MASYARAKAT LINGUISTIK INDONESIA

MASYARAKAT LINGUISTIK INDONESIA Didirikan pada tahun 1975, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia (MLI) merupakan organisasi profesi yang bertujuan untuk mengembangkan studi ilmiah mengenai bahasa. PENGURUS MASYARAKAT LINGUISTIK INDONESIA Ketua Wakil Ketua Sekretaris Bendahara

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Yassir Nasanius, Unika Atma Jaya Umar Muslim, Universitas Indonesia Faizah Sari, Unika Atma Jaya Ienneke Indra Dewi, Universitas Bina Nusantara

DEWAN EDITOR Editor Utama : Bambang Kaswanti Purwo, Unika Atma Jaya Editor Pendamping : Faizah Sari, Unika Atma Jaya Anggota : A. Chaedar Alwasilah, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia; E. Aminudin Aziz, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia; Benny H Hoed, Universitas Indonesia; Bernd Nothofer, Universitas Frankfurt, Jerman; Asmah Haji Omar, Universiti Malaya, Malaysia; Siti Wachidah, Universitas Negeri Jakarta; D. Edi Subroto, Universitas Sebelas Maret; I Wayan Arka, Universitas Udayana; A. Effendi Kadarisman, Universitas Negeri Malang; Bahren Umar Siregar, Unika Atma Jaya; Hasan Basri, Universitas Tadulako; Umar Muslim, Universitas Indonesia; Dwi Noverini Djenar, Sydney University, Australia; Mahyuni, Universitas Mataram; Patrisius Djiwandono, Universitas Ma Chung. JURNAL LINGUISTIK INDONESIA Linguistik Indonesia diterbitkan pertama kali pada tahun 1982 dan sejak tahun 2000 diterbitkan tiap bulan Februari dan Agustus. Linguistik Indonesia telah terakreditasi berdasarkan SK Dirjen Dikti No. 64a/DIKTI/Kep/2010, 1 November 2010. Jurnal ilmiah ini dibagikan secara cuma-cuma kepada para anggota MLI yang keanggotaannya umumnya melalui Cabang MLI di pelbagai Perguruan Tinggi, tetapi dapat juga secara perseorangan atau institusional. Iuran per tahun adalah Rp. 100.000 (anggota dalam negeri) dan US$25 (anggota luar negeri). Keanggotaan institusional dalam negeri adalah Rp.120.000 dan luar negeri US$45 per tahun. Naskah dan resensi dikirim ke Redaksi dengan mengikuti format Pedoman Penulisan Naskah di bagian belakang sampul jurnal. ALAMAT Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia Pusat Kajian Bahasa dan Budaya, Unika Atma Jaya JI. Jenderal Sudirman 51, Jakarta 12930, Indonesia e-mail: [email protected], Ph/Fax: +62 (0)21 571 9560

Daftar Isi Pemberdayaan Bahasa Melayu sebagai Perekat Bangsa Malaysia Asmah Haji Omar.................................................................... 101 Konstruksi Pasif Kena dalam Bahasa Indonesia: Perbandingan dengan Bahasa Melayu Hiroki Nomoto dan Kartini Abd. Wahab ................................. 111 Intrasentential Code-Switching by the Manado Malay Multilinguals in Australia Nixon J. Pangalila .................................................................. 133 Telecity in Indonesian Nurhayati ............................................................................... 151 Some Notes on the Relationship Between Language Use and Moral Character: A Case of Linguistic Corruption in Indonesian Freddy K. Kalidjernih ............................................................. 167 Looking at Linguistic Challenges in Science Classrooms Pramela Krish and Mastura Othman ...................................... 185 Resensi: Geoff Thomson Introducing Functional Grammar (Second Edition) Diresensi oleh Siti Wachidah ........................................................... 201 Jelajah Linguistik: Metode: Dari Sintaksis ke Pragmatik Bambang Kaswanti Purwo ............................................................... 207 Bincang antara Kita dari Dunia Maya: Terima Kasih: Kapan Kita Mengucapkannya ......................... 209 Indeks .............................................................................................. 215

Linguistik Indonesia, Agustus 2011, 101 - 110 Copyright©2011, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia, ISSN: 0215-4846

Tahun ke-29, No. 2

PEMBERDAYAAN BAHASA MELAYU SEBAGAI PEREKAT BANGSA MALAYSIA Asmah Haji Omar* Universiti Malaya [email protected] Abstrak Ada dua interpretasi pemberdayaan bahasa, iaitu pemberdayaan bahasa sebagai sistem, dan pemberdayaan penutur supaya dapat menggunakan bahasa. Kedua-dua interpretasi ini dibincangkan dalam kerangka enam kriteria keberdayaan bahasa yang dicadangkan oleh Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu dalam meniliai keberdayaan (vitaliti) sesuatu bahasa. Keberdayaan bahasa Melayu sudah cukup tinggi untuk zamannya dalam pengurusan dan pentadbiran sebelum Tanah Melayu dijajah oleh pihak British. Kerberdayaannya kelihatan kurang dengan perubahan zaman dengan bertambahnya bidang ilmu yang diajar di sekolah dan universiti. Usaha-usaha mempertingkatkan keberdayaan ini dijalankan setelah kemerdekaan Malaya dalam tahun 1957 dan diteruskan hingga sekarang ini, supaya bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa kebangsaan dapat digunakan dalam semua bidang ilmu dan profesion. Perancangan bukan sekadar memberdayakan sistem bahasa Melayu tetapi juga memberdayakan pengguna bahasa supaya mereka dapat menjalankan tugas dan berkomunikasi dalam bahasa bahasa kebangsaan. Bahasa Melayu boleh dianggap sebagai perekat bangsa Malaysia, dalam dua konteks dengan situasi yang berbeza. Yang pertama ialah konteks rasmi yang situasinya formal, dan yang kedua ialah konteks luar rasmi yang situasinya tak formal. Dalam konteks kedua ini komunikasi dalam bahasa Melayu bersifat polimorfik yang menunjukkan jarak social yang dekat antara penutur. Kesimpulannya ialah bahasa merupakan satu daripada beberapa faktor yang menyatupadukan bangsa, terutama sekali dalam negara pelbagai kaum seperti di Malaysia. Kata kunci: pragmatik, kesantunan, analisis percakapan Cross-cultural and interlanguage pragmatics have operated largely under the combined frameworks of Searle’s speech act theory and Brown and Levinson’s politeness theory. These theories are predicated on a rational actor model of social action, according to which persons determine illocutionary force and politeness on the basis of means-end costbenefit calculations. The rationalist model is associated with a conceptualization of pragmatic meaning as the product of speaker intention packaged in the linguistic conventions of a particular language. By contrast, ethnomethodological, poststructuralist, and constructionist perspectives locate politeness in social-discursive practice rather than individual cognition. In this talk, I will examine politeness phenomena in interaction from the vantage point of one such approach, conversation analysis. Based on a variety of interactional materials, I will show how participants orient to politeness through the sequential arrangement of their interaction and their use of linguistic and other semiotic resources. Politeness is re-specified as an emergent and co-constructed phenomenon that makes visible social members’ orientations to normative and moral frameworks in concrete situated activities. Key words: pragmatics, politeness, conversation analysis

Asmah Haji Omar

PENGANTAR Pemikiran bahawa bahasa merupakan alat penyatuan bangsa adalah lumrah bagi negara-negara yang sebelumnya merupakan tanah jajahan di bawah perintah bangsa luar yang menguasai kehidupan anak negeri dalam masa yang agak lama. Keadaan yang sebegini telah meninggalkan kesan dalam perkembangan beberapa aspek budaya, termasuk aspek-aspek yang terdapat dalam domain penggunaan bahasa yang penting, dalam kehidupan rakyat negara yang dijajah itu. Salah satu kesan yang dialami ialah kesedaran bahawa rakyat memerlukan lambang kewujudan negara yang setaraf dengan negara-negara yang tidak pernah dijajah atau yang sudah terlepas dari rantai penjajahan. Salah satu daripada lambang ini adalah bahasa, iaitu bahasa kebangsaan, yang dilihat sebagai perekat bangsa. Di Malaysia, pilihan bahasa kebangsaan jatuh pada bahasa Melayu, iaitu bahasa asal Tanah Melayu. KEBERDAYAAN BAHASA (LINGUISTIC VITALITY) Ungkapan pemberdayaan bahasa dalam tajuk kertas kerja ini boleh menimbulkan pertanyaan: Adakah yang dimaksudkan itu pemberdayaan kepada bahasa atau pemberdayaan pengguna dengan bahasa? Ketaksaan ini termasuk dalam kasus yang sama dengan contoh yang dibawa oleh Chomsky suatu waktu dahulu, the shooting of the hunters: Adakah ungkapan ini bermakna orang yang menembak itu pemburu (the hunters did the shooting), atau orang lain yang menembak pemburu (somebody shot the hunters)? Walau bagaimanapun, dalam menangani tajuk yang diberi kepada saya itu, saya akan mencuba membincangkan kedua-dua interpretasi berkenaan. Pertubuhan Bangsa-Bangsa Bersatu telah mencadangkan enam kriteria untuk menentukan keberdayaan bahasa, seperti di bawah ini: 1. Intergenerational transmission of language 2. Absolute number of speakers 3. Proportion of speakers within the total population 4. Trends in existing language domains 5. Responses to new domains and media 6. Materials for language education and literacy (Note that none of these factors should be used alone) Berdasarkan kriteria di atas itu, perbincangan di bawah ini akan ditumpukan pada dua aspek pemberdayaan bahasa, iaitu: (i) pemberdayaan bahasa sebagai sistem, seperti yang tercakup dalam faktor 4 – 6 cadangan PBB; (ii) pemberdayaan ahli komuniti dalam menggunakan bahasa seperti yang termaktub dalam faktor 1 – 3 cadangan PBB. BAHASA MELAYU DAN KEBERDAYAANNYA DARI SEGI SEJARAH Sungguhpun pihak Inggeris, melalui Syarikat India Timurnya (East India Company) mula bertapak di Tanah Melayu dalam tahun 1786 di Pulau Pinang (yang disewa dari Sultan Kedah), dan kemudian bertapak di pelabuhan-pelabuhan lain seperti Singapura dalam tahun 1819, dan Melaka dalam tahun 1824, tetapi selama hampir 100 tahun mereka tidak menembus untuk berkuasa di negeri-negeri Melayu. Keadaan ini berubah dalam tahun 1874, apabila pihak Inggeris mula campur tangan dalam urusan pentadbiran Perak berikutan dengan konflik di kalangan keluarga raja Perak ketika itu. Untuk menyelesaikan konflik itu mereka meletakkan pegawai Inggeris yang diberi taraf Residen. Inilah tarikh sebenarnya permulaan berkuasanya Inggeris di negeri-negeri Melayu. (Joginder Singh Jessy 1979, Bab 12). Sebelum itu tiap-tiap negeri Melayu di Semenanjung Tanah Melayu (sekarang ini Semenanjung Malaysia), iaitu sembilan semuanya, merupakan pemerintahan tersendiri, yang satu bebas dari yang lain. Sistem pemerintahan bagi tiap-tiap satunya itu diketuai oleh Sultan, dan di bawah baginda terdapat Menteri Besar, dan pegawai-pegawai tinggi yang menjalankan

