكد وإدَكود وإلركَكود إلِقَكظ مَكن إلنظَكرة 112 إجلزئي وإل ورة إلآلي إجملردة إلبِيدة عن فقه إلوإقعو “Arah maqâshid dalam pelaksanaan ijtihad dan istinbâth hukum-hukum didorong oleh tuntutan untuk mengabadikan hukum Islam (al-syarî’ah). Memperluasnya dalam semua lini kehidupan, memeliharanya demi kemaslahatan hamba (umat), memurnikan fiqh, khususnya pada masa-
terlaksana jika tidak didukung oleh keberadaan sistem khilâfah. Menurutnya, keterpurukan yang dialami oleh umat Islam sebagai akibat dari tidak ditegakkannya khilâfah dan tanpa khilâfah, urusan umat Islam akan terbengkalai. Lihat. Tâqî al-Dîn al-Nabhânî, al-Dawlah alIslâmîyah (Beirut: Dâr al-Islâm, 1994), 236-246. 112‘Umar ‘Ubayid Husnah, “Taqdîm”, dalam Nûr al-Dîn bin Mukhtâr Mukhtâr alKhâdimî,. al-Ijtihâd al-Maqâsidî Hujjiyatuhu, Dhawâbithuhu, Majâlâtuhu, 1 (Qathar: Wizârah al-Awqâf wa al-Shuûna al-Islâmîyah, 1998), 17.
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masa taqlîd, kejumudan, dan kekakuan penalaran dari pandangan yang parsial dan konsepsi-konsepsi yang terlepas dari (pemahaman) realitas.” V. Simpulan Dari beberapa uraian di atas, terdapat beberapa catatan, pertama, bahwa hukum Islam (baca. Fiqh) merupakan produk suatu zaman. Karenanya, ia memiliki sifat yang fleksibel dan kontekstual. Kedua, guna mengaktualkan hukum-hukum yang tertuang dalam karya fiqh, bukanlah suatu yang “diharamkan”. Dan, untuk mengaktualisasikannya, dapat dilakukan dengan pendekatan maqashid. DAFTAR PUSTAKA ‘Abd al-Azhîm Ma’ânî dan Ahmad al-Ghundûrî, Ahkâm min al-Qur’ân wa al-Sunnah: Lughatun, Ijtimâ’un, Tasyrî’un, Mesir: Dâr al-Ma’ârif, 1967. ‘Abd al-Qâdir 'Awdah, al-Tasyrî' al-Jinâ'î al-Islâmî Muqâranân bi al-Qânûn al-Wadl'î, 1, Beirut: Muasasah al-Risâlah, 1992. ‘Abd al-Ra’ûf al-Manâwî, al-Taysîr Syarh Jâmî’ al-Shaghîr fî Ahâdîts alBasyîr al-Nadzîr, 1. Beirut: al-Maktab al-Islâmî, tt. ‘Umar ‘Ubayid Husnah, “Taqdîm”, dalam Nûr al-Dîn bin Mukhtâr Mukhtâr al-Khâdimî,. al-Ijtihâd al-Maqâsidî Hujjiyatuhu, Dhawâbithuhu, Majâlâtuhu, 1. Qathar: Wizârah al-Awqâf wa alShuûna al-Islâmîyah, 1998. Abdul Muqsith Ghazali, "Merancang (Kaidah) Ushul Fikih Alternatif." dalam Kamaruddin Hidayat dan Ahmad Gaus AF. ed. Negara dan Civil Society Gerakan dan Pemikiran Islam Kontemporer, Jakarta: Paramadina, 2005. Abî al-Hasan ‘Alî bin Ahmad al-Wâhidî, Asbâb al-Nuzûl, tahqîq, al-Sayid alJumaylî (Beirut: Dâr al-Kitâb al-'Arabî, 1991. Abû Ishaq al-Syâthibî, al-Muwâfaqât fî Ushûl al-Syarî'ah, 2. Beirut: Dâr alKutub al-'Ilmiyah, tt. Adian Husaini, dalam Islam Liberal, Sejarah, Konsepsi, Penyimpangan dan Jawabannya (Jakarta: Gema Insani Press, 2002. Adîb Shâlih, Tafsîr al-Nushûsh, Tafsîr al-Nuşûş fî al-Fiqh al-Islâmî Dirâsat Muqâranah Limanâhij al-‘Ulamâ’ fî Istinbâth al-Ahkâm min Nushûsh alKitâb wa al-Sunnah, Cet. 4, 1. Beirut: al-Maktab al-Islâmî, 1993. Agus Mahmud, “Mencermati Kriteria Qath’i-Dhanni, dalam Istinbâth. No. 2. Vol. 3 Juni, 2006.
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Akhmad Minhaji, “Reorientasi Kajian Ushul Fiqh” dalam Al-Jâmi’ah, No. 63, Vol. VI, 1999. Akhmad Minhaji, Hukum Islam Antara Sakralitas dan Profanitas: Perspektif Sejarah Sosial, Yogyakarta: UIN-Sunan Kalijaga, 2004. al-Zuhaylî, Ushûl al-Fiqh al-Islâmî, 1. Damaskus: Dâr al-Fikr, 1986. Amin Abdullah, “Al-Ta’wîl Al-‘Ilmî: Kearah Paradigma Penafsiran Kitab Suci”, al-Jâmi’ah. Vol. 39, No. 2. Juli-Desembar, 2001. Amin Abdullah, “Kata Pengantar Pendekatan Hermeneutika dalam Studi Fatwa-fatwa Keagamaan.” dalam Khaled Abou el-Fadl, Atas Nama Tuhan dari Fikih Otoriter ke Fikih Otoritatif. ter. R. Cecep Lukman Hakim, Jakarta: Serambi Ilmu, 2004. Amin Abdullah, Islamic Studies di Perguruan Tinggi, Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2006. Amir Syarifuddin, Usul Fiqih, I, Jakarta: Logos, 1999. C.A. Qadir, Ilmu Pengetahuan dan Metodenya, Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia, 1988. Fathurrahman Jamil, Metode Ijtihad Majlis Tarjih Muhammadiyah, Jakarta: Logos, 1995. Ghazali Sa’id dan A. Ma’ruf Asrori, Ahkâm al-Fuqahâ: Solusi Problematika Aktual Hukum Islam. Surabaya: Lajnah wa Ta'lif wa Nashr NU Jawa Timur bekerjsama dengan Diantama, 2004. Ghazali Sa’id, “Piagam Madinah dan Konstitusi Indonesia: Antara Idealisasi Syari’at Islam dan Lokalitas Sosio-Kultural Masyarakat Indonesia”, dalam Ian Suherlan, Formalisasi Syari’at Islam di Indonesia Sebuah Pergulatan Yang Tak Pernah Tuntas (Jakarta: Renaisan, 2005. Hartono Ahmad Jaiz, Aliran dan Paham Sesat di Indonesia, Jakarta: Pustaka al-Kautsar, 2003); Hartono Ahmad Jaiz, Menangkal Bahaya JIL dan Fiqh Lintas Agama, Jakarta: Pustaka al-Kautsar, 2004. Hartono Ahmad Jaiz, misalnya, dalam buku Ada Pemurtadan di IAIN, Jakarta: Pustaka al-Kautsar, 2006. Hasan al-Turabi, Fiqih Demokratis dari Tradisionalisme Kolektif Menuju Modernisme Populis, ter. Abdul Haris dan Zaimul Am, Bandung: Arsy, 2003. Hasbi ash-Shiddiqiey, Pengantar Hukum Islam, 2. Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1981. Ibn al-Qayyîm, I'lâm al-Muwâqi'în ‘an Rab al-‘Âlamîn, Bairût: Dâr al-Fikr, tt. Ibn Hazm, al-Ihkâm fi Ushûl al-Ahkâm, 3. Beirût: Dâr al-Kutub al-'Iliyah, tt..
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Ibn Rusyd, Bidâyat al-Mujtahid wa Nihâyat al-Muqtashid, 2. Beirut: Dâr alFikr, tt. Jalâl al-Dîn al-Suyûthî, Asbâb al-Nuzûl al-Musammâ Lubâb al-Nuqûl fi Asbâb al-Nuzûl, Beirut: Muassasah al-Kitâb al-Tsaqâfiyah, 2002. Jalâl al-Dîn al-Suyûthî, Jâmi’ al-Shaghîr fi Ahâdîts al-Basyîr al-Nadzîr, Cet. I. Beirut: Dâr al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyah, 1990. Jamal Sultan, Pembaruan Pemikiran Islam Kritik Terhadap 'Pembaruan', ter. Muhammad Syauqi, Ttp.: Lembaga Konsultasi Pendidikan dan Sosial Islam, 1994. Jujun S. Sumantri, Filsafat Ilmu, Jakarta: Sinar Harapan, 1993. Loren Bagus, Kamus Filsafat, Jakarta PT. Gramedia Pustaka Utama, 1996. Luthfi Bashari dalam Musuh Besar Ummat Islam, Yogyakarta: Wihdah Press, 2003. Moch. Tolchah, “Epistemologi Thomas S. Khun: Telaah Awal atas Gagasan ‘Peran Paradigma dalam Revolosi Sains’”, dalam Nizama, Vol. 3. No. 5. Januari-Juni, 2000, 60. Muhammad Abid al-Jâbirî, Ishkâliyah al-Fikr al-‘Arabi al-Mu’âşir, Beirut: Markaz Dirâsat al-Wihdah al-‘Arabiyah, 1989. Muhammad Abid al-Jâbirî, Bunyat al-‘Aql al-‘Arabi 2, Beirut: al-Markaz alThaqâfî al-'Arabî, 1991. Muhammad Abid al-Jâbirî, Post Tradisionalisme Islam, ter. Ahmad Baso, Yogyakarta: LKiS, 2000. Muhammad Abid al-Jâbirî, Takwîn al-‘Aql al-‘Arabi, Beirut: Markaz Dirâsat al-Wihdah al-‘Arabiyah, 1991. Muhammad al-Madâni, Mawâthin al-Ijtihâd fî al-Syarî’ah al-Islâmîyah, Kuwait: Maţba’ah al-Manâr, tt. Muhammad bin ‘Ali bin Muhammad al-Sawkânî, Nayl al-Awthâr, 7, Mesir: tp., 1344H. Muhammad Roy, Ushul Fiqh Madzhab Aristoteles: Pelacakan Logika Aristoteles dalam Qiyas Ushul Fiqh, Yogyakarta: Safira Insania Press, 2004. Muhammad Thahir bin ‘Âsyûr, Maqâshid al-Syarî'ah al-Islâmîyah, Kairo: Dâr al-Salâm, 2005. Nu’mân Jughaim, Thurûq al-Kasyfi ‘An Maqâshid al-Syarî’ah, Cet. 1, Yordan: Dâr al-Nafâ’is, 2002. Sulaymân bin Ahmad bin Ayyûb Abû al-Qâsim al-Thabrânî, al-Mu’jam alKabîr, Tahqîq Hamdî bin ‘Abd al-Majîd al-Salafî, 11, Mosul: Maktabah al-‘Ulûm wa al-Hukm, 1983. Tâqî al-Dîn al-Nabhânî, al-Dawlah al-Islâmîyah, Beirut: Dâr al-Islâm, 1994.