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tugas dan tanggungjawab seperti yang terdapat dalam Hukum Kanun (statute) masing-masing. Ini bermakna bahawa urusan dan pentadbiran dijalankan dalam bahasa Melayu seluruhnya. (Lihat esei-esei tentang undang-undang Kedah sebelum tertakluk di bawah undang-undang Inggeris dalam Rogayah A. Hamid dan Mariyam Salim 2006). Bahkan setelah pemerintah kolonial British memasuki tiap-tiap negeri itu sebagai pelindung dan penasihat dengan adanya British Resident atau British Adviser, semua urusan pemerintahan dalam negeri tetap dijalankan dalam bahasa Melayu, dengan tulisan Jawi sebagai tulisan rasminya. Undang-undang atau Hukum yang baru diperkenalkan oleh pemerintah British juga ditulis dalam bahasa Melayu dan dicetak versi bahasa Inggerisnya dalam jilid yang sama. Sebagai contoh, Penal Code bagi negeri Kedah yang diperkenalkan sebelum tahun 1930-an dan diulang cetak dengan pindaan dalam tahun 1934, dan kemudian pula dalam tahun 1353. Istilah undang-undang diambil dari bahasa Arab, atau dipindahkan terus dari bahasa Inggeris menurut keperluan. Dari teks undang-undang ini dapat dilihat bahawa bahasa Melayu terus hidup dengan peringkat keberdayaan yang tinggi, dan memadai untuk zaman yang berkenaan. Penggunaan bahasa Melayu dalam sistem pemerintahan dan diwujudkan dalam tulisan Jawi merupakan tradisi bagi semua negeri Melayu. Bahkan dalam surat-menyurat dengan pemerintah dan syarikat-syarikat Inggeris dan juga pemerintah Siam, bahasa Melayu dengan tulisan Jawilah yang merupakan kaedah rasmi menyampaikan perutusan. (Lihat Annabel Teh Gallop dan Bernard Arps 1991). Bahasa Melayu terus hidup dalam penciptaan penulisan hasil kesusasteraan dalam genre-genre tradisional Melayu, seperti hikayat, syair dan cerita silsilah. Sungguhpun dari segi pertuturan, negeri-negeri Melayu mempunyai dialek-dialek tersendiri, yang memperlihatkan perbezaan terutama sekali dari segi fonologi, diikuti oleh leksis, morfologi dan sintaksis, tetapi bahasa dalam naskhah-naskhah Melayu dan juga warkah rasmi rata-rata sudah mencapai standardisasi dari segi ejaan, leksis, morfologi dan sintaksis, sungguhpun di sana sini terdapat perbezaan-perbezaan dialektal yang kecil. Ini menunjukkan bahawa kodifikasi bahasa sudah berjalan dalam bahasa Melayu, lama sebelum abad ke-20. Adanya bahasa bertulis yang sudah mantap kewujudannya memberi kemungkinan yang besar bagi bahasa itu menghadapi perkembangan yang dipengaruhi oleh perubahan sosial. Ini disebabkan dalam bentuk tulisan bahasa menjadi stabil, dan dapat merentasi ruang dan masa. KESEDARAN AKAN KURANGNYA KEBERDAYAAN BAHASA MELAYU Penjajahan membawa kesedaran akan kekurangan bahasa Melayu dalam menghadapi perkembangan dunia moden. Perasaan ini bertambah-tambah dengan dibinanya sekolahsekolah Inggeris yang bukan sahaja menyampaikan pengajaran dalam bahasa Inggeris, tetapi juga jenis mata pelajaran yang diberinya lebih banyak daripada yang diberi di sekolah Melayu. Persekolahan dalam bahasa Melayu hanya sampai pada kelas 6 sekolah dasar. Untuk mendapat pendidikan pada peringkat sekolah menengah, pelajar-pelajar harus berpindah ke sekolah Inggeris. Sungguhpun tidak ada diskriminasi berasaskan suku kaum dalam dasar pemerintahan Inggeris dalam pengambilan pelajar-pelajar ke sekolah Inggeris, tetapi kebanyakan orang Melayu tidak dapat masuk ke sekolah Inggeris disebabkan faktor kewangan. Yurannya tinggi dan sekolah-sekolah berkenaan letaknya di bandar-bandar besar. Orang Melayu yang sebahagian besarnya tinggal di kampung-kampung tidak mampu menghantar anak mereka ke sekolah Inggeris. Dengan itu, peratusan anak-anak Melayu di sekolah Inggeris sangat rendah berbanding dengan kaum-kaum lain. Kekurangan dari segi pendidikan membawa rasa duka dan cemas di kalangan orang Melayu. Keadaan seperti ini berlanjutan kepada pencapaian sosio-ekonomi yang rendah berbanding dengan kaum lain terutama sekali dengan suku kaum Cina. Dari segi bahasa, vitaliti yang ada dalam zaman sebelum itu sudah tidak mencukupi untuk kehidupan dalam zaman moden.

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Perlu juga disebut di sini bahawa di samping sekolah Inggeris dan sekolah Melayu terdapat juga sekolah Cina dan sekolah Tamil. Tiap satunya menggunakan bahasa pengantar dari kaumnya sendiri, dan juga mempunyai kurikulum dan orientasi sendiri dari segi bahan yang diajar. Dengan demikian, di antara suku-suku kaum berkenaan, tidak ada perekat yang digunakan dan diperkuatkan melalui sistem pendidikan yang seragam, dan dengan itu orientasi sebagai rakyat di negara yang sama juga tidak memperlihatkan adanya jalur persamaan yang besar. KEMERDEKAAN: PEMBERDAYAAN BAHASA MELAYU MENURUT KEPERLUAN ZAMAN Kemerdekaan Malaya dalam tahun 1957 dilihat sebagai pembawa keberdayaan kepada bahasa Melayu, dengan adanya Perlembagaan (Undang-Undang Dasar) yang meletakkan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa kebangsaan, bahasa rasmi dan bahasa pengantar utama dalam sistem pendidikan. Ini bermakna bahawa sistem pendidikannya adalah satu, bukan lagi empat, dan sistem ini menggunakan bahasa dan kurikulum yang sama. Segala usaha telah dijalankan dalam perancangan bahasa untuk menambah keberdayaan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa yang dapat digunakan dalam sistem pendidikan dari sekolah dasar hinggalah ke universiti, khususnya dalam penyempurnaan sistem ejaan, penggubalan istilah, pengajaran bahasa Melayu kepada semua rakyat, latihan guru dan penataran staf akademik universiti supaya mereka dapat menggunakan dan mengajar dalam bahasa Melayu. Lanjutan dari ini semua adalah penerbitan buku teks sekolah dan universiti dalam bahasa Melayu, serta buku bacaan am, majalah dan akhbar. Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka adalah badan yang diberi tanggungjawab oleh pemerintah Malaysia dalam memastikan perancangan korpus bahasa ditadbirkan dengan baik, dan Dewan juga merupakan penerbit buku ilmiah dalam bahasa Melayu yang terbesar di Malaysia. Pemberdayaan Pengguna Bahasa Pemberdayaan rakyat Malaysia dengan pemerolehan dan peningkatan kecekapan mereka dalam bahasa Melayu berlaku melalui lima saluran utama: (i) pendidikan formal di sekolah dan university (ii) penggunaan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa dalam urusan rasmi pemerintahan (iii) penurunan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa keluarga dari generasi ke generasi (iv) program hiburan dan bukan rasmi (v) pergaulan sosial Kelima-lima faktor ini boleh dibahagikan kepada dua golongan utama, berdasarkan darjat keformalan atau ketidak-formalan bahasa yang digunakan dan yang menjadi matlamat aktiviti yang dijalankan. Dengan itu, faktor (i) dan (ii) boleh dimasukkan dalam golongan penggunaan formal, sedangkan faktor (iii) – (v) memasuki golongan tidak formal. Istilah formal dan tidak formal dalam konteks ini membawa pengertian dari segi bentuk bahasa. Sungguhpun bahasa wujud dalam konteks sosial yang formal dan tidak formal, tetapi ciri-ciri ini dari segi peraturan sosial (social rules) sukar ditentukan. Walaupun dalam sesuatu penyelidikan kita dapat melakukan pemerhatian tentang proses sosial yang berlaku apabila penutur berinteraksi satu sama lain dalam situasi tertentu, tidaklah mudah bagi kita meletakkan garis pemisah yang jelas antara perilaku yang formal dan yang tidak formal. Bahkan dalam sesuatu peristiwa bahasa penutur-penutur yang terlibat akan bertukar dari perilaku yang formal kepada yang tidak formal dan sebaliknya, menunjukkan bahawa peristiwa bahasa tidak terikat kepada satu-satu situasi yang khusus.