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Thahâ Jâbir al-'Ulwânî, "Muqaddimah al-Ma'had", dalam Ahmad alRaysûnî, Nazhriyat al-Maqâshid 'Inda al-Imâm al-Syâthibî, Riyâdh: alDâr al-'Âlamiyah li al-Kitâb al-Islâmî wa al-Ma'had al-'Alamî al-Fikr al-Islâmî, 1981. Thomas S. Kuhn, The Stucture of Scientific Revolutions, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1970. Ulil Abshar Abdalla, "Menghindari Bibliolatri” Tentang Pentingnya Penyegaran Kembali Pemahaman Islam" dalam Kamaruddin Hidayat dan Ahmad Gaus AF. ed., Negara dan Civil Society Gerakan dan Pemikiran Islam Kontemporer, Jakarta: Paramadina, 2005. Yûsuf al-Qardlâwi, al-Ijtihâd fî al-Syarî'ah al-Islâmiyyah ma'a Nazhrâti Tahliliyat fî al-Ijtihâd al-Mu'âshir, Kuwait: Dâr al-Qalam, 1985.
PENERAPAN HUKUMAN MATI BAGI PELAKU KEJAHATAN KORUPSI DI INDONESIA: Analisis Pendekatan Teori Maqâshid al-Syarî’ah Khaeron Sirin, MA* Abstrak: Kejahatan korupsi di Indonesia telah menyebabkan kehancuran yang sangat besar bagi kelangsungan hidup berbangsa dan bernegara. Tidak hanya merugikan keuangan negara, tetapi kejahatan korupsi juga telah merampas hak-hak sosial dan ekonomi masyarakat secara luas. Kejahatan ini sangat sulit diberantas, karena seringkali dilakukan secara sistematis dan melibatkan orang-orang yang berkuasa. Kita pun bisa merasakan betapa besar dan luar biasa bahaya yang ditimbulkan akibat kejahatan ini. Sangatlah wajar jika kejahatan korupsi digolongkan sebagai kejahatan luar biasa yang harus diberantas dengan cara yang luar biasa pula, yaitu—salah satunya— dengan cara menghukum mati para pelaku korupsi di negeri ini. Kata Kunci: Korupsi, Hukuman Mati, Kejahatan Luar Biasa Abstract: Crime of corruption in Indonesia have caused enormous destruction to the survival of the state and nation. Not only detrimental to the state, but it also snatched social rights and economic development in general. This crime is very difficult to eradicate, because it is often done in a systematic and involve the people in power. We can feel how great and extraordinary dangers caused by this crime. It is true if this crime is classified as an extraordinary crime that must be eradicated by a remarkable way as well, that is by way of executing the perpetrators of corruption in this country. Keywords: Corruption, Death Penalty, Extraordinary Crime
A. Pendahuluan Indonesia kini—bisa dikatakan—dalam keadaan kritis dalam soal korupsi, karena selama 68 tahun, korupsi bukan lagi menggejala, tetapi telah membudaya ke semua lapisan elite bangsa, dari pusat hingga pelosok daerah. Kondisi ini sekaligus memperlihatkan secara gamblang betapa buruknya dampak sosial-kemanusian yang ditimbulkan dari tindak kejahatan yang terbilang luar biasa itu. Sebab, kejahatan ini tidak hanya merugikan masyarakat secara umum ataupun bentuk pengkhianatan amanat rakyat, tetapi juga kejahatan yang bisa mengancam moral generasi penerus bangsa, mengganggu stabilitas, kredibilitas dan citra bangsa sini di mata internasional. Korupsi tidak sekadar merugikan bangsa dan negara, tetapi juga merusak mental masyarakat, baik aparat pemerintah itu sendiri maupun *Dosen
Hukum Islam pada Institut Perguruan Tinggi Ilmu Al-Qur’an (PTIQ)
Jakarta.
~ 849 ~
850 ~ Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid
masyarakat luas. Bahkan, kejahatan korupsi bisa menimbulkan semacam ‘dendam kelas’ di tengah masyarakat yang selama ini merasa terpinggirkan dari arena kekuasaan.1 Kondisi seperti inilah yang mendorong Prof. Mahfud MD, saat menjabat Ketua Mahkamah Konstitusi, melontarkan ‘bola panas’, yaitu para koruptor bisa dihukum mati.2 Tidak hanya bagi koruptor yang membangkrutkan negara, sebagaimana hasil fatwa hasil Munas Alim Ulama dan Konbes NU 2012,3 tetapi juga bisa diberlakukan bagi semua pelaku korupsi di Indonesia. Pernyataan tersebut tentu memicu kembali perdebatan lama tentang perlu tidaknya penerapan hukuman mati di Indonesia, utamanya bagi kasus-kasus kejahatan yang luar biasa.4 Alih-alih menemukan titik temu, perdebatan tersebut justru kian meruncing, bahkan cenderung ekstrem, baik yang mendukung atau menolak hukuman mati. B. Korupsi sebagai Kejahatan Luar Biasa Suburnya kejahatan korupsi di negeri kita tentu telah melahirkan berbagai efek negatif, bukan hanya terhadap negara, tapi juga terhadap masyarakat luas. Selain merusak kinerja birokrasi pemerintahan, kejahatan korupsi telah menyebabkan kehancuran yang luar biasa hebat bagi kelangsungan hidup bangsa, utamanya watak dan moralitas generasi bangsa ini selanjutnya. Artinya, tindak pidana korupsi yang selama ini terjadi secara meluas tidak hanya merugikan keuangan negara, tetapi juga telah merupakan pelanggaran hak-hak sosial dan ekonomi masyarakat secara luas, sehingga tindak pidana korupsi digolongkan sebagai kejahatan yang pemberantasannya harus dilakukan secara luar biasa.5 Hal ini berarti secara yuridis perbuatan korupsi tersebut, menurut UU ini, juga harus diberantas secara luar biasa. Perlawanan terhadap korupsi saat ini tidak layak lagi menggunakan instrumen hukum biasa (konvensional), melainkan cara yang luar biasa, 1Lebih dari itu, kejahatan korupsi ini, pada akhirnya, berimbas lumpuh dan tidak efisiennya seluruh birokrasi dan administrasi negara. Khaeron Sirin, “Mungkinkah Pelaku Korupsi Dihukum Mati?”, Kompas, tanggal 04 Agustus 2001. 2Pernyataan Mahfud ini disampaikan untuk menanggapi salah satu fatwa yang dihasilkan dari Musyawarah Nasional Alim Ulama dan Konferensi Besar Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) di Pondok Pesantren Kempek, Cirebon, Jawa Barat. http://www.republika.co.id/berita/nasional/hukum/12/09/17/mah6x0-mahfud-dukunghukuman-mati-bagi-koruptor, diunduh pada 1 Oktober 2012. 3Munas alim ulama dan Konbes NU 2012 menyatakan hukuman mati bagi koruptor dijatuhkan sebagai efek jera untuk tidak mengulangi perbuatannya. Ini harus menjadi perhatian serius pemerintah. Kompas, tanggal 16 September 2012. http://17-081945.blogspot.com/2012/09/koran-digital-nu-keluarkan-fatwa-mati.html, diunduh pada 1 Oktober 2012. 4J.E. Sahetapi, Suatu Studi Khusus Mengenai Ancaman Pidana Mati terhadap Pembunuhan Berencana, (Jakarta: Rajawali, 1982), h. 215. 5Lihat Konsideran UU No 20 Tahun 2001 tentang Perubahan atas UU Nomor 31 Tahun 1999 tentang Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi.