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Penggunaan Formal (i) Pendidikan persekolahan Bahasa yang digunakan dalam pengajaran di sekolah, baik sekolah kebangsaan atau sekolah jenis kebangsaan1 serta di universiti merupakan bahasa standard, yakni bahasa yang sudah lazim digunakan yang merupakan hasil kodifikasi yang sudah dibincangkan di atas. Variasi ini terus-menerus dipertingkatkan supaya sesuai dengan perkembangan masyarakat. Penerbitan buku dan majalah serta media elektronik dan media cetak berfungsi sebagai kuasa yang memantapkan variasi ini. Dalam 1970 hingga tahun 1986, telah berlaku proses peralihan sekolah-sekolah Inggeris menjadi sekolah kebangsaan. Proses ini melibatkan pertukaran bahasa pengantar secara beransur-ansur dari bahasa Inggeris kepada bahasa Melayu di semua sekolah Inggeris. Perancangan yang rapi telah dilakarkan sehingga tidak berlaku sebarang kecelaruan dalam pertukaran itu. Perancangan itu termasuk penggantian bahasa secara serentak di semua sekolah Inggeris, bermula dengan kelas satu sekolah dasar yang diajar seluruhnya dalam bahasa Melayu. Bagi kelas yang lebih tinggi hingga ke sekolah menengah. mata pelajaran dipilih mulai dari aliran sastera, dan peralihan bagi tiap-tiap kelas itu dipastikan supaya tidak lebih dari dua mata pelajaran yang mengalami pertukaran bahasa bagi satu-satu tahun persekolahan. Sebagai hasil perancangan itu pada tahun 1978 pelajar-pelajar aliran sastera yang masuk universiti sudah pun melalui seluruh program persekolahan mereka dalam bahasa Melayu. Aliran sains selesai proses peralihan itu pada tahun 1985, dan dalam tahun 1986 mahasiswa aliran ini yang masuk universiti terdiri daripada mereka yang keselurhan persekolahannya adalah dalam bahasa Melayu. (Asmah Haji Omar 1976: 108 – 111 untuk jadual peralihan dari bahasa Inggeris ke bahasa Melayu). Pemberdayaan pelajar dengan bahasa Melayu diperlengkapkan dengan pemberdayaan guru dalam menyampaikan pengajaran dalam bahasa Melayu bagi semua mata pelajaran. Ini dilakukan melalui latihan-latihan khas yang dijalankan oleh Kementerian Pelajaran ketika itu. Di universiti, yang menerima pelajar-pelajar dari sekolah kebangsaan, pensyarah-pensyarah dari berbagai-bagai fakulti dan disiplin akademik, serta staf pentadbiran dan sokongan, diberi latihan khusus dalam menggunakan bahasa Melayu supaya mereka dapat menjalankan tugas mereka dengan lebih efisien. Di Universiti Malaya, Pusat Bahasa (sekarang ini Fakulti Bahasa dan Linguistik) ditubuhkan untuk tujuan pemberdayaan ini di samping mengajar berbagai-bagai bahasa dunia. (ii) Penggunaan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa rasmi Pemberdayaan pengguna bahasa dipertingkatkan dengan penggunaan bahasa dalam konteks rasmi. Secara tradisi, sejak zaman pemerintahan British lagi, pentadbir di jabatan-jabatan kerajaan hampir semuanya orang Melayu. Satu sistem kuota telah ditetapkan sejak zaman British lagi, iaitu dari setiap empat orang pentadbir, tiga orang hendaklah terdiri daripada orang Melayu. Walaupun mereka orang Melayu, tetapi oleh kerana mereka berkelulusan sekolah dan universiti yang menggunakan bahasa Inggeris, maka jabatan masing-masing telah mengadakan kursus khas supaya mereka menjadi biasa dengan bahasa Melayu rasmi yang digunakan dalam pentadbiran. Penggunaan Tidak Formal (i) Penurunan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa keluarga dari generasi ke generasi Penduduk Malaysia terdiri daripada kira-kira 28 juta orang. Dari jumlah ini, 65% adalah Bumiputera, 26% Cina, 8% India, dan suku kaum lain 1%. Bumiputera terdiri daripada orang Melayu, orang asli, dan suku-suku kaum pribumi Sabah dan Sarawak yang jumlahnya 2% dari keseluruhan rakyat Malaysia. Ini bermakna bahawa 63% adalah orang Melayu, dan mereka menggunakan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa keluarga yang diturun-temurunkan. Dengan itu

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kadar penutur asli bahasa Melayu di Malaysia adalah 63%. Dengan terlaksananya dasar bahasa kebangsaan seperti yang dihuraikan di atas, boleh dikatakan lebih daripada 90% rakyat Malaysia boleh bertutur dalam bahasa Melayu, tetap tentu sahaja dengan peringkat kemahiran yang berbeza-beza, dari yang paling baik kepada yang paling buruk. Sebagai bahasa keluarga atau bahasa pertama, bahasa Melayu yang diperoleh sejak masa kanak-kanak ialah dialek yang dituturkan oleh keluarga. Jika ibu dan bapa dalam sesuatu keluarga itu berasal dari kawasan dialek yang berlainan, maka dialek yang turun kepada anakanak mereka merupakan dialek yang paling dominan dalam keluarga. Dominan atau tidaknya dialek berkenaan bergantung pada keluarga sebelah mana, ibu atau ayah, yang mempengaruhi kehidupan sehari-hari anak-anak berkenaan, atau juga pada dialek tempat mereka bermastautin. Jadi, bahasa ibunda tidak semestinya bahasa ibu. Tetapi kanak-kanak dari usia yang sangat muda dari keluarga percampuran dialek sudah sedar adanya perbezaan dialek antara keluarga ayah dan keluarga ibu, dan mereka cuba menyesuaikan diri sewajarnya2. (ii) Program hiburan dan bukan rasmi Dalam domain penggunaan bahasa yang seperti ini, orang Malaysia bebas menggunakan apa sahaja variasi bahasa (bahasa standard, variasi geografis/dialek, atau variasi sosial). Dalam sesuatu program hiburan, walaupun pada asasnya variasi yang dipilih itu bahasa standard, tetapi pasti dimasukkan juga variasi-variasi lain, sesuai dengan jalan cerita, dan tentunya sesuai dengan tempat berlakunya sesuatu adegan atau episod. Jika semuanya itu dalam bahasa standard, tentu sahaja rancangan hiburan berkenaan tidak menggambarkan realiti dalam kehidupan di Malaysia, khususnya dalam penggunaan bahasa. Dalam program-program bukan hiburan dan bukan rasmi, seperti forum dan apa juga jenis perdebatan, di media atau di luar media, asasnya ialah bahasa standard. Tetapi penutur dari kawasan dialek tertentu akan mewujudkan ciri-ciri dialeknya, biasanya dalam sebutan dan juga leksis. Hal ini dianggap sebagai hal yang biasa, disebabkan tiap-tiap dialek mempunyai sejarah penggunaannya sebagai bahasa tinggi sebelum terbentuknya Persekutuan Tanah Melayu. Kempen-kempen pilihan raya memperlihatkan betapa dominannya dialek kawasan yang terlibat. Pemimpin dan ahli parti politik yang berkempen yang berasal dari kawasan lain biasanya menggunakan bahasa standard, tetapi dalam usaha memperoleh undi dari penduduk setempat mereka terpaksa menggunakan strategi akomodasi. Maka berusahalah mereka menggunakan kata-kata atau ungkapan-ungkapan dari dialek berkenaan, bahkan juga mencuba menyesuaikan sebutan dengan yang lazim di tempat berkenaan. Pergaulan Sosial Seperti yang dapat dilihat dengan jelas, orang-orang Malaysia memilih variasi dan gaya bahasa yang memberi keselesaan kepada mereka dan juga kepada orang yang berinteraksi dengan mereka. Di kawasan yang homogenus, yakni di kampung yang mempunyai dialek tertentu, variasi yang digunakan adalah dialek tempatan berkenaan. Di sini juga, jika ada orang yang dwibahasa Melayu-Inggeris, Melayu-Arab atau Melayu-Siam (yang terakhir di Kedah Utara), berlakulah campur aduk antara unsur dari bahasa-bahasa yang berkenaan. Alih kod (codeswitching) kemudian merupakan bahasa perantara mereka. Alih kod, terutama sekali Melayu-Inggeris, juga merupakan gejala yang berlaku dalam pertuturan antara orang-orang Melayu yang tinggal di bandar. Di Kuala Lumpur atau di Petaling Jaya di mana terdapat penduduk Melayu dari berbagai-bagai kawasan dialek, baik dialek-dialek Semenanjung atau dialek-dialek yang dituturkan di Sabah dan Sarawak, penuturpenutur dari kawasan dialek yang sama cenderung menggunakan dialek sendiri. Antara sebabnya ialah perasaan kekitaan dari satu negeri yang sama. Ini dibuktikan oleh kajian Zuraidah Mohd. Don mengenai penggunaan dialek di kalangan mahasiswa Kelantan di Uinversiti Malaya (Zuraidah Mohd. Don 2005). Dalam interaksi antara penutur dari berbagaibagai dialek, dalam kedaan tidak formal, ada percubaan menggunakan bahaaa Melayu standard, sebagai strategi kerjasama dan akomodasi3.