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dengan mengategorikan korupsi sebagai kejahatan kemanusiaan, di mana penanganannya juga dengan menggunakan instrumen, teknis, dan prosedural regulasi pelanggaran HAM. Dengan begitu, korupsi bukan lagi merupakan persoalan domestik suatu negara saja melainkan menjadi urusan setiap orang tanpa dibatasi oleh sekat negara dan bangsa. Karenanya, bangsa di dunia memiliki hak untuk turut serta melawan dan mewaspadainya sebagai suatu kejahatan yang harus diperangi secara bersama.6 Hal itulah yang menjadikan korupsi seperti bahaya laten yang sulit diberantas. Adanya undang-undang dan budaya malu yang pernah menjadi karakter bangsa kita, masih belum mampu memberikan terapi kejut (shock therapy) bagi orang-orang yang melakukan kejahatan korupsi di negeri ini. Bisa dikatakan, korupsi telah menjadi sumber bencana atau kejahatan (the roots of all evils) yang sebenarnya relatif lebih berbahaya dibanding terorisme. C. Urgensi Hukuman Mati bagi Koruptor Jika dilihat dari bahaya yang ditimbulkannya, pelaku kejahatan korupsi memang pantas untuk dihukum mati. Pertimbangannya, kejahatan ini ternyata menyebabkan kehancuran yang luar biasa hebat bagi kelangsungan hidup bangsa. Masyarakat hingga anak cucu bangsa ini di kemudian hari menderita dan menanggung akibatnya. Keberadaan bangsa ini pun menjadi terpojok dan dipermalukan di dunia internasional, karena maraknya budaya korupsi yang tak terkendali.7 Secara yuridis formal, penerapan hukuman mati di Indonesia memang dibenarkan. Hal ini bisa ditelusuri dari beberapa pasal dalam Kitab Undang-undang Hukum Pidana (KUHP) yang memuat ancaman hukuman mati. Di luar KUHP, tercatat setidaknya ada 6 (enam) peraturan perundang-undangan yang memiliki ancaman hukuman mati, semisal UU Narkotika, UU Anti Korupsi, UU Anti terorisme, dan UU Pengadilan HAM, UU Intelijen dan UU Rahasia Negara.8 Selain itu, secara filosofis, 6Hanya saja, harus diakui, reformasi yang dilakukan sekarang ini belumlah total. Pemerintah yang ada masih bersifat transplacement, bukan replacement (mengganti) pemerintah lama dengan orang-orang yang reformis. Tidak mengherankan jika upaya pemberantasan korupsi selalu terganjal oleh kekuatan lama yang tidak mau dosa-dosanya, di masa lalu, terbongkar. Situasi seperti ini, sering dimanfaatkan oleh mereka yang memahami kelemahan-kelemahan hukum positif yang ada. Para penegak hukum pun tidak berdaya menyelesaikan kasus-kasus kejahatan korupsi yang melibatkan para petinggi negara ini dan kroni-kroninya. Khaeron Sirin, “Mungkinkah Pelaku Korupsi Dihukum Mati?”, Kompas, 04 Agustus 2001. 7Khaeron Sirin, “Mungkinkah Pelaku Korupsi Dihukum Mati?”, Kompas, 04 Agustus 2001. 8Lihat Badan Pekerja Kontras, "Praktik Hukuman Mati di Indonesia", diakses dari http://www.kontras.org/hmati/data/Working%20Paper_Hukuman_Mati_di_Indonesia.pdf, diunduh pada 30 Desember 2008.
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penerapan hukuman mati juga diakui dan diakomodasi oleh konsep negara hukum Pancasila.9Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa hukuman mati di Indonesia tetap eksis dalam tata peraturan perundang-undangan di Indonesia.10 Lebih dari itu, eksekusi hukuman mati di Indonesia menunjukkan kecenderungan meningkat sejak era reformasi.11 Meski masih mempertahankan hukuman mati dalam sistem hukum positifnya,12 namun sebagai negara yang menjunjung tinggi nilai-nilai HAM, negara Indonesia memberlakukan hukuman mati secara khusus, hati-hati, dan selektif.13 Dalam konteks demokrasi, penetapan hukuman mati dalam beberapa UU di Indonesia pada dasarnya telah melalui pembahasan di lembaga legislatif, yang notabene adalah para wakil rakyat, sebagai representasi dari seluruh rakyat Indonesia. Menurut van Bemmelen, mengutip pendapat J.J. Rousseau, pada dasarnya hukum secara menyeluruh bersandar pada suatu perjanjian masyarakat yang di dalamnya dinyatakan kehendak bersama.14 Jika terdapat tingkah laku yang menurut kehendak bersama tersebut harus dipidana, maka hal itu sejak awal harus diuraikan atau ditulis dalam undang-undang. Penguraian yang rinci dimaksudkan untuk menghindari pelanggaran kebebasan individu, sebab dalam perjanjian masyarakat, setiap orang hanya bersedia melepaskan sebagian kecil kebebasannya ke dalam wadah bersama itu.15 Begitu pula dengan hukuman mati. Sekiranya hukuman mati tersebut masih layak diberlakukan dan diterima oleh kehendak bersama, maka hukuman tersebut harus dituangkan dalam bentuk hukum tertulis (undang-undang). Hal itu berarti bahwa ketentuan hukuman mati dalam undangundang di negara Indonesia pada dasarnya telah sesuai dengan teori 9Artinya, dalam jangka waktu tertentu seseorang yang dijatuhi pidana mati, misalnya, dievaluasi selama beberapa tahun, terserah lima atau sepuluh tahun. Kalau dia menunjukkan perilaku yang baik dan positif, bisa diubah menjadi pidana seumur hidup. 10Lihat http://www.legalitas.org/?q=content/dilema-hukuman-mati, diunduh pada 30 Desember 2008. 11Pada periode Januari-Juli 2008 telah ada 6 terpidana mati yang dieksekusi. Pada periode 18-19 Juli 2008 eksekusi terjadi dengan jarak waktu yang sangat pendek, yaitu tidak lebih dari satu jam. Bahkan di bulan Nopember 2008 kita menyaksikan secara tidak langsung eksekusi mati Trio Bom Bali I. Hasil keputusan sidang paripurna Komnas HAM tentang Laporan Hasil Kajian Hukuman Mati dalam Pandangan HAM, tanggal 23-24 Sepetember 2008. 12J.E. Sahetapy, Suatu Studi Khusus Mengenai Ancaman Pidana Mati, h. 75. 13Menurut Mardjono Reksodiputro, hukuman mati di Indonesia saat ini masih diperlukan tapi bukan pada pidana pokoknya. “Ia harus menjadi pidana khusus yang diterapkan secara hati-hati, selektif dikhusus pada kasus-kasus berbahaya dan harus ditetapkan bulat oleh majlis hakim”. Lihat Todung Mulya Lubis dan Alexander Lay, Kontroversi Hukuman Mati; Perbedaan Pendapat Hakim Konstitusi, (Jakarta: Gramedia Kompas, 2007), h. 335. 14J.M. van Bemmelen, Hukum Pidana I: Hukum Pidana Material Bagian Umum, (Bandung: Binacipta, 1987), Edisi Indonesia, h. 50. 15J.M. van Bemmelen, Hukum Pidana I, h. 51.
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perjanjian masyarakat ataupun konsitusi. Maka, sangat relevan mengaitkan ketentuan Pasal 28A dan Pasal 28I Ayat (1) UUD 1945 dengan Pasal 28J UUD 1945. Dalam hal ini, Pasal 28J UUD 1945 menentukan: 1. Setiap orang wajib menghormati hak asasi manusia orang lain dalam tertib kehidupan bermasyarakat, berbangsa, dan bernegara. 2. Dalam menjalankan hak dan kebebasannya, setiap orang wajib tunduk kepada pembatasan yang ditetapkan dengan undang-undang dengan maksud semata-mata untuk menjamin pengakuan serta penghormatan atas hak dan kebebasan orang lain dan untuk memenuhi tuntutan yang adil sesuai dengan pertimbangan moral, nilai-nilai agama, keamanan, dan ketertiban umum dalam suatu masyarakat demokratis.16 Dengan demikian, ketentuan Pasal 28A dan Pasal 28I Ayat (1) UUD 1945 tersebut keberlakuannya dibatasi oleh ketentuan Pasal 28J UUD 1945. Karena itu, untuk melindungi kepentingan hukum nasional yang lebih besar, seharusnya dalam memahami ketentuan pidana atau hukuman mati di Indonesia tidak hanya membaca ketentuan Pasal 28A dan Pasal 28I UUD 1945, tetapi harus pula memperhatikan dan mengaitkannya dengan ketentuan Pasal 28J UUD 1945. Jadi, penerapan hukuman mati bagi pelaku korupsi bisa dibenarkan, baik secara hukum (undang-undang) maupun secara kemanusiaan (kepentingan publik). Hal ini mengingat kejahatan korupsi berkaitan dengan terampasnya hak kesejahteraan masyarakat luas, sehingga penanganannya pun harus berorientasi pada perlindungan hak publik tersebut17 Sekiranya hukuman mati tidak memiliki implikasi atau tidak ada nilainya bagi si pelaku, maka nilainya terletak pada kesannya terhadap orang lain sebagai pencegahan umum.18 D. Polemik Hukuman Mati: HAM Versus Hukum Islam Meski sudah menjadi wacana klasik, pro-kontra seputar penerapan hukuman mati19 tetap menjadi perdebatan serius di kalangan masyarakat 16Lihat Pasal 28J UUD 1945 Hasil Amandemen. Lihat pula Ketetapan MPR Nomor XVII/MPR/1998 tentang Hak Asasi Manusia. Hal ini juga sesuai dengan Universal Declaration of Human Rights yang menempatkan pasal tentang pembatasan hak asasi manusia sebagai pasal penutup, yaitu Pasal 29 ayat (2) yang berbunyi, “In the exercise of his rights and freedoms, everyone shall be subject only to such limitations as are determined by law solely for the purpose of securing due recognition and respect for the rights and freedoms of others and of meeting the just requirements of morality, public order and the general welfare in a democratic society.” 17Khaeron Sirin, “Liku-liku Hukuman Mati di Indonesia”, Republika, tanggal 28 Agustus 2006. 18Khaeron Sirin, “Liku-liku Hukuman Mati di Indonesia”, Republika. 19Hukuman mati adalah suatu hukuman atau vonis hukuman yang diputuskan oleh pengadilan (atau tanpa pengadilan) sebagai bentuk hukuman terberat (maksimal) yang diberikan kepada seseorang akibat perbuatannya. Lihat Andi Hamzah dan A. Simanglipu, Pidana Mati di Indonesia di Masa Lalu, Masa Kini dan Masa yang Akan Datang, (Jakarta: Ghalia Indonesia, 1985), Cet. Ke-2, h. 2.
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dunia, termasuk di Indonesia.20 Di tengah kecenderungan global akan moratorium hukuman mati, praktik tersebut justru masih lazim diterapkan di Indonesia.21 Artinya, bagi bagi pihak yang setuju, hukuman mati adalah bentuk hukuman yang sangat efektif yang juga dianut oleh banyak negara di tengah kejahatan yang semakin kompleks dan meresahkan masyarakat.22 Namun, seiring dengan maraknya gagasan humanisme atau nilainilai kemanusiaan universal yang merebak seusai perang dunia kedua, adanya hukuman mati dianggap tidak logis lagi dalam kehidupan modern saat ini.23 Menurut para pembela HAM, dinamisasi hukum pidana di dunia saat ini telah bergeser dari teori pembalasan ke teori rehabilitasi, di mana teori tersebut bersifat clinic treatment.24 1. Perspektif HAM Dalam perspektif HAM, munculnya gugatan terhadap penerapan hukuman mati di Indonesia secara lebih rinci didasarkan atas pemikiran sebagai berikut: Pertama, hukuman mati saat ini tidak mampu memenuhi tuntutan rasa keadilan masyarakat modern kerena menyerahkan keputusan hidup-mati seseorang ke tangan hakim yang tidak luput dari kesalahan. Kedua, hukuman mati tidak selalu efektif sebagai salah satu upaya pencegahan atau membuat orang jera untuk melakukan kejahatan. Ketiga, atas dasar pertimbangan kemanusiaan, hukuman mati melanggar nilai-nilai HAM yang menutup kesempatan seorang terpidana untuk memperbaiki diri.25 Dari sini, para aktivis dan pembela HAM menilai hukuman mati merupakan bentuk peninggalan masa lalu yang harus ditinggalkan. Meski bukan tindakan yang menentang hak hidup secara langsung, namun penerapan hukuman mati sesungguhnya merupakan bentuk tindak pembunuhan yang telah direncanakan atas nama hukum (negara).26 20Perdebatan seputar perlu tidaknya hukuman mati di Indonesia bisa ditemukan lewat pemberitaan di media massa, baik cetak maupun elektronik. Biasanya perdebatan ini mengemuka secara sporadis di setiap peringatan hari Anti Hukuman Mati di bulan Oktober dan peringatan HAM Sedunia di bulan Desember. 21Badan Pekerja Kontras, "Praktik Hukuman Mati di Indonesia", diakses dari http://www.kontras.org/hmati/data/Working%20Paper_Hukuman_Mati_di_Indonesia.pdf, diunduh pada 30 Desember 2008. 22Berbagai kritik yang tajam diarahkan terhadap penjatuhan hukuman mati, bahkan muncul gerakan abolisionis yang menentang hukuman mati. Lihat Khaeron Sirin, “Liku-liku Hukuman Mati di Indonesia”, Republika. 23J.E. Sahetapi, Suatu Studi Khusus Mengenai Ancaman Pidana Mati, h. 202. 24Indriato Seno Adji, "Hukuman Mati, Antara Kebutuhan dan Perlindungan HAM", Kompas, 29 Pebruari 2003. 25Lihat Akhiar Salmi, Eksistensi Hukuman Mati, (Jakarta: Aksara Press Persada, 1985), hal. 99. Lihat pula Usman Hamid, "Hukuman Mati Bukan Sekadar Penerapan Hukum Positif", Kompas, 28 Pebruari 2008. 26Barda Nawawi Arief, Kebijakan dalam Penanggulangan Kejahatan dengan Pidana Penjara, (Semarang: CV Ananta, 1994), h. 18.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 855
Dari perspektif tersebut, penerapan hukuman mati dapat digolongkan sebagai bentuk hukuman yang kejam dan tidak manusiawi, sebagaimana dinyatakan dalam Pasal 3 Deklarasi Universal Hak Asasi Manusia (Universal Declaration of Human Rights) yang berbunyi, “Setiap orang berhak atas kehidupan, kebebasan dan keselamatan sebagai individu”. Jaminan ini dipertegas dengan Pasal 6 ayat (1)27 dan Pasal 728 Kovenan Internasional tentang Hak Sipil dan Politik (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights-ICCPR) dan dikuatkan dengan Protokol Opsional Kedua atas Perjanjian Internasional mengenai Hakhak Sipil dan Politik tahun 1989 tentang Penghapusan Hukuman Mati.29 Jadi, hukuman mati pada dasarnya bertentangan dengan prinsip-prinsip kemanusiaan (HAM) dan harus dihilangkan atau dihapus.30 Hukuman mati mungkin akan membuat kejahatan si pelaku terbalaskan, setidaknya bagi keluarga korban, dan akan membuat orang lain takut melakukan kejahatan serupa, namun hal itu jelas tidak akan dapat memperbaiki diri si pelaku, karena kesempatan hidup sudah tidak ada lagi. Sebaliknya, tanpa dihukum mati pun, seorang pelaku kejahatan dapat merasakan pembalasan atas tindakannya dengan bentuk hukuman lain, misalnya dihukum seumur hidup atau penjara.31 Dari sinilah, hukuman mati dinilai sudah tidak tidak efektif lagi sebagai sebuah bentuk pemidanaan yang menjerakan, karena sistem pemidanaan modern terus mengarah ke upaya merehabilitasi terpidana (treatment).32 Dari sini, para pembela HAM berupaya menghilangkan hukuman mati dari ketentuan hukum dan perundang-undangan di Indonesia demi melindungi hak hidup warga negara secara mutlak.33 2. Perspektif Hukum Islam Sebagai salah satu pilar dalam pembentukan sistem hukum di Indonesia, selain hukum Barat dan hukum Adat, hukum Islam memiliki kepentingan yang besar dalam memperjuangkan eksistensi 27Pasal 6 (1) ICCPR menyatakan bahwa setiap manusia berhak atas hak untuk hidup dan mendapatkan perlindungan hukum dan tiada yang dapat mencabut hak itu. 28Pasal 7 ICCPR berbunyi, "Tidak seorang pun boleh disiksa atau diperlakukan secara kejam, diperlakukan atau dihukum secara tidak manusiawi atau dihina." 29Tim Imparsial, “Jalan Panjang Menghapus Praktek Hukuman Mati; Sebuah Studi Kebijakan di Indonesia", Laporan Hasil Penelitian, 24 Juni 2004. 30Tim Imparsial, Laporan Hasil Penelitian, 24 Juni 2004. 31J.E. Sahetapy, Suatu Studi Khusus Mengenai Ancaman Pidana Mati, h. 216-217. 32Akhiar Salmi, Eksistensi Hukuman Mati, h. 99. 33Secara kasat mata, gagasan dan perjuangan untuk menghapus hukuman mati di Indonesia bisa dilihat dari arah perjuangan yang selama ini dilakukan oleh Komnas HAM dan Kontras (komisi untuk orang hilang dan korban kekerasan) dan lembaga Imparsial (lembaga yang bergelut di bidang perjuangan HAM).
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hukuman mati,34 sebagai bentuk hukuman maksimal dan memiliki dasar hukum yang kuat.35 Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa hukum Islam masih mempertahankan hukuman mati untuk tindak kejahatan tertentu, di mana esensi penerapannya bertujuan untuk melindungi kepentingan individu dan masyarakat dari tindak kejahatan yang membahayakan sendi-sendi dasar kemanusiaan.36 Dalam hukum Islam, hukuman mati bisa ditemukan dalam tiga bentuk pemidanaan, yaitu qishash, had (hudud) dan ta'zir. Dalam masalah qishash, ancaman hukuman mati ditujukan bagi pelaku pembunuhan yang disengaja atau direncanakan, di mana pelaku pembunuhan yang disengaja juga harus menanggung balasan hukum yang sepadan yang ia perbuat.37 Dalam masalah hudud, ancaman hukuman mati ditujukan bagi pelaku zina muhshan, hirabah, al-bagyu, dan riddah. Sedangkan dalam masalah ta’zir, ancaman hukuman mati ditujukan bagi pelaku kejahatan di luar qishash dan hudud yang oleh negara (penguasa) dianggap sangat berbahaya bagi kelangsungang hidup dan kemaslahatan masyarakat. Dalam konteks di atas, hukuman mati yang diberlakukan untuk kasuskasus tertentu, semisal narkoba, terorisme dan korupsi, termasuk kategori hukuman ta’zir yang disebut dengan ‘al-qatl al-siyasi’, yaitu hukuman mati yang tidak diatur oleh al-Quran dan al-Sunnah, tetapi diserahkan kepada penguasa atau negara, baik pelaksanaan ataupun tatacara eksekusinya.38 Hukuman maksimal (mati) tersebut boleh diberlakukan oleh suatu negara jika dipandang sebagai upaya efektif menjaga ketertiban dan kemaslahatan masyarakat.39 Adanya ancaman hukuman mati dalam Islam, menurut Barda Nawawi Arief, pada hakikatnya bukanlah sarana utama untuk mengatur, menertibkan, atau melindungi masyarakat, tetapi lebih merupakan
34Jimly Asshiddiqie, Pembaharuan Hukum Pidana Indonesia, (Bandung: Angkasa, 1996), Ed. II, h. 33. 35Misalnya QS. al-Baqarah: 179 yang artinya: “Dan dalam qishash itu ada (jaminan kelangsungan) hidup bagimu, hai orang-orang yang berakal, supaya kamu bertakwa.” 36Lihat Abd al-Wahab al-Khalaf, Ilmu Ushul al-Fiqh, (Kuwait: Dar al-Qalam, 1992), hal. 198. Lihat pula Muhammad Abu Zahrah, Ushul al-Fiqh, (Kairo: Maktabah Muhaimar, 1957), hal. 351. 37Abd al-Qadir Audah, al-Tasyri' al-Jinaiy al-Islami: Muqaranah bi al-al-Qanun alWadh'i, (Beirut: Muassasah al-Risalah, 1992), Juz I, h. 663. 38Hukuman maksimal (mati) tersebut boleh diberlakukan oleh suatu negara jika dipandang sebagai upaya efektif menjaga ketertiban dan kemaslahatan masyarakat. Khaeron Sirin, “Eksekusi Mati Trio Bom Bali”, Koran Tempo, 25 Nopember 2008. 39Khaeron Sirin, "Eksekusi Mati Trio Bom Bali", Koran Tempo, tanggal 26 Nopember 2008.