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Dalam perbualan antara penutur yang berbeza suku kaum, seperti antara Melayu, Cina dan India, bahasa yang digunakan tidaklah bersifat monolitik, yakni penutur-penutur tidaklah hanya patuh pada satu bahasa sahaja. Alih kod merupakan kaedah yang dominan, dan sistem bahasa yang digunakan bergantung pada taraf dan jenis pendidikan. Oleh kerana bahasa Melayu dan bahasa Inggeris diajar di semua sekolah, maka alih kod Melayu-Inggeris kedengaran di mana-mana. Penentuan taraf pendidikan dapat dipastikan dari butir-butir yang dialih kod berdasarkan topik-topik perbualan, serta juga taraf gramatis atau tidak gramatis butir yang dialih kod. Percampuran bahasa yang seperti inilah yang dikenal di Malaysia sebagai bahasa rojak. BAHASA SEBAGAI PEREKAT BANGSA Bilakah soal bahasa Melayu sebagai perekat bangsa mula muncul di Tanah Melayu? Pada pendapat saya, munculnya itu bukan disebabkan adanya sistem persekolahan bahasa Inggeris, bahasa Cina, atau bahasa Tamil. Sebabnya itu tidak berakar pada bahasa, tetapi pada faktor ekonomi. Dengan adanya orang-orang Cina yang mendominasi ekonomi Malaya, mulai dari akhir abad ke-19, orang Melayu mula melihat diri mereka sebagai rakyat yang makin lama makin tersisih di bumi sendiri. Mulai dekad-dekad awal abad ke-20, para intelek Melayu yang berpendidikan Inggeris dan juga Arab sudah melihat keadaan demikian dan melalui penerbitanpenerbitan mereka, dalam bentuk esei dalam majalah atau buku bahasa, atau juga novel, mereka meniup angin kesedaran ini kepada orang Melayu. Antaranya ialah Zainal Abidin bin Ahmad (Za’ba) yang banyak menulis sejak tahun-tahun 1930-an lagi, bahkan kesedaran ini disisip dalam buku-buku bahasa yang ditulis untuk kursus latihan guru di Maktab Sultan Idris Tanjong Malim, Perak. Orang Melayu juga mendapat inspirasi dari pergerakan kebangsaan Indonesia, yang mengangkat bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa Indonesia, yakni bahasa persatuan Indonesia. Kesedaran akan nasib bangsa mengikat orang-orang Melayu dari berbagai-bagai negeri di Tanah Melayu, dan merangsangkan perpaduan mereka, sehingga membawa kepada perpaduan yang sebenarnya apabila mereka mencapai kemerdekaan di bawah bendera Persekutuan Tanah Melayu pada 31 Ogos 1957. Inilah juga tarikh bahasa Melayu dinobatkan sebagai bahasa kebangsaan. Dari awal lagi, bahasa kebangsaan dilihat sebagai lambang yang menyatu-padukan rakyat Malaya/Malaysia pelbagai kaum. Juga dalam menerima adanya bahasa kebangsaan, Malaysia tidak menyingkir mana-mana bahasa yang wujud di Malaysia. Dasar Pelajaran Kebangsaan Pelajaran 1956, yang penggubalannya itu sebelum tarikh kemerdekaan (dan lebih dikenal sebagai Laporan Razak) menyatakan bahawa tiap-tiap bahasa ada tempatnya di bumi Malaysia. Laporan ini juga menegaskan betapa pentingnya bahasa Inggeris dalam pendidikan di Malaya, dan mulai dari itulah maka bahasa Inggeris mendapat tempat sebagai bahasa kedua selepas bahasa Melayu. Jika dikatakan bahasa Melayu merupakan perekat bangsa Malaysia, perekatnya dapat dilihat dalam komunikasi dua konteks. Pertama ialah konteks pentadbiran negara, iaitu antara kerajaan dengan rakyat, dan kedua ialah sesama rakyat dari pelbagai kaum. Yang pertama itu boleh digolongkan sebagai konteks penggunaan bahasa Melayu yang wajib, sedangkan yang kedua itu sebagai konteks opsional atau tidak wajib. Konteks pertama bermula dari institusiinstitusi pendidikan, yang memerlukan variasi bahasa standard dengan laras yang sesuai bagi situasi pengurusan dan pentadbiran, yang berjalan menurut peraturan-peraturan tertentu. Konteks opsional mewakili situasi tidak formal yang menggambarkan keselesaan dalam interaksi, dan arus komunikasi dalam bahasa Melayu (dalam variasi mana pun juga) mengalir lancar tanpa adanya sekatan undang-undang atau peraturan sosial.

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KOMUNIKASI BAHASA YANG POLIMORFIK Dalam politik Malaysia, tidak pernah dikatakan bahawa pelbagai suku kaum mesti bersasimilasi, tetapi yang penting ialah mereka hendaklah berintegrasi. Dengan integrasi setiap suku kaum terjamin dari segi pelestarian warisan asal mereka, yakni bahasa, budaya, agama dan sebagainya. Sungguhpun dari segi idealnya, mereka diharap menggunakan bahasa Melayu dalam kehidupan mereka sehari-hari, tetapi ini bukanlah tujuan utama dasar bahasa kebangsaan Malaysia. Oleh kerana itu, seperti yang disebut di atas, gambaran penggunaan bahasa di kalangan rakyat Malaysia adalah polimorfik sifatnya. Dengan komunikasi bahasa yang polimorfik, terdapat lebih daripada satu bahasa yang mengikat rakyat negara. Tiap-tiap suku kaum mempunyai kesetiaan sendiri kepada bahasanya, dengan cara mempertahankan bahasanya sebagai bahasa komuniti. Tiap-tiap komuniti bahasa pula mempunyai beberapa subkomuniti, dan tiap-tiap satunya pula dengan bahasa sendiri. Misalnya, bahasa Cina terdiri daripada sekurang-kurangnya 10 dialek, dengan Kantonis dan Hokkien sebagai komuniti dialek yang terbesar, tetapi bahasa yang dianggap kepunyaan bersama kaum Cina adalah bahasa Mandarin, yang digunakan di sekolah dan dalam media. Di dalam komuniti dialek, tiap-tiap komuniti menggunakan bahasanya sendiri. Di kalangan orang Cina, terutama di Kuala Lumpur dan bandar-bandar besar lain, bahasa Inggeris sidah menjadi bahasa keluarga. Yang dikatakan suku kaum India di Malaysia itu sebenarnya terdiri daripada pelbagai suku kaum lagi, dari India Utara dan Selatan, dan juga dari Sri Lanka, yang berlainan dari segi bahasa, agama dan cara hidup. Bahkan antara suku-suku kaum ini, jika mereka tidak tahu bahasa Inggeris, maka bahasa Melayulah yang menjadi bahasa perantara. Seperti halnya dengan orang Cina, orang-orang India di Malaysia juga lebih cenderung menggunakan bahasa Inggeris sebagai bahasa keluarga. Demikian jugalah halnya dengan kebanyakan kaum bumiputera. Orang Asli bukanlah suku kaum yng monolitik dari segi bahasa, kerana tiap-tiap kelompok mempunyai bahasa yang berbeza dengan yang lain. Demikian juga suku kaum Kadazandusun, Murut dan Bajau di Sabah, atau juga Bidayuh dan Kenyah di Sarawak. Pendeknya, di Malaysia, dan barangkali juga di tempat-tempat lain, komuniti etnik tidak selari dengan komuniti bahasa. Ada kala, komuniti etnik terdiri daripada satu komuniti bahasa, dan ada kalanya terdiri daripada beberapa komuniti bahasa. (Asmah Haji Omar 2009). PERPADUAN BANGSA Perpaduan sesuatu bangsa memerlukan adanya alat komunikasi bersama supaya rakyat faham mesej yang hendak disampaikan oleh kerajaan, dan juga dalam memudahkan hubungan sosial sesama rakyat. Penyatuan rakyat pelbagai kaum dan pelbagai budaya memerlukan “perekat” yang lebih teguh dari hanya bahasa. Penyampaian mesej melalui bahasa dengan input dan output mudah dilakukan dalam bahasa Melayu dengan adanya pemberdayaan penutur dalam bahasa berkenaan. Dalam hal ini bahasa adalah alat komunikasi semata-mata. Demikian juga, aspek-aspek budaya tertentu dapat menjadi alat dalam mendekatkan hubungan antara rakyat, misalnya dari segi pakaian, makanan, cara makan, seni tari, seni muzik, dan sebagainya. Tetapi setakat manakah pemberdayaan bahasa dapat mewujudkan jaringan psikologi yang dapat menyatukan rakyat pelbagai kaum? Faktor ekonomi dan sosial juga memainkan peranan yang sangat penting dalam menyatu-padukan bangsa. Jika keadaan ekonomi tidak seimbang, maka mobilti sosial juga tidak selari dalam perbandingan antara suku kaum. Dalam keadaan yang seperti ini, walaupun ada bahasa bersama yang digunakan tetapi perpaduan antara rakyat juga sukar tercapai.

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PENUTUP Keadaan di Malaysia menunjukkan bahawa di luar urusan rasmi yang mempunyai konteks yang dilakarkan menurut peraturan, bahasa kebangsaan dapat mendekatkan hubungan sesama rakyat dengan memudahkan komunikasi antara mereka. Dalam konteks luar rasmi, komunikasi mereka yang polimorfik, yang tidak digemari oleh pendidik bahasa, sebenarnya memperlihatkan jarak sosial yang dekat antara mereka, sedangkan bahasa standard tidak menggambarkan keadaan ini. Bahasa sahaja tidak cukup untuk menyatu-padukan rakyat. Banyak faktor lain, terutama sekali faktor sosio-ekonomi, diperlukan dalam menjadikan rakyat pelbagai kaum menerima satu sama lain dalam satu keluarga yang besar. Atas kesedaran inilah, maka Perdana Menteri, Dato’ Seri Mohd. Najib Abdul Razak membawa falsafah “1Malaysia: Rakyat Didahulukan, Pencapaian Diutamakan”. CATATAN 1.

2. 3.

*

Berdasarkan bahasa pengantar utama yang digunakan, sekolah-sekolah di Malaysia dibahagikan kepada dua jenis: sekolah kebangsaan dan sekolah jenis kebangsaan. Sekolah kebangsaan menggunakan bahasa Melayu sebagai bahasa pengantar bagi semua mata pelajaran kecuali Sains dan Matematik yang diajar dalam dwibahasa, Melayu dan Inggeris, dan juga bahasa Inggeris sebagai mata pelajaran wajib . Sekolah jenis kebangsaan adalah sekolah yang mengajar dalam bahasa Cina (dengan itu Sekolah Jenis Kebangsaan Cina), dan bahasa Tamil (dengan itu Sekolah Jenis Kebangsaan Tami). Kedua-dua jenis sekolah ini wajib mengajar bahasa Melayu dan bahasa Inggeris kepada pelajar mereka. Saya telah melakukan penyelidikan yang seperti ini dalam tahun 1980-an. Saya fikir keadaan seperti ini masih berlaku dalam keluarga Melayu. Lihat Asmah Haji Omar 1988: Dalam kajian Zuraidah Mohd. Don, mahasiswa Kelantan di Universiti Malaya menggunakan bahasa standard yang disebut mereka sebagai “bahasa Melayu Malaysia”, dalam hubungan mahasiswamahasiswa lain, kerana mereka sendiri mempunyai persepsi yang rendah terhadap dialek mereka, dan juga kerana mereka percaya bahawa dialek mereka sukar difahami oleh penutur-penutur dialek lain. Penulis berterima kasih kepada mitra bestari yang telah memberikan saran-saran untuk perbaikan makalah.