Islamic Law: From ‘Illah to Maqasid ~ 857
jalan hukum terakhir.40 Dengan demikian, ada kriteria-kriteria tertentu yang diatur dalam hukum Islam yang memungkinkan suatu tindak kejahatan tersebut dapat dijatuhi hukuman mati.41 Kesan mengerikan di balik hukuman mati tersebut adalah kesan populer yang menyelimuti penerapan hukum pidana Islam di masyarakat modern ini. 42 Kesan ataupun kritik tersebut, yang awalnya dilancarkan oleh Barat, bukan semata karena mereka tidak suka terhadap konsep hukuman fisik, tetapi lebih disebabkan perasaan moral mereka yang belum terbangun seutuhnya.43 Adanya kritik tersebut juga dikarenakan tidak disadarinya alasan keagamaan (spriritual) dari adanya hukuman tersebut, yaitu bahwa hukuman bukanlah dijatuhkan secara kejam oleh seseorang kepada orang lain, tetapi semata-mata demi melaksanakan ketentuan-ketentuan yang tercantum dalam doktrin hukum agama (Islam) yang terlingkup dalam maqashid alsyariah.44 Hukum Islam sebenarnya sangat memperhatikan nilai-nilai dasar kemanusiaan di dunia yang terlingkup pada lima hal, yaitu agama (aldin), jiwa (al-nafs), harta (al-mal), akal (al-aql), dan keturunan (al-nasl). Perlindungan hak-hak ini sama sekali bukan karunia penguasa atau karunia masyarakat, tetapi merupakan karunia Allah Swt. Demi memelihara kelima hak dasar kemanusiaan tersebut, hukum Islam secara konsekuen mencantumkan hukuman mati sebagai salah satu hukuman pokok, sekaligus hukuman maksimal. Karenanya, pemberlakuan hukuman mati hendaknya tidak diperbandingkan atau dihadapkan (vis a vis) dengan nilai HAM pelaku tindak pidana itu, tetapi harus dilihat dari kepentingan masyarakat banyak.45 Adanya hukuman mati di Indonesia harus dimaknai bahwa kita—sebagai sebuah komunitas bangsa—memang telah sepakat untuk memberikan hukuman tersebut. Artinya, bagi pelaku kejahatan korupsi, hukuman mati tetap diperlukan karena tindakan dari pelaku sendiri yang tidak lagi memperhatikan aspek kehidupan yang
40Hal ini seperti halnya amputasi dalam kedokteran yang sebenarnya bukan obat utama, tetapi sebuah pengecualian sebagai sarana pengobatan terakhir. Barda Nawawi Arief, Bunga Rampai Kebijakan Hukum Pidana, (Bandung: Citra Aditya, 1996), h. 99. 41 Hukuman mati yang diatur dalam Islam oleh pakar hukum Barat dianggap sebagai hukuman yang sadis ddan tidak manusiawi. Muhammad Zafrullah Khan, Islam and Human Rights, (Islamabad: Islam International Publications Ltd, 1988), h. 74. 42Muhammad Iqbal Siddiqi, The Penal Law of Islam, (Lahore: Kazi Publication, 1985), h. 30. 43 Muhammad Iqbal Siddiqi, The Penal Law of Islam, h. 31. 44 Muhammad Iqbal Siddiqi, The Penal Law of Islam, h. 32. 45http://nasional.kompas.com/read/xml/2008/11/28/11000584/indonesia.masih.butuh.h ukuman.mati, diunduh pada 6 Juli 2009.
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berperikemanusiaan (sila ke-2 dari Pancasila) dan kehidupan yang penuh dengan berkeadilan sosial (sila ke-5 dari Pancasila). Jadi, sebagai bangsa dan negara yang berfalsafah Pancasila, keberlakuan hukuman mati di negeri kita ini hendaknya disikapi secara demokratis, yaitu masyarakat Indonesia saat ini masih menginginkan hukuman mati berlaku di Indonesia sebagai konsekuensi budaya dan paradigma hukum berbangsa dan bernegara saat ini.46 Lagi pula, hukuman mati hanya diberlakukan bagi tindak kejahatan tertentu saja, semisal narkotika, terorisme dan korupsi. E. Hukuman Mati sebagai Hukum Progresif Jika korupsi ditempatkan sebagai kejahatan kemanusiaan, maka paradigma hukum dalam kasus korupsi sudah semestinya diubah, dari prinsip melawan hukum secara formil ke materil. Saat ini, berdasarkan Pasal 2 ayat 1 undang-undang no. 31/1999 jo UU No. 20/2001 tentang Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi (Tipikor), untuk menetapkan seseorang menjadi tersangka, penyidik tidak bisa hanya mendasarkan bahwa tersangka itu melanggar asas kepatutan, keadilan, atau norma sosial masyarakat saja (perbuatan melawan hukum materil), tetapi harus membuktikan ada tidaknya pelanggaran peraturan perundang-undangan (perbuatan melawan hukum formil).47 Apalagi, pada 26 Juli 2006, Mahkamah Konstitusi telah mencabut isi Penjelasan Pasal 2 ayat 1 undangundang no. 31/1999 jo UU No. 20/2001 tentang Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi (Tipikor). Pendekatan secara formil dalam kasus korupsi saat ini jelas sangat sulit dilakukan, karena korupsi seringkali dilakukan dengan sistematis dan melibatkan orang-orang yang berkuasa.48 Artinya, tindak korupsi yang didasarkan pada Perda, Keppres, Keputusan Menteri ataupun keputusan bersama akan sulit diproses secara pidana jika harus menggunakan delik formil, sebab secara formil perbuatan itu adalah sah. Karena itu, negara ini sejatinya harus berani menggunakan prinsip melawan hukum secara materil demi menyerap hukum dan keadilan yang hidup di masyarakat. Banyak perbuatan yang oleh hukum formil tidak diancam pidana, tetapi menurut kebiasaan dan semangat keadilan sosial bisa 46Selain itu, eksisnya hukuman mati di Indonesia jangan dipahami mutlak berlaku selamanya. Sebab, di negeri ini tidak ada yang mustahil untuk menerapkan atau tidak menerapkan suatu hukum, selama hal itu lahir dari bingkai Pancasila dan demokrasi. Ada peluang di masa-masa mendatang, ketika masyarakat luas memiliki pemahaman hukum dan HAM seperti yang diinginkan para penentang hukuman mati, keberadaan hukuman tersebut bisa dihapus dari sistem hukum di Indonesia. (pen.) 47Satjipto Rahardjo, “Menjalankan Hukum dengan Kecerdasaan Spiritual”, Kompas, 30 desember 2002. 48Dalam hal ini, kalau ada persetujuan yang sifatnya administratif, berarti hilang sifat melawan hukumnya, karena persetujuan itu merupakan alasan pembenar untuk mengambil uang negara.
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dipidana. Dicantumkan atau tidaknya unsur melawan hukum secara materil dalam undang-undang sebenarnya tidak banyak berpengaruh, karena pada dasarnya sifat melawan hukum secara materil itu sudah melekat pada perbuatan yang tidak patut dan tidak terpuji.49 Lebih dari itu, pemerintah harus berani memberlakukan asas pembuktian terbalik ataupun asas praduga bersalah untuk kasus korupsi, sebagai upaya menjerat sekaligus menyeret para pelaku kejahatan korupsi yang selama ini sulit diungkap ke penjara. Pembuktian terbalik ini dimaksudkan untuk membuktikan harta yang diperoleh seseorang, khususnya pejabat, yang diduga melakukan korupsi benar-benar melanggar hukum atau tidak.50 Sebagai contoh, setiap pejabat yang tidak mau atau enggan melaporkan harta atau hadiah yang diperolehnya, maka ketidakmauannya itu bisa diindikasikan bahwa harta tersebut diperoleh dari cara-cara tidak sah secara hukum.51 Hal itulah yang oleh Satjipto Rahardjo disebut dengan hukum progresif, yaitu hukum yang lebih mementingkan paradigma aksi ketimbang paradigma normatif, dan lebih melihat hasil yang dicapai ketimbang kutak-katik peraturan. Artinya, hukum tidak boleh dibiarkan menjadi ranah esoterik, yang hanya berkutat pada peraturan dan logika, bertumpu pada prosedur dan birokrasi. Hukum perlu ditarik keluar dari ranah esoterik dan memasuki ranah sosial. Hukum harus bisa memberi pelayanan dan jasa sosial kepada rakyatnya. Hukum harus diarahkan untuk mengantarkan keadilan dan kesejahteraan kepada rakyatnya (bringing justice to the people).52 Hal ini bisa dilakukan jika penegakkan hukum berani membebaskan diri dari status quo dan tidak sekadar mendahulukan aturan (rule), tetapi juga memperhatikan prilaku (behaviour).53 49Sudah seharusnya kita menggunakan sifat melawan hukum secara materil dalam kasus korupsi dalam fungsi yang positif. Hal ini mengingat—dalam sistem dan kecenderungan hukum yang modern saat ini—pendekatan formil dalam pemberantasan korupsi di banyak negara sudah lama ditinggalkan. Jadi, prinsip ‘melawan hukum’ dalam kasus korupsi mesti diukur berdasarkan pendapat yang berkembang dalam ilmu hukum, dan berdasarkan asas-asas hukum yang tidak tertulis (materil) maupun asas yang bersifat umum menurut kepatutan dalam masyarakat. Dengan sendirinya, pelaku korupsi dapat dipidana dengan pendekatan materil tanpa terpengaruh oleh ketentuan formil. 50Dalam hukum pidana Islam, pembuktian terbalik sering diterapkan di banyak kasus, dengan metode qarinah (indikator hukum). 51Di Malaysia dan Singapura misalnya, terdapat ketentuan hukum yang disebut praduga korupsi, yaitu setiap pemberian kepada pejabat atau pegawai negeri selalu dianggap korupsi, kecuali jika yang bersangkutan dapat membuktikan sebaliknya. Meski upaya ini sarat dengan kepentingan politik, tapi lahirnya asas ini harus dilihat dari aspek penegakan supremasi hukum dan pemenuhan rasa keadilan di masyarakat. 52Satjipto Rahardjo, “Menjalankan Hukum dengan Kecerdasaan Spiritual”, Kompas, 30 Desember 2002. Lihat pula Salman Otje, "Menuju Pemikiran Hukum Progresif di Indonesia", http://hukumtatanegaraindonesia, diunduh pada 17 September 2012 53Menurut Prof. Satjipto Rahardjo, hal ini merupakan salah satu tahapan evolusi sistem hukum yang berkaitan dengan penertiban manajemen sosial bernegara, utamanya
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Kekuatan hukum progresif—sebagai paradigma aksi—akan mencari berbagai cara guna melumpuhkan korupsi sebagai kekuatan status quo. Peraturan dan sistem bukan satu-satunya yang menentukan. Di sini, semangat memberikan keadilan kepada rakyat (bringing justice to the people) dirasakan jauh lebih kuat guna mengatasi keadaan buruk yang selama ini ditimbulkan oleh sistem dan budaya yang ada. Inilah yang pernah dilakukan oleh Bismar Siregar dan Busthanul Arifin saat menjadi hakim agung, di mana semangat dan moral keadilan bisa dijadikan sumber hukum.54 Dari sini, pemerintah harus segera merancang proses, mekanisme, dan kaidah hukum yang konkret sebagai acuan produk hukum untuk menuntaskan kasus-kasus korupsi di Indonesia. F. Analisis Pendekatan Teori Maqâshid al-Syarî’ah Landasan utama hukum Islam adalah keyakinan bahwa syariat Islam diturunkan untuk kemaslahatan umat manusia, baik di dunia maupun akhirat, dengan menegakkan hukum yang seadil-adilnya meskipun cara yang ditempuhnya secara eksplisit tidak terdapat dalam al-Qur'an dan alSunnah.55 Artinya, sebagaimana dikemukakan Jasser Audah56, tujuan hukum Islam (maqâshid) harus menjadi basis fundamental dan metodologi dalam menangani berbagai kasus korupsi di Indonesia. Lihat http://hukum.kompasiana.com/2010/11/29/profdrsatjipto-raharjo-sh-pro-penegakan-hukumprogresif/, diunduh pada 2 Oktober 2012. 54Bismar Siregar dan Busthanul Arifin saat menjabat sebagai hakim agung dikenal sebagai sosok yang kritis dan berani mengedepankan aspek materil ketimbang formil di masa jabatannya. 55Hukum Islam tentunya memiliki tujuan untuk kemaslahatan manusia di dunia. Karenanya, hukum yang terkandung dalam syariat Islam memiliki dinamika yang tinggi yang dibangun di atas prinsip-prinsip dasar dan universal yang dapat menampung perubahan-perubahan sosial tanpa bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai yang digariskan oleh Allah Swt. Meski bersumber dari wahyu (Al-Quran dan Sunnah), namun Allah sebagai Syari’ (Lawgiver) tetap memberikan ruang bagi manusia melalui nalar akal pikirannya untuk terlibat langsung, baik dalam memberi pemahaman terhadap wahyu tersebut ataupun dalam mengaplikasikan hukum itu sendiri. 56Jasser Auda adalah ketua dan pendiri Al-Maqâshid Research Centre in the Philosophy of Islamic Law (Markaz Dirasat Maqashid al-Shari‘ah al-Islamiyyah), yang bermarkas di London UK, sejak 2005. Ia menyelesaikan S-1 di Univeritas Cairo Mesir pada tahun 1988 di jurusan Teknik Mesin. Di sela-sela menyelesaikan studinya di Universitas Cairo, Jasser Auda mengikuti halaqah di Masjid al-Azhar di bawah asuhan Syekh Isma’il Shadiq al-Adawi antara tahun 1984-1990. Bidang keilmuan yang didalaminya pada saat halaqah di antaranya; hadis, `ulum al-hadits, fikih mazhab Syafi’i dan usul fikih dengan komparasi mazhabmazhabnya. Bahkan pada rentang waktu itu ia telah menyelesaikan hafalan al-Qur’an sebanyak 30 juz dengan riwayat Imam Hafas. Dilihat dari latar belakang pendidikannya, Jasser Auda mempunyai latar belakang pendidikan yang multi-disipliner. Ia mendapat gelar Ph.D. dari dua Universitas, yakni dari Universitas Wales; UK dengan disertasi Philosophy Hukum Islam, dan Universitas Waterloo-Canada dengan disertasi tentang Analisis Sistem. Kiprah Jasser Audah dalam bidang pendidikan bisa dilihat dari banyaknya aktivitas keanggotaan di berbagai lembaga internasional.
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dalam membentuk suatu sistem hukum Islam yang efektif.57 Dalam hal ini, sebagaimana ditegaskan Ibnu al-Qayyim, Allah Swt. telah menjelaskan cara-cara (metode) dengan apa yang disyariatkanNya dengan tujuan menegakkan keadilan di antara manusia dan menegakan manusia dengan keadilan. Karenanya, setiap cara atau kebijakan yang dapat melahirkan keadilan, maka hal itu bisa dikatakan bagian dari (hukum) Islam.58 1.
Perspektif Maqashid al-Syari’ah Definisi maqâshid al-syarî’ah secara jelas dan gamblang bisa ditemukan dari berbagai pendapat ulama. Misalnya, Imam Al-Ghazali mendefinisikan maqâshid al-syarî’ah sebagai tujuan syariat Allah Swt. bagi makhluk-Nya untuk menjaga agama, jiwa, akal, keturunan, dan harta mereka).59 Al-Syathibi mengemukakan bahwa maqâshid al-syarî’ah itu mewujudkan kemashlahatan manusia di dunia dan akhirat.60 Ahmad Al-Raisuni mendefinisikan maqâshid al-syarî’ah sebagai tujuan-tujuan yang ditentukan oleh syariah untuk diwujudkan demi kemaslahatan manusia.61 Wahbah al-Zuhaili berpendapat, maqâshid al-syarî’ah adalah nilai-nilai dan sasaran syara' yang tersirat dalam segenap atau bagian terbesar dari hukum-hukumnya. Nilai-nilai dan sasaran-sasaran itu dipandang sebagai tujuan dan rahasia syariah, yang ditetapkan oleh alsyari' dalam setiap ketentuan hukum.62 Yusuf Al-Qardhawi mendefinisikan maqâshid al-syarî’ah sebagai tujuan yang menjadi target teks dan hukum-hukum partikular untuk direalisasikan dalam kehidupan manusia, baik berupa perintah, larangan, maupun kebolehan (mubah), sebagai individu, keluarga, ataupun umat.63 Dengan demikian, maqashid al-syari’ah bisa dipahami sebagai suatu tujuan hukum untuk kemaslahatan manusia.64 Dalam hal ini, secara
57Jasser Auda, Maqâsîd Sharî‘ah as Philosophy of Islamic Law, (London: The International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2008), h. 54-55. 58Ibn al-Qayyim al-Jauziyah, al-Thurûq al-hukmiyyah fi siyâsah al syar`iyyah, tahqîq:Basyir Muhammad Uyun, (Damascus: Matba`ah Dâr al-Bayân, 2005), h. 26. 59Imam al-Ghazali, Al-Mustasyfa, (Mesir: Maktabah al-Jundi), h. 251. 60Istilah maqashid al-syari`ah dipopulerkan oleh Abu Ishak Ibrahim al-Syathibi yang tertuang dalam karyanya al-Muwaffaqat. sebagaimana dalam ungkapannya: “Sesungguhnya syariat itu diturunkan untuk merealisasikan maksud Allah dalam mewujudkan kemashlahatan diniyah dan duniawiyah secara bersama-sama”. Abu Ishak Ibrahim al-Syatibi, Al-Muwafaqat fi Ushul al-Syari'ah (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-'Ilmiah, 1424 H), Juz II, h. 6. 61Ahmad al-Raisuni, Nazhariyah al-Maqashid ‘inda al-Imam Al-Syathibi, (Kairo: alDar al-‘Alamiyah li al-Kitab al-Islamiyah,t.th.), h. 7. 62Wahbah al-Zuhaili, Ushul Fiqh Islamy, (Damaskus: Dar al Fikr, 1986), Juz II, h.225. 63Yusuf Qardhawi, Yusuf Qaradlawi, Min Fiqh al-Daulah fî al-Islâm: Makânatuhâ, Ma`âlimuhâ, Thabî`atuhâ, Mauqifuhâ Min al-Dîmuqrâthiyah, wa al-Ta’addudiyyah wa alMar’ah wa Ghair al-Muslimîn, (Kairo: Dâr al-Syurûq, 2001), h. 10. 64Hal ini mengingat adanya suatu kewajiiban hukum (taklif) tentunya memiliki suatu tujuan bagi subjek yang dibebani hukum itu sendiri ( yaitu manusia) dan tujuan itu sendiri, yaitu untuk kebaikan manusia itu sendiri, bukan kemudaratan.
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lebih detail, tujuan syariah itu adalah bagaimana mewujudkan kemaslahatan atau kemanfaatan (jalb al-mashlahah/manfa’ah) dan menghindarkan kerusakan atau mudharat (daf’u al-mafsadah). Jadi, rumusan teori maqashid atau teori maslahah itu mencakup dua konsep dasar, yaitu mendatangkan manfaat (kebaikan) dan menghindarkan keburukan (kerusakan) bagi kehidupan manusia. Maqashid al-syari’ah juga disebut dengan hikmat yang menjadi tujuan ditetapkannya hukum, baik yang diharuskan ataupun tidak, karena dalam setiap hukum yang disyariatkan Allah pasti terdapat hikmat, yaitu tujuan luhur yang ada di balik hukum. Di kalangan ulama ushul, maqashid al-syari’ah juga disebut asrar al-syari’ah, yaitu rahasia-rahasia yang terdapat di balik hukum yang ditetapkan oleh syara’, berupa kemashlahatan bagi manusia, baik di dunia maupun di akhirat.65 Maqâshid al-syarî’ah juga identik dengan terma maslahat, karena tujuan syariah itu sendiri adalah kemaslahatan. Dalam hal ini, Izzuddin ibn Abd al-Salam memberikan definisi bahwa mashlahah dalam bentuk hakikatnya identik dengan kesenangan dan kenikmatan, sedangkan bentuk majaznya adalah sebab-sebab yang mendatangkan kesenangan dan kenikmatan.66 Sementara menurut Najmuddin al-Thufi, maslahah adalah ungkapan dari sebab yang membawa kepada tujuan syara’ dalam bentuk ibadah atau adat.67 Seperti dijelaskan sebelumnya, teori maslahah yang dijadikan sebagai dasar dalam menakar maqashid al-yari’ah terdiri dari dua konsep, yaitu (1) mewujudkan manfaat, kebaikan, dan kesenangan untuk manusia, yang disebut dengan ‘jalb al-manâfi’/ al-mashâlih’; dan (2) menghindarkan manusia dari kerusakan dan keburukan, yang disebut dengan ‘daf’u al-mafâsid’. Menurut Imam al-Ghazali, mashlahah pada dasarnya tidak hanya mendatangkan manfaat (keuntungan) atau menghindarkan mudharat (kerusakan), tetapi lebih dari itu juga memelihara tujuan syara’ dalam menetapkan hukum yang tercermin dalam konsep perlindungan agama, jiwa, akal, keturunan, dan harta.68 Untuk menentukan baik-buruknya (manfaat atau mafasadah) suatu perbuatan dan guna mewujudkan tujuan pokok pembentukan dan pembinaan hukum, maka tolok ukurnya adalah kebutuhan dasar 65Dalam perkembangan berikutnya, istilah maqashid al-syari’ah ini diidentik dengan filsafat hukum Islam. 66Izzuddin bin Abd al-Salam, Qawaid Al-ahkam fi Mashlih Al-Anam, (Beirut: Dar alKutub al-‘Ilmiyah), h. 1 dan 12. 67Abu Al-Rabi Sulaiman bin Abdul Qawi bin Abdul Karim bin Sa’id Al-Thufi (Najmuddin al-Thufi), Syarh arba`in al-Nawawiyah, h 48. Menurutnya, maslahah harus didahulukan dari penetapan ijma’ maupun nash (teks hadis) jika keduanya merugikan kepentingan manusia. Konsep maslahah al-Thufi oleh sebagian ulama dianggap radikal. 68Imam al-Ghazali, Al-Mustasyfa min ‘Ilmi al-Ushul, (Mesir: Maktabah al-Jundi), h. 102 dan 251.