RUJUKAN Asmah Haji Omar. 1976. The Teaching of Bahasa Malaysia ini the Context of National Language Planning. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Asmah Haji Omar. 1988. Bahasa dan Alam Pemikiran Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Asmah Haji Omar. 2004. Muafakat Bahasa: Sejarah MBIM/MABBIM Sebagai Pembina Bahasa. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Asmah Haji Omar (ed.). 2005. Pendidikan Sultan Idris.

Sama Serumpun.

Tanjong Malim:

Penerbit Universiti

Asmah Haji Omar. 2009. Moribund Languages of Sarawak, Heritage Asia, Vol. 6, No. 1, April – June 2009, pp. 26 – 33. Gallop, Annabel Teh and Bernard Arps. 1991. Surat Emas: Budaya Tulis di Indonesia. London: The British Library & Jakarta: Yayasan Lontar. Joginder Singh Jessy. 1979. Sejarah Tanah Melayu (1400 – 1959). Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Rogayah A. Hamid dan Mariyam Salim (Penyelenggara). Kesultanan Melayu Kedah. Siri Kajian Naskhah Kesultanan Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

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Undang-Undang Negeri Kedah (Revised Edition). Alor Setar, 13 Sya’ban 1353. Zuraidah Mohd. Don. 2005. Persepsi Dialek Kelantan: Suatu Kjaian Vitaliti Etnolinguistik. Dalam Asmah Haji Omar 2005, h. 93 – 108.

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Tahun ke-29, No. 2

KONSTRUKSI PASIF KENA DALAM BAHASA INDONESIA: PERBANDINGAN DENGAN BAHASA MELAYU* Hiroki Nomoto Universitas Kajian Asing Tokyo [email protected]

Kartini Abd. Wahab Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia [email protected]

Abstrak Makalah ini meneliti perbedaan antara bahasa Melayu dan bahasa Indonesia mengenai konstruksi kena. Konstruksi kena dalam bahasa Melayu mempunyai tidak hanya kalimat pasif sebagaimana bahasa Indonesia, tetapi juga kalimat aktif yang membawa makna ‘harus’. Makalah ini membahas bahwa kena dalam bahasa Melayu adalah verba yang masuk dalam kelas predikat lucu, yang menimbulkan fenomena kawalan lucu (funny control). Sebaliknya, kena dalam bahasa Indonesia adalah verba kawalan (control verb) yang mengambil argumen luar yang terpengaruh. Pada kalimat kena yang aktif, PRO dalam klausa aktif sematan tidak terpengaruh, sedangkan pengontrolnya, yaitu argumen luar kena, terpengaruh. Ketidakkoherenan ini menjelaskan mengapa bahasa Indonesia tidak mempunyai kalimat kena yang aktif. Kalimat kena dalam bahasa Melayu tidak melibatkan PRO, maka bebas dari kondisi kekoherenan tersebut sehingga memiliki pola aktif dan pasif berterima. Makalah ini turut menguraikan prediksi analisis kalimat kena bahwa bahasa Indonesia memiliki alternasi diatesis tersirat (covert voice alternation). Temuan kami adalah alternasi diatesis tersirat itu terdapat pada kalimat ter-. Kata kunci: kena, kawalan (lucu), alternasi diatesis tersirat This paper proposes an account for a dialectal difference between Malay and Indonesian concerning the usage of kena sentences. In addition to the adversative passive use found in both languages, Malay has active kena sentences, expressing obligation/non-volition (‘have to’). It is argued that while kena is a modal verb in both languages, it is a funny predicate in Malay and a control verb that takes an affected external argument in Indonesian. Kena cannot embed an active clause because its subject PRO is not affected, and hence PRO and its controller are not semantically coherent. This explains why Indonesian lacks active kena sentences. Since kena sentences in Malay do not involve PRO, both active and passive patterns are available. The paper also discusses the issue of whether or not Indonesian has covert voice alternation. We show that it is actually found in ter- sentences, though not as clearly as in Malay. Key words: kena, (funny) control, covert voice alternation

PENDAHULUAN Dalam bahasa Indonesia, kalimat kena seperti contoh (1) di bawah hanya mempunyai satu pengertian, yaitu sebagai konstruksi pasif adversatif (interpretasi (i)). Namun, dalam bahasa Melayu (dialek standar bahasa Melayu yang dituturkan di Malaysia), terutama dalam bahasa lisan (bahasa Melayu Lisan), kalimat yang sama sebenarnya membawa satu makna lain, yaitu makna yang terkait dengan “keharusan” (interpretasi (ii)). (1)

Ali kena tipu wanita itu. (i) ‘Ali kena tipu oleh wanita itu.’ (ii) ‘Ali harus menipu wanita itu’.

(Indonesia dan Malaysia) (Malaysia sahaja)

Terkait dengan perbedaan ini, makalah ini mencoba menjawab persoalan-persoalan seperti yang berikut ini. (i) Bagaimanakah kalimat kena dalam bahasa Melayu dapat mengandung dua interpretasi yang berbeda? (ii) Mengapa kalimat kena dalam bahasa Indonesia

Hiroki Nomoto dan Kartini Abd. Wahab

hanya berterima dengan makna penderitaan adversatif, tetapi tidak dengan makna ‘harus’? (iii) Apakah identitas gramatikal morfem kena dalam kedua bahasa ini? Untuk menjawab persoalan-persoalan tersebut, makalah ini membahas bahwa dalam bahasa Melayu maupun bahasa Indonesia, kena bukanlah morfem pemarkah diatesis, tetapi sebaliknya adalah verba modal yang terkait dengan makna ‘terpaksa oleh keadaan luar’. Oleh karena itu, pada prinsipnya, kena seharusnya dapat muncul pada kalimat pasif dan juga aktif dalam kedua bahasa ini. Sehubungan dengan itu, makalah ini mengusulkan bahwa kalimat kena dengan makna penderitaan adversatif dan kalimat kena dengan makna keharusan, bisa dianalisis sebagai pasangan kalimat pasif dan aktif. Dengan kata lain, dua konstruksi tersebut berhubungan melalui alternasi diatesis. Menurut analisis ini, bahasa Melayu mempunyai kedua kalimat kena yang aktif dan pasif, sedangkan bahasa Indonesia tidak mempunyai kalimat kena yang aktif. Makalah ini mengusulkan bahwa perbedaan di antara dua bahasa ini muncul karena kena dalam bahasa Melayu adalah “predikat lucu” (funny predicate), yang terkait dengan fenomena kawalan lucu (funny control) (Gil 2002; Nomoto 2011), sedangkan kena dalam bahasa Indonesia adalah verba kawalan yang mengambil argumen luar yang “terpengaruh.” Kalimat kena aktif dalam bahasa Indonesia tidak gramatikal oleh karena PRO pada klausa sematan aktif tidak mengandung karakter “terpengaruh,” sedangkan kalimat kena aktif dalam bahasa Melayu berterima karena mengandung DP yang mengalami kenaikan (raising), dan bukan PRO. Makalah ini turut membahas bahwa alternasi diatesis yang terlibat dengan kalimat kena yang aktif dan pasif adalah tersirat, yakni tiada morfem pemarkah diatesis nyata dalam kalimat aktif maupun kalimat pasif. Alternasi diatesis tersirat ini terdapat dalam kedua bahasa, meskipun hal ini tidak jelas dalam bahasa Indonesia. Perbincangan dalam makalah ini terbagi kepada lima bagian. Bagian 1 adalah pengenalan, diikuti oleh bagian 2 yang memuat latar belakang kalimat kena dalam bahasa Melayu yang memiliki kedua kalimat kena aktif dan pasif. Selanjutnya, bagian 3 akan membahas kalimat pasif kena dalam bahasa Indonesia. Bagian 4 akan menguraikan salah satu prediksi analisis makalah ini, yaitu alternasi diatesis tersirat juga terdapat dalam bahasa Indonesia. Pada akhir makalah, bagian 5 akan merumuskan perbincangan makalah ini dan mendiskusikan implikasi analisis kami terhadap perkembangan historis penggunaan kata kena. KALIMAT KENA DALAM BAHASA MELAYU Kalimat Kena Pasif dan Kalimat Kena Aktif Penelitian terdahulu oleh Nomoto dan Kartini (dalam penilaian) menjelaskan bahwa kalimat pasif kena dalam bahasa Melayu memiliki padanan aktif, yaitu kalimat kena yang mengandung maksud ‘harus’. Menurut analisis tersebut, kalimat (2a) dan (2b) di bawah adalah berkaitan, yaitu sebagai kalimat aktif dan kalimat pasif. (2)

a. Ali kena tipu wanita itu. ‘Ali harus/terpaksa menipu wanita itu.’ b. Wanita itu kena tipu oleh Ali.

(aktif) (pasif)

Dua kalimat di atas mungkin seperti tidak berkaitan. Meski demikian, dari segi semantik dua kalimat itu bisa dianggap mengandung morfem kena yang sama. Kena pada kedua kalimat tersebut bermakna modal, yakni ‘tidak memedulikan kehendak subjek/penutur sendiri’, ‘ditekan oleh keadaan luar’ atau ‘ditakdirkan’. Pada kalimat aktif (2a), keadaan luar memaksa subjek untuk melakukan suatu tindakan sehingga subjek yakni Ali “harus” atau “terpaksa” melakukan tindakan “menipu” tersebut. Sedangkan pada kalimat pasif (2b), keadaan luar menekan subjek, yakni ‘wanita itu’, menjalani suatu tindakan yang sama, dan subjek berada dalam satu situasi yang merugikan atau keadaan yang tidak menyenangkan. Justifikasi lanjut akan dikemukakan di bagian-bagian berikutnya.

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Berhubungan dengan hal tersebut, timbul dua persoalan. Pertama, apakah kategori sintaksis kata kena? Kedua, apakah pemarkah diatesis yang terdapat pada kedua kalimat tersebut? Dua persoalan ini masing-masing akan dibicarakan di bagian 2.2 dan 2.3. Kena sebagai Predikat Lucu Dalam penelitian terdahulu, kata kena dalam bahasa Melayu pernah dideskripsikan sebagai pemarkah diatesis pasif (Bao dan Wee 1999) atau kata (verba) bantu (Nik Safiah dkk. 2008: 493). Akan tetapi, Nomoto dan Kartini (dalam penilaian) berpendapat bahwa kena dalam bahasa Melayu bukanlah morfem pemarkah diatesis pasif maupun aktif. Sebaliknya, kami menganggap kena sebagai verba yang termasuk dalam kelas predikat lucu, yakni tipe verba yang menimbulkan fenomena kawalan lucu. Fenomena kawalan lucu adalah fenomena di mana argumen luar bagi predikat tertentu, yang dinamakan “predikat lucu,” (contohnya mau dan coba) bisa berasosiasi dengan argumen dalam maupun argumen luar bagi predikat klausa sematan yang pasif. Kalimat kawalan lucu menimbulkan ambiguitas, meskipun ambiguitas itu selalu dihilangkan dengan adanya konteks linguistik dan/atau ekstralinguistik. Kalimat (3) memperlihatkan fenomena kawalan lucu (Nomoto 2011). (3)

Ali mahu/cuba dibunuh (oleh) perompak itu. (i) ‘Ali mau/coba supaya dibunuh oleh perampok itu.’ (ii) ‘Perampok itu mau/coba membunuh Ali.’

(interpretasi kawalan biasa) (interpretasi bersilang) 1

Kedua interpretasi tersebut diilustrasikan seperti dalam (4) berikut. (4)

a. Interpretasi kawalan biasa (3i) Ali

perompak itu

‘yang mau/coba’ ‘yang dibunuh’ (argumen luar mahu/cuba) (argumen dalam bunuh) b. Interpretasi bersilang (3ii) Ali

‘yang membunuh’ (argumen luar bunuh) perompak itu

‘yang mau/coba’ ‘yang dibunuh’ (argumen luar mahu/cuba) (argumen dalam bunuh)

‘yang membunuh’ (argumen luar bunuh)

Dalam kedua interpretasi, pelaku dan penerima perbuatan pembunuhan adalah sama, yaitu Ali yang dibunuh oleh perampok itu. Yang berbeda di antara kedua interpretasi tersebut adalah pihak mana yang berkemauan atau mencoba merealisasikan perbuatan pembunuhan itu. Dalam interpretasi kawalan biasa (4a), entitas yang berkemauan atau mencoba (dibunuh) adalah argumen dalam, yaitu ‘Ali’, sementara dalam interpretasi bersilang (4b), entitas yang berkemauan atau mencoba (membunuh) adalah argumen luar, yaitu ‘perompak itu’. Perbedaan ini ditunjukkan dengan garis yang tebal. Predikat lucu lazimnya terbatas kepada seperangkat predikat yang memiliki properti khusus (Nomoto 2011). Dari segi semantiknya, predikat lucu mengandung makna modalitas yang mengekspresikan (i) sikap psikologis, misalnya mahu ‘mau’, ingin, dan cuba ‘coba’, atau (ii) keadaan ekstern yang dapat mempengaruhi kemungkinan suatu situasi akan direalisasikan, contohnya kata layak.2 Dari aspek morfologis, predikat lucu terbagi dua, yaitu yang tanpa afiks apa pun dan yang berprefiks ber- atau ter-. Morfem kena mempunyai kedua karekteristik tersebut. Kena, sebagai predikat lucu, memperlihatkan fenomena kawalan lucu yang memiliki dua interpretasi. Kalimat kena dengan klausa sematan pasif seperti contoh (5) mempunyai dua interpretasi, yaitu interpretasi kawalan biasa dan interpretasi bersilang, yang bisa digambarkan seperti (6). Seperti telah diuraikan di atas, semantik kena bisa diparafrasekan menjadi ‘ditekan

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oleh keadaan luar’ dan sebagainya. Jadi, “yang kena” dalam (6) berarti pihak yang ditekan oleh keadaan luar. (5)

Perompak itu kena ditangkap (oleh) polis. 3 (i) ‘Perampok itu kena tangkap oleh polisi.’ (interpretasi kawalan biasa) (ii) ‘Polisi harus menangkap perampok itu./Perampok itu harus ditangkap oleh polis.’

(6)

a. Interpretasi kawalan biasa (5i) perompak itu

polis

‘yang kena’ ‘yang ditangkap’ (argumen luar kena) (argumen dalam tangkap) b. Interpretasi bersilang (5ii) perompak itu ‘yang kena’ (argumen luar kena)

‘yang ditangkap’ (argumen dalam tangkap)

‘yang menangkap’ (argumen luar tangkap) polis ‘yang menangkap’ (argumen luar tangkap)

Dalam interpretasi kawalan biasa (6a), entitas yang “kena” atau ditekan oleh keadaan luar agar dia ditangkap adalah argumen dalam tangkap, yaitu ‘perompak itu’. Keadaan luar menekan ‘perompak itu’, tidak peduli suka atau tidak, untuk menjalani dan mengalami suatu tindakan yang tidak menyenangkan, yakni dia ‘ditangkap oleh polis(i)’. Sementara itu, dalam tafsiran bersilang (6b), entitas yang “kena” itu adalah ‘polis(i)’, yang merupakan argumen luar tangkap. Dalam kasus ini, keadaan luar, misalnya tuntutan masyarakat yang cukup kuat, menekan ‘polis(i)’, tidak mempedulikan kemauan mereka sendiri, menjalani suatu tindakan, yakni ‘perompak itu’ ‘ditangkap oleh’ mereka. Untuk menjalani tindakan itu, mereka “harus” atau “terpaksa” menangkap perampok tersebut. Dari segi struktur kalimat, predikat lucu mengambil klausa berkurang (reduced clause) sebagai komplemennya, dan bukan klausa lengkap seperti TP dan CP. Secara khusus, Nomoto (2011) mengusulkan bahwa klausa komplemen predikat lucu adalah vP. Maka, kalimat kawalan lucu mempunyai struktur seperti yang ditunjukkan berikut. (7)

Struktur kalimat kawalan lucu TP DP T

vP v

VP vP

V predikat lucu tDP

v

VP …V…

Seperti mana yang ditunjukkan dalam grafik pohon di atas, kalimat kawalan lucu melibatkan pergerakan DP, yaitu DP yang pada dasarnya menempati posisi Spek, vP bergerak naik ke posisi Spek, TP. Hal ini terbukti berdasarkan fakta yang menunjukkan bahwa ambiguitas antara interpretasi kawalan biasa dan interpretasi bersilang hilang apabila predikat lucu dimarkahi oleh prefiks meN-. Perhatikan contoh (8).

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(8)

Ali mencuba dibunuh (oleh) perompak itu. (i) ‘Ali mencoba untuk dibunuh oleh perampok itu.’ (ii) *‘Perampok itu mencoba untuk membunuh Ali.’

(interpretasi kawalan biasa) (interpretasi bersilang)

Pada umumnya, telah diakui oleh para peneliti bahwa prefiks meN- merupakan penghalang pada pergerakan DP (Saddy 1991; Soh 1998; Cole dan Hermon 1998). Berdasarkan temuan tersebut, masuk akal apabila kita berpikir bahwa hilangnya interpretasi bersilang dalam kalimat (8) disebabkan tidak adanya pergerakan DP karena pergerakan tersebut dihalangi oleh prefiks meN- seperti ditunjukkan pada (9a) di bawah. Dengan kata lain, struktur kalimat kawalan lucu dengan predikat lucu seperti cuba ‘coba’ melibatkan pergerakan DP, sedangkan kalimat non-kawalan lucu dengan predikat kawalan biasa seperti mencuba ‘mencoba’ tidak melibatkan pergerakan DP. Sehubungan dengan hal tersebut, struktur kalimat (8) adalah (9b), yaitu struktur kawalan biasa dengan PRO. (9)

a. Alii mencuba [vP ti dibunuh (oleh) perompak itu].

b. Alii mencuba [CP [TP PROi dibunuh (oleh) perompak itu]]. Sebagai kesimpulan, berlandaskan ciri morfologis dan semantik yang telah dikemukakan, morfem kena dalam bahasa Melayu termasuk dalam kelas predikat lucu seperti juga verba cuba ‘coba’ dan mahu ‘mau’. Kena sebagai predikat lucu menempati V, dan mengambil vP sebagai komplemennya. Kena dan Alternasi Diatesis Tersirat Pada bagian 2.2 di atas telah disebutkan fakta-fakta semantik dan sintaktik yang mendukung usulan bahwa kena termasuk kelas predikat lucu. Menurut Nomoto dan Kartini (dalam penilaian), kena bukan merupakan morfem pemarkah pasif, karena morfem tersebut dapat hadir bersama-sama pemarkah diatesis morfologis, yaitu pemarkah aktif meN-4 dan juga pemarkah pasif di-. Perhatikan contoh berikut. (10)

a. Polis kena [vP men-[t]angkap perompak itu]. ‘Polisi harus menangkap perampok itu.’ b. Perompak itu kena [vP di-tangkap oleh polis]. ‘Perampok itu kena ditangkap oleh polisi.’

Dalam contoh (10) terlihat jelas bahwa morfem kena dapat hadir bersama-sama pemarkah aktif meN- maupun pemarkah pasif di-. Tambahan pula, kena juga dapat muncul pada kalimat aktif lugas (bare active) dan kalimat pasif lugas (bare passive), yang juga dikenal sebagai Pasif Tipe 2 (P2), seperti di bawah. (11)

a. b.

Aku kena [vP ØAKTIF tembak monyet-monyet liar itu]. ‘Aku harus tembak monyet-monyet liar itu.’ Monyet-monyet liar itu kena [vP ØPASIF aku tembak]. 5

Contoh-contoh (10) dan (11) di atas tidak bisa dijelaskan jika kena merupakan morfem pemarkah pasif maupun pemarkah aktif. Oleh karena itu, dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa tidak ada pemarkah diatesis yang nyata atau eksplisit yang terkandung pada kalimat kena (apabila kena tidak diikuti oleh pemarkah diatesis morfologis tertentu). Dengan kata lain, alternasi diatesis yang terdapat pada kalimat kena aktif dan kalimat kena pasif dalam bahasa Melayu adalah bersifat tersirat atau implisit, atau disebut juga sebagai alternasi diatesis tersirat (covert voice alternation). Alternasi diatesis tersirat pada kalimat kena dirumuskan seperti dalam (12) dan (13).

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(12)

Alternasi diatesis tersirat pada kalimat kena a. Aktif DPluar kena [vP ØAKTIF [VP V DPdalam ]]6 b. Pasif DPdalam kena [vP ØPASIF2 [VP V] (oleh) DPluar ]

(13)

a. Ali kena [vP ØAKTIF [VP tipu wanita itu]]. ‘Ali harus tipu wanita itu.’ b. Wanita itu kena [vP ØPASIF2 [VP tipu] (oleh) Ali].

(aktif) (pasif)

ØAKTIF dalam (12a) dan (13a) adalah pemarkah diatesis nol (Ø) pada kalimat aktif lugas. Dengan berlandaskan urutan kata dan keopsionalan preposisi oleh, ØPASIF2 dalam (12b) dan (13b) bukan pemarkah diatesis nol pada kalimat pasif lugas. Sebaliknya, kami beranggapan bahwa ØPASIF2 adalah alomorf nol secara fonologis kepada pemarkah pasif morfologis, yaitu di-. Bagian 2 tulisan ini telah membahas konstruksi pasif kena dalam bahasa Melayu yang mempunyai padanan kalimat aktif, yaitu kalimat kena yang mengekspresi makna ‘harus’. Selain itu, telah dibahas pula bahwa kena adalah predikat lucu, yang terkait dengan fenomena kawalan lucu. Dalam struktur kalimat predikat lucu, kena menempati V, dan mengambil vP sebagai komplemennya. Selain itu, dibahas juga bahwa bahasa Melayu mempunyai alternasi diatesis tersirat yang terdapat pada kalimat kena. Bagian 3 selanjutnya akan membahaskan kalimat kena dalam bahasa Indonesia. KALIMAT KENA DALAM BAHASA INDONESIA Pada permulaan makalah ini, kita sudah melihat perbedaan di antara bahasa Melayu dan bahasa Indonesia berkenaan dengan kalimat kena. Kalimat kena seperti (1), yang ditulis ulang di bawah sebagai (14), dapat dipahami dengan dua makna. Menurut analisis kami yang dikemukakan di bagian 2, kedua interpretasi berdasarkan sintaksis kalimat yang berlainan, yakni interpretasi (i) berdasarkan kalimat pasif sedangkan interpretasi (ii), di mana kata kena mengungkapkan makna keharusan, berdasarkan kalimat aktif. (14)

Ali kena tipu wanita itu. (i) ‘Ali kena tipu oleh wanita itu.’ (ii) ‘Ali harus menipu wanita itu’.

(Indonesia dan Malaysia) (Malaysia sahaja)

Analisis kami terhadap kalimat kena dalam bahasa Melayu ini berarti bahwa kalimat kena dalam bahasa Indonesia memiliki pola pasif saja. Hal ini menimbulkan satu persoalan, yaitu mengapa kalimat kena yang berpola aktif tidak dibenarkan dalam bahasa Indonesia? Bagian ini mengusulkan jawaban pada persoalan tersebut. Usulan Kami mengusulkan bahwa kena dalam bahasa Indonesia adalah verba kawalan yang mengambil argumen luar yang terpengaruh ([+AFF]), berbeda daripada kena dalam bahasa Melayu, yang dikemukakan sebagai predikat lucu. Menurut analisis tradisional, kalimat kawalan mengandung PRO, seperti contoh (15). (15)

Ibui mencoba [PROi memasak spageti].

Mencoba pada kalimat di atas adalah verba kawalan, sementara PRO adalah subjek nol yang terkandung pada klausa yang tersemat. PRO memiliki hubungan saling rujuk (coreferential) dengan subjek nyata, yaitu DP ibu. Dengan kata lain, DP ibu merupakan pengontrol (controller) terhadap PRO. Dalam pada itu, kami mengasumsikan bahwa pada kalimat kawalan, PRO dan DP pengontrol harus koheren secara semantik, seperti (16a) dan (17a). Kalau tidak, kalimatnya tidak berterima, seperti yang ditunjukkan dalam (16b−d) dan (17b−d).

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(16)

a. DPi[+α] b. *DPi[+α] c. *DPi[±α] d. *DPi

… PROi[+α] … PROi[−α] … PROi … PROi[±α]

(nilai fitur sama) (nilai fitur berbeda) (PRO tidak memiliki fitur relevan) (pengontrol tidak memiliki fitur relevan)

(17)

a. Theyi[+PL] tried to [PROi[+PL] gather at Monas]. ‘Mereka coba berkumpul di Monas.’ b. *Shei[−PL] tried to [PROi[+PL] gather at Monas]. ‘*Dia coba berkumpul di Monas.’ c. *I wanted the skyi[θ] [PROi to rain]. cf. I wanted iti [PROi to rain]. ‘*Saya ingin langit hujan.’ ‘Saya ingin hujan.’ d. *I wanted PROi [the skyi[θ] to rain]. ‘*Saya ingin langit hujan.’ (= versi kawalan ke belakang (backward control) bagi (c))

Dalam hal tersebut, kami mengusulkan bahwa ciri-ciri semantik yang relevan untuk kalimat kena adalah ciri-ciri yang terkait dengan makna keterpengaruhan (affectedness). Hal ini sejajar dengan deskripsi dalam penelitian terdahulu yang melaporkan bahwa subjek pada kalimat pasif kena lazimnya merupakan entitas yang terpengaruh (Koh 1990; Bao dan Wee 1999; Chung 2005), terkena pengaruh, atau dipengaruhi oleh sesuatu. Menyentuh tentang keterpengaruhan, Beavers (2011) membedakan empat tingkat keterpengaruhan yang didasarkan pada bagaimana suatu predikat menentukan perubahan yang dialami oleh argumen benda (theme). Hirarki tersebut adalah seperti yang ditunjukkan dalam grafik berikut. (18)

Hirarki Keterpengaruhan (Beavers 2011) A. Perubahan terkuantisasi (quantized)

B. C. Perubahan tak Potensi > terkuantisasi > untuk (non-quantized) perubahan

D. Tiada > spesifikasi mengenai perubahan

penyelesaian (accomplishment)/ pencapaian (achievement)

pencapaian derajat (degree achievement)/ pemotongan

sentuhan permukaan/ dampak

lain-lain aktivitas/ keadaan

break ‘pecah’, shatter ‘remuk’

widen ‘melebar’, cool ‘menyejuk’, cut ‘memotong’

wipe ‘menyapu’, hit ‘memukul’

see ‘nampak’, smell ‘mencium’

Berdasarkan hirarki keterpengaruhan ini, kami mengasumsikan bahwa dalam setiap klausa, indeks [+AFF] diberikan kepada DP yang memiliki “potensi perubahan” atau mengalami perubahan sebenarnya, yaitu A, B dan C dalam (18). Sebagai contoh, DP Ali pada kalimat (19a) dan (19b) diberi indeks [+AFF]. (19)

a. Wanita itu menipu Ali[+AFF]. b. Ali[+AFF] ditipu oleh wanita itu.

Mari kita kembali kepada permasalahan mengenai kalimat kena dalam bahasa Indonesia: mengapa kalimat kena hanya memiliki pola pasif tetapi tidak memiliki pola aktif? Kami mengusulkan bahwa kena dapat hadir pada klausa pasif, karena PRO dan pengontrolnya

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memiliki indeks [+AFF]. Dengan kata lain, pada kalimat kena pasif, PRO dan pengontrolnya terpengaruh, sehingga keduanya koheren secara semantik. (20)

Pasif Alii[+AFF] kena [CP [TP PROi[+AFF] ØPASIF2 tipu oleh wanita itu]].

Sementara itu, pada kalimat aktif, hanya pengontrol saja yang memiliki indeks [+AFF], sedangkan PRO tidak mengandung indeks [+AFF]. Malahan, dalam klausa sematan, DP objek wanita itu terpengaruh oleh perbuatan penipuan, sehingga memiliki indeks [+AFF]. (21)

Aktif *Alii[+AFF] kena [CP [TP PROi ØAKTIF tipu wanita itu[+AFF]]].

Hal ini menjelaskan mengapa bahasa Indonesia tidak memiliki kalimat kena aktif. Struktur kalimat pasif kena dalam bahasa Indonesia ditunjukkan pada (22). (22)

Struktur kalimat pasif kena dalam bahasa Indonesia TP

DP i [+AFF] T

vP v

VP CP

V kena C

TP

PROi [+AFF] T

vP v

VP

ØPASIF 2 …V… Berdasarkan struktur (22) di atas, terlihat bahwa kena sebagai verba kawalan mengambil CP sebagai komplemennya. Hal ini berbeda dengan kalimat kena dalam bahasa Melayu di mana kena sebagai predikat lucu yang mengambil vP sebagai komplemannya (bandingkan dengan struktur (7)). Struktur (22) juga menunjukkan bahwa PRO dan DP pengontrol memiliki indeks [+AFF]. Dengan kata lain, PRO dan pengontrol koheren secara semantik. Perhatikan juga bahwa DP pada struktur kalimat kawalan tidak mengalami kenaikan, berbeda dengan DP yang terdapat pada kalimat predikat lucu yang mengalami penaikan ke posisi Spek, TP. Prediksi Bagian ini meneliti prediksi yang terkait dengan struktur (22). Terdapat tiga prediksi seperti berikut: (23)

a. Prediksi 1: Pemarkah pasif morfologis didapat muncul pada kalimat pasif kena karena ØPASIF2 adalah variasi yang tersirat bagi di- (lihat bagian 2).

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b. Prediksi 2: Karena ØPASIF2 ditemukan pada kalimat pasif kena, maka ia juga seharusnya dapat ditemukan pada konstruksi yang lain, dan konstruksi tersebut memperlihatkan alternasi diatesis tersirat. c. Prediksi 3: Unsur C/T yang tersirat mungkin muncul pada kalimat pasif kena. Sehubungan dengan Prediksi 1, adalah mudah sekali untuk menemukan kalimat pasif kena bersama dengan pemarkah pasif morfologis di-. Perhatikan contoh (24). (24)

a. “Aduh sakit, bibirku kena di-pukul sama polisi,” kata Uci. 7 b. Dia kena di-tipu oleh seorang yang mengaku mewakili Tumenggung. 8

Fakta tersebut tidak dapat dipertanggungjawabkan dengan analisis alternatif yang mungkin, yaitu analisis yang menganalisis kena sebagai pemarkah diatesis pasif, seperti pada contoh (25). (25)

Wanita itu [vP kena [VP tipu] oleh Ali].

Berdasarkan analisis tersebut, kena dan pemarkah pasif di- masing-masing dianggap menduduki posisi struktural yang sama, yaitu di v. Prediksi 3 adalah menyangkut tentang kehadiran untuk pada kalimat pasif kena. Kami berasumsi bahwa kata untuk merupakan komplementiser atau unsur T dalam bahasa Indonesia (dan juga dalam bahasa Melayu). Sesungguhnya kalimat pasif kena yang mengandung kata untuk bisa ditemukan di dalam internet. (26)

a. Siapakah yang paling mudah/berpontensi kena untuk dibrainwash?9, 10 b. Pada saat razia rambut yang selalu kena untuk dicukur gratis oleh bu Niken adalah gigih. 11

Namun, konsultan kami menilai bahwa kedua kalimat pasif kena yang terdapat kata untuk sebagai kalimat yang ganjil. Kalimat tersebut berterima jika kata untuk dihilangkan. Kami berpikir bahwa penilaian konsultan kami dapat dipahami apabila kita memedulikan kenyataan tentang kata untuk. Bahasa Indonesia memiliki unsur C/T nol yang dapat beralternasi dengan untuk. (27)

Saya mencoba untuk/Ø merokok Dji Sam Soe.

(Sneddon 1996: 295)

Sneddon (1996) mengatakan bahwa “kata untuk jarang muncul mengikuti beberapa verba utama, seperti mencoba.” Kena dianggap sebagai salah satu verba utama. Kemunculannya bersama untuk terlihat lebih jarang daripada mencoba. Dalam bagian 4 berikut, akan diuraikan Prediksi 2 yang membahas alternasi diatesis tersirat dalam bahasa Indonesia. PREDIKSI 2: ALTERNASI DIATESIS TERSIRAT Alternasi Diatesis Tersirat Seperti yang telah disebut dalam bagian 2, kalimat kena dalam bahasa Melayu menunjukkan alternasi diatesis tersirat, seperti dalam contoh (14) yang dikemukakan ulang pada (28) di bawah. (28)

a. Ali kena [vP ØAKTIF [VP tipu wanita itu]] ‘Ali harus tipu wanita itu.’ b. Wanita itu kena [vP ØPASIF2 [VP tipu] (oleh) Ali].

(aktif) (pasif)

Alternasi diatesis tersirat ini muncul karena walaupun dua kalimat memperlihatkan alternasi diatesis secara sintaksis, namun tidak ada pemarkah nyata yang menunjukkan diatesis ini secara fonologis. Pemarkah pasif yang digunakan di dalam kalimat pasif di atas adalah ØPASIF2, yaitu varian nol kepada pemarkah pasif morfologis di-.

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Menurut analisis kami di bagian 3, morfem ØPASIF2 juga digunakan dalam kalimat pasif kena dalam bahasa Indonesia. Hal ini berarti bahwa alternasi diatesis tersirat juga ditemukan dalam bahasa Indonesia, khususnya dalam kalimat yang melibatkan ØPASIF2. Dalam penelitian terdahulu terhadap bahasa Melayu, pernah dicatat bahwa kalimat terberalternasi diatesis tanpa pemarkah nyata maupun urutan kata khas seperti contoh (29) di bawah (Za‘ba 2000: 213; Abdullah 1974: 107; Nik Safiah dkk. 2008: 174). (29)

a. Polis tertangkap lelaki itu. ‘Polisi salah menangkap laki-laki itu.’ b. Lelaki itu tertangkap (oleh) polis. ‘Laki-laki itu salah ditangkap oleh polisi.’

(aktif) (pasif)

Nomoto dan Kartini (dalam penilaian) menganalisis alternasi seperti ini sebagai kasus alternasi diatesis tersirat. Menurut analisis kami, kalimat-kalimat (29) mempunyai struktur dalam (30). (30)

a. Polis ter- [vP ØAKTIF [VP tangkap lelaki itu]]. b. Lelaki itu ter- [vP ØPASIF2 [VP tangkap] (oleh) polis].

(aktif) (pasif)

Berdasarkan keberadaan alternasi diatesis tersirat pada kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Melayu, kemungkinan besar kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia juga menunjukkan alternasi diatesis tersirat. Bagian selanjutnya akan mengurai persoalan apakah alternasi diatesis tersirat benarbenar terdapat pada kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia. Apakah Ada Alternasi Diatesis Tersirat pada Kalimat ter- dalam Bahasa Indonesia? Penelitian Terdahulu mengenai Kalimat ter- dalam Bahasa Indonesia Prefiks ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia, memiliki pelbagai fungsi (Sneddon 1996; Alwi dkk. 1998). Pada umumnya, fungsi terdapat diklasifikasikan dalam tiga kategori, yaitu (i) kebetulan (accidental), (ii) keadaan hasil (result state) dan (iii) kemampuan (abilitative).12 Contoh-contoh ketiga fungsi ini diturunkan di bawah. (31)

a. Kebetulan Latif tertidur di kelas. b. Keadaan hasil Patung dewa itu terbuat dari emas. c. Kemampuan Mobil semahal itu tidak terbeli oleh saya.

(Sneddon 1996: 114) (Sneddon 1996: 113) (Sneddon 1996: 116)

Kebanyakan penelitian bahasa Indonesia beranggapan bahwa semua tipe kalimat teradalah pasif. Sebagai contoh, Sneddon (1996) menyatakan bahwa argumen disusun seperti kalimat pasif bagi semua tipe kalimat ter-. Lebih jelasnya adalah sebagai berikut: Verba kebetulan transitif adalah pasif. (hlm. 114) Semua konstruksi kemampuan adalah transitif serta pasif. (hlm. 116) Semua verba ter- statif berkoresponden dengan verba pasif dasar .... (hlm. 113) 13 Namun demikian, Sneddon menyebut satu perkecualian yang berkaitan dengan verba teringat. Menurut Sneddon (1996: 116), selain penggunaan dalam struktur pasif, verba teringat mempunyai penggunaan dalam struktur aktif seperti yang ditunjukkan pada (32) di bawah. (32)

a. Saya teringat akan keluarga saya. b. Keluarga itu teringat oleh saya.

(aktif) (pasif) (Sneddon 1996: 116)

Perlu disebutkan di sini bahwa verba teringat dalam contoh (32a) adalah verba intransitif, dan berbeda dari verba tertangkap pada kalimat aktif ter- bahasa Melayu dalam contoh (29) yang merupakan verba transitif.

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Alwi dkk. (1998) menguraikan seolah-olah verba ter- diterbitkan berdasarkan verba pasif yang berprefiks di-. Hal ini jelas terlihat dalam kutipan di bawah. Verba yang berprefiks ter- pada umumnya erat berkaitan dengan verba yang berprefiks di-. Contoh membawa mengungkapkan memenuhi

à dibawa à diungkapkan à dipenuhi

à terbawa à terungkapkan à terpenuhi (hlm.130−131)

Jika kalimat aktif diubah menjadi kalimat pasif dan dalam kalimat pasif itu terkandung pula pengertian bahwa perbuatan yang dinyatakan oleh verba itu mengandung unsur yang tak sengaja, maka bentuk prefiks yang dipakai untuk verba bukan di-, melainkan ter-. (hlm. 348) Tambahan pula, semua contoh kalimat ter- yang diberikan mereka mengikuti susunan argumen pasif. Jadi, dapat dikatakan bahwa mereka menganggap ter- sebagai pemarkah pasif. Jika semua kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia adalah “pasif,” yaitu tidak langsung memperlihatkan alternasi diatesis, maka ter- lebih baik dianalisa sebagai pemarkah intransitif atau pengintransitif (intransitiviser) yang memiliki semantik modal/aspektual, serupa seperti sufiks -e yang terdapat dalam bahasa Jepang. 14 (33)

Transitif a. mi-ru ‘melihat’ b. tur-u ‘memancing’ c. war-u ‘memecahkan’

Intransitif15 mi-e-ru ‘terlihat, (bisa) dilihat’ tur-e-ru ‘terpancing, (bisa) dipancing’ war-e-ru ‘terpecah, (bisa) dipecahkan’

Jika fakta empiris bahasa Indonesia benar-benar seperti yang dilaporkan oleh Sneddon (1996) dan Alwi dkk. (1998), maka tidak ada alasan untuk mengandaikan keberadaan Ø PASIF2 pada kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia, sebagaimana yang terdapat dalam bahasa Melayu. Hal ini berarti bahwa konstruksi pasif kena adalah satu-satunya tempat munculnya ØPASIF2, dan membuat analisis kami agak stipulatif