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manusia. Tuntutan kebutuhan dasar tersebut, oleh para ulama penggagas teori maqashid, dibagi menjadi tiga tingkatan, yaitu dharuriyyah (primer), hajiyyah (sekunder) dan tahsîniyyah (tersier). Dalam hal ini, tujuan yang bersifat dharuriyyat merupakan tujuan utama dalam pembinaan hukum yang mutlak harus dicapai dan segala tuntutan atau perintahnya pun bersifat mutlak dan pasti. Sebaliknya, larangan yang berkaitan dengan dengan dharûriyyah ini juga tegas dan mutlak dan hukum yang ditimbulkannya pun menjadi haram.69 2.
213.
Pendekatan Teori Maqashid Hukum Islam sejatinya adalah sebuah sistem yang komprehensif dan menyeluruh yang semestinya dipahami secara komprehensif dan menyeluruh pula. Hal ini sebagaimana ungkapan Yusuf Qardhawi: “Hukum (Islam) tidak ditetapkan hanya untuk seseorang (individu) tanpa keluarga, bukan ditetapkan hanya untuk satu keluarga tanpa masyarakat, dan bukan untuk satu masyarakat secara terpisah, tanpa masyarakat lainnya dalam lingkup umat Islam. Ia tidak pula ditetapkan hanya untuk satu bangsa secara terpisah dari bangsabangsa di dunia yang lainnya.”70 Imam Ibnu Taimiyah71 membuat teori kemaslahatan dalam politik hukum dengan mengacu kepada dua ayat dalam surat al-Nisa, yaitu ayat ke 58 dan 59.72 Ayat 58 menegaskan pemimpin wajib menunaikan amanah dan berlaku adil dalam hukum.73 Jika pemimpin sudah menunaikan amanah dan berlaku adil, maka kewajiban rakyat adalah taat dengan sebaik-baiknya terhadap ulil amri. Karenanya, kaidah terpenting bagi kebijakan seorang pemimpin dalam agama
69Amir 70Yusuf
Syarifuddin, Ushul Fiqh, (Jakarta: Kencana Perdana Media Group, 2008), h.
al-Qaradlawi, Min Fiqh al-Daulah fî al-Islâm, h. 12. Taimiyah, As Siyâsah As-Syar'yah fiIslâihil Râ'i war Ra'iyah,(Riyad: Maktabah Al Muayyad, 1993), h. 6-7. 72Artinya: Sesungguhnya Allah memerintahkan kepada kamu agar menunaikan amanat kepada yang berhak menerimanya dan apabila kamu memutuskan hukum di antara manusia hendaklah memutuskan hukum dengan cara yang adil. Sesungguhnya Allah sebaikbaik pemberi nasihat dengan keduannya. Sesungguhnya Allah Maha Mendengar lagi Maha Melihat. Wahai orang beriman taatlah kalian kepada Allah dan taatlah kalian kepada Rasul dan kepada para pemimpin di antara kalian. Jika kalian berselisih faham pada suatau urusan maka kembalikanlah kepada Allah dan kepada Rasul-Nya jika kalian beriman kepada Allah dan kepada hari akhirat. Yang demikian itu lebih baik dan sebaik-baik akibatnya.” (QS. alNisâ: 58-59). 73Amanah berarti tidak menyia-nyiakan kepercayaan rakyat dan tidak mengkhianati mereka dengan berlaku curang terhadap harta dan kehormatan mereka serta berlaku jujur dalam memimpin, tidak berdusta dan mengingkari janji kepada rakyat yang dipimpinya. Berlaku adil dalam hukum berarti tidak zalim dan tidak berat sebelah atau pandang bulu dan pilih kasih dalam menetapkan hukum kepada rakyatnya. 71Ibnu
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adalah menetapkan kebijakan tersebut atas dasar kemaslahatan rakyat dan kemaslahatan negaranya, bukan atas kemaslahatan diri sendiri. Hal ini penting mengingat—sebagaimana pendapat Jasser Audah—hukum Islam yang ditetapkan selama ini tidak ‘membumi’ dan tidak kekinian, karena belum menyentuh substansi hukum (maqâshid) yang tertuang dalam adillah al-syar`iyyah (sumber hukum). Selain itu, kajian hukum Islam saat ini cenderung mencerminkan pendekatan tekstual dibanding kontekstual—sudah tidak mampu lagi mengakomodasi perubahan masyarakat modern yang begitu kompleks. Padahal, sejatinya suatu hukum itu ditetapkan dengan maksud untuk memberikan kenyamanan, keamanan, dan kesejahteraan bagi kehidupan individu maupun sosial. Di sinilah pentingnya maqâshid al-syarî`ah74– yang punya makna sama dengan konsep mashlahah—sebagai konsep yang sangat cocok diterapkan dalam konteks kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara.75 Dalam konteks ini, negara punya peranan penting terhadap terciptanya sistem dan tatanan hukum yang mampu mengayomi hakhak dasar warga negara dan rakyat secara umum. Negara atau penguasa bertanggung jawab melakukan pencegahan dan penanggulangan setiap kejahatan yang akan merugikan rakyat dan negara. Untuk itulah, rumusan kebijakan hukum harus benar-benar beerorintasi pada perlindungan dan kemaslahatan rakyat banyak (mashlahat al-‘âm). Salah satunya adalah mempertimbangkan penerapan hukuman mati bagi pelaku kejahatan korupsi sebagai bentuk penegakan hukum yang berorientasi pada pencegahan dan kemaslahatan umum. Untuk itu, ada perangkat metodologis yang ditawarkan oleh para ahli ushul fiqh guna mewujudkan dialog antara nash, realitas dan maslahah, dalam merumuskan suatu hukum, yaitu: a. Tahqîq al-manâth, yaitu upaya mengidentifikasi dan memverifikasi subtansi obyek hukum, guna menghindari terjadinya kesalahan teknis penyesuaian antara satu hukum dengan obyeknya.76 Dalam hal ini, adanya teks hukum (nash) dipahami sebagai pedoman untuk mewujudkan kemaslahatan umat. Kaidah “kebijakan (hukum) pemimpin terhadap rakyat harus berdasarkan kemaslahatan” menjadi dasar awal bagi kewenangan seorang pemimpin dalam menentukan kebijakan hukum yang berorientasi pada kemaslahatan umat. b. I'tibâr mâlat al-ahkâm, yaitu mempertimbangkan dan memantau 74Teori Maqasid adalah teori lama, tetapi dimunculkan kembali oleh Auda dengan penafsiran baru. 75Jasser Audah, Maqâsîd Sharî‘ah, h. 45. 76Ibn Al-Qayyim al-Jauziyyah, I'lam Al-Muwaqqa'in, (Bairut: Dar al-Jael, 1973), h. 425.
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kondisi aplikasi hukum yang telah ditempuh pada perangkat tahqîq al-manâth. Jika perangkat pertama (tahqîq al-manâth) menekankan pentingnya memahami dan mendalami apa yang akan terjadi, maka perangkat i'tibâr mâlat al-ahkâm mewajibkan untuk memahami dan mempertimbangkan apa yang sedang terjadi (mutawaqqa').77 Dalam hal ini, berlaku kaidah ushul “menolak kerusakan harus didahulukan daripada mencari kemanfaatan”. Kaidah ini sebagai kelanjutan dari kaidah sebelumnya, yaitubahwa kebijakan hukum pada dasarnya menegakkan kemaslahatan umum. Ketika kemaslahatan itu bercampur dengan kerusakan atau mengandung kemudaratan, maka kebijakan hukum harus melarang mengambil kemanfaatan tersebut. Artinya, menolak kerusakan harus lebih didahulukan ketimbang mengambil manfaat.78 c. Murâ’at al-taghayyurah, yaitu memantau perkembangan dan perubahan yang terjadi dalam realitas, karena kebijakan hukum dapat berubah berdasarkan perubahan waktu dan tempat.79 Dalam hal ini, berlaku kaidah “Perubahan hukum-hukum karena adanya perubahan zaman, tempat, situasi-kondisi, kebiasaan, dan tujuantujuan”. Dengan kaidah ini, penguasa dapat meninjau kembali keputusan dan kebijakannya jika kebijakan hukum sebelumnya sudah tidak relevan lagi. Dengan pendekatan teori maqashid atau teori maslahah, maka kejahatan korupsi bisa dianggap sebagai kejahatan yang bersifat darurat (dharûriyyah), karena mengancam hak-hak dasar manusia. Karenanya, penerapan hukumnya pun harus mengacu pada tingkat hukum dharûriyyah. Dalam hal ini, hukuman mati dapat dijadikan alternatif dalam upaya pencegahan dan pembalasan bagi tindak kejahatan korupsi di Indonesia. Dalam konteks terjadi perdebatan hukum jika hukuman mati diberlakukan bagi pelaku kejahatan korupsi, maka kaidah “Jika terjadi pertentangan dua kerusakan, maka harus menghindari kerusakan yang terbesar dengan mengambil kerusakan yang paling ringan” bisa dijadikan patokan bagi pemimpin (negara). Kaidah ini memberi solusi bagi pemimpin jika dihadapkan pada dua situasi buruk, yaitu mengambil kebijakan hukum yang lebih ringan madharatnya demi menghindari madharat yang lebih besar. Dengan kata lain, negara atau pemimpin memiliki kedaulatan penuh untuk menentukan kebijakan hukum, sekaligus sebagai pemutus konflik dan keraguan di tengah masyarakat seputar pro-kontra penerapan hukuman mati bagi pelaku korupsi. Hal ini mengingat negara diberikan otoritas 77Ibn
al-Qayyim al-Jauziyyah, I'lam Al-Muwaqqa'in, h. 425. ini demi menjaga kemaslahatan yang sejatinya tidak mengandung kemafsadatan. 79Ibn al-Qayyim al-Jauziyyah, I'lam al-Muwaqqa'in, h. 425. 78Hal
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menciptakan sistem hukum yang berlandaskan kepentingan dan kemaslahatan rakyat banyak, sekaligus tidak menimbulkan kemudaratan atau ketidakadilan bagi rakyat itu sendiri. Dengan demikian, penerapan hukuman mati bagi pelaku korupsi sejatinya memiliki kemaslahatan yang besar bagi masyarakat secara umum atau setidaknya menjadi pilihan hukum yang paling sedikit mengandung kemudharatan ketimbang membiarkan kejahatan korupsi merajalela di tengah masyarakat. Jadi, gagasan hukuman mati bagi pelaku korupsi pada dasarnya merupakan hal yang positif dan merupakan bentuk progresifitas hukum di Indonesia. G. Penutup Dalam perspektif hukum Islam, penerapan hukuman mati bagi pelaku korupsi di Indonesia tentu tidak bisa dipisahkan dengan konteks siyâsah syar’iyyah dan maqâshid al-syarî’ah itu sendiri. Mengkaji penerapan hukuman mati akan berujung pada produk yang berupa peraturan perundangundangan yang notabene merupakan konsekuensi logis dari kehidupan berdemokrasi di Indonesia. Dalam pendekatan maqâshid al-syarî’ah, hukum Islam mengakomodasi penerapan hukumaan mati bagi pelaku korupsi di Indonesia. Maqâshid al-syarî’ah sebagai teori hukum yang pembahasan utamanya menjadikan “jalb al-manfa’ah dan daf’u al-mafsadah sebagai tolok ukur terhadap sesuatu yang dilakukan manusia; dan menjadikan kebutuhan dasar manusia sebagai tujuan pokok dalam pembinaan hukum Islam. Dari sini, teori maqâshid al-syarî’ah diharapkan dapat melahirkan kebijakan hukum yang mampu mewujudkan kemaslahatan dan mencegah kemudaratan, sehingga dapat tercipta kehidupan masyarakat yang adil dan sejahtera di dunia dan di akhirat. Bibliografi Audah, Abd al-Qadir, (1992), al-Tasyri' al-Jinaiy al-Islami: Muqaranah bi alal-Qanun al-Wadh'i, Beirut: Muassasah al-Risalah, Juz I. Khalaf, Abd al-Wahab al-, (1992), Ilmu Ushul al-Fiqh, Kuwait: Dar alQalam. Qasim, Abdurahman Abdul Aziz al-, (1977), Al Islâm wa Taqninil Ahkam, Riyadh: Jamiah Riyadh. Taj, Abdurrahman, (1993), al-siyâsah al-Syar`iyyah wa al-Fiqh al-Islâmiy, Kairo: Mathba`ah Dâr al-Ta’lif. Ghazali, Abu Hamid al-, (t.th), Al-Mustasyfa min ‘Ilmi al-Ushul, Mesir: Maktabah al-Jundi.
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Syathibi, Abu Ishak Ibrahim al-, (2003), Al-Muwafaqat fi Ushul al-Syari'ah, Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-'Ilmiah, Juz II. Salmi, Akhiar, (1985), Eksistensi Hukuman Mati, Jakarta: Aksara Press Persada. Mawardy, al, (t.th), al-Ahkâm al-Sulthâniyah, (Kairo: Maktabah Syâmilah, Dâr al-Warraq. Syarifuddin, Amir, (2008), Ushul Fiqh, Jakarta: Kencana Perdana Media Group. Hamzah, Andi, dan A. Simanglipu, (1985), Pidana Mati di Indonesia di Masa Lalu, Masa Kini dan Masa yang Akan Datang, Jakarta: Ghalia Indonesia. Badan Pekerja Kontras, "Praktik Hukuman Mati di Indonesia", diakses dari http://www.kontras.org/hmati/data/Working%20Paper_Hukuman_Mat i_di_Indonesia.pdf, diunduh pada 30 Desember 2008. Arief, Barda Nawawi, (1996), Bunga Rampai Kebijakan Hukum Pidana, Bandung: Citra Aditya. Arief, Barda Nawawi, (1994), Kebijakan dalam Penanggulangan Kejahatan dengan Pidana Penjara, Semarang: CV Ananta. http://17-08-1945.blogspot.com/2012/09/koran-digital-nu-keluarkan-fatwamati.html, diunduh pada 1 Oktober 2012. http://hukum.kompasiana.com/2010/11/29/profdrsatjipto-raharjo-sh-propenegakan-hukum-progresif/, diunduh pada 2 Oktober 2012. http://nasional.kompas.com/read/xml/2008/11/28/11000584/indonesia.masih .butuh.hukuman.mati, diunduh pada 6 Juli 2009. http://www.kontras.org/hmati/data/Working%20Paper_Hukuman_Mati_di_I ndonesia.pdf, diunduh pada 30 Desember 2008. http://www.legalitas.org/?q=content/dilema-hukuman-mati, diunduh pada 30 Desember 2008. http://www.republika.co.id/berita/nasional/hukum/12/09/17/mah6x0mahfud-dukung-hukuman-mati-bagi-koruptor, diunduh pada 1 Oktober 2012. Jauziyah, Ibn al-Qayyim al-, (2005), al-Thurûq al-hukmiyyah fi siyâsah al syar`iyyah, tahqîq:Basyir Muhammad Uyun, Damascus: Matba`ah Dâr al-Bayân. Jauziyah, Ibn al-Qayyim al-, (1973), I'lam Al-Muwaqqa'in, Bairut: Dar alJail. Taimiyah, Ibnu, (1993), Al-Siyâsah As-Syar'yah fiIslâihil Râ'i war Ra'iyah,(Riyad: Maktabah al-Muayyad.
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Adji, Indriato Seno, "Hukuman Mati, Antara Kebutuhan dan Perlindungan HAM", Kompas, 29 Pebruari 2003. Salam, Izzuddin bin Abd al-, (t.th), Qawaid Al-ahkam fi Mashlih Al-Anam, Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyah. Auda, Jasser, (2008), Maqâsîd Sharî‘ah as Philosophy of Islamic Law, London: The International Institute of Islamic Thought. Sahetapi, J.E., (1982), Suatu Studi Khusus Mengenai Ancaman Pidana Mati terhadap Pembunuhan Berencana, Jakarta: Rajawali. Bemmelen, J.M. van, (1987), Hukum Pidana I: Hukum Pidana Material Bagian Umum, Bandung: Binacipta, 1987, Edisi Indonesia. Asshiddiqie, Jimly, (1996), Pembaharuan Hukum Pidana Indonesia, Bandung: Angkasa, Ed. II. Sirin, Khaeron, “Eksekusi Mati Trio Bom Bali”, Koran Tempo, 25 Nopember 2008. Sirin, Khaeron, “Liku-liku Hukuman Mati di Indonesia”, Republika, tanggal 28 Agustus 2006. Sirin, Khaeron, “Mungkinkah Pelaku Korupsi Dihukum Mati?”, Kompas, tanggal 04 Agustus 2001 Zahrah, Muhammad Abu, (1957), Ushul al-Fiqh, Kairo: Maktabah Muhaimar. Siddiqi, Muhammad Iqbal, (1985), The Penal Law of Islam, Lahore: Kazi Publication. Khan, Muhammad Zafrullah, (1988), Islam and Human Rights, Islamabad: Islam International Publications Ltd. Otje, Salman, "Menuju Pemikiran Hukum Progresif di Indonesia", http://hukumtatanegaraindonesia, diunduh pada 17 September 2012. Rahardjo, Satjipto, “Menjalankan Hukum dengan Kecerdasaan Spiritual”, Kompas, 30 desember 2002. Prayitno, Sudi, "Dilema Hukuman Mati", dalam http://www.legalitas.org/?q=content/dilema-hukuman-mati, diunduh pada 30 Desember 2008. Lubis, Todung Mulya, dan Alexander Lay (2007), Kontroversi Hukuman Mati; Perbedaan Pendapat Hakim Konstitusi, Jakarta: Gramedia Kompas, 2007. Hamid, Usman, "Hukuman Mati Bukan Sekadar Penerapan Hukum Positif", Kompas, 28 Pebruari 2008. UU No 20 Tahun 2001 tentang Perubahan atas UU Nomor 31 Tahun 1999 tentang Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi.
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Zuhaili, Wahbah al-, (1986), Ushul Fiqh Islamy, Damaskus: Dar al Fikr, Juz II. Schabas, William, makalah disampaikan dalam seminar internasional, Discussion on Death Penalty Contemporary Challenges, Delegation of European Commission and Departemen of Philosofy Faculty of Humanities University of Indonesia, dalam www.komnasham.go.id, diunduh pada 4 Januari 2009. Qaradlawi, Yusuf, (2001), Min Fiqh al-Daulah fî al-Islâm: Makânatuhâ, Ma`âlimuhâ, Thabî`atuhâ, Mauqifuhâ Min al-Dîmuqrâthiyah, wa alTa’addudiyyah wa al-Mar’ah wa Ghair al-Muslimîn, Kairo: Dâr alSyurûq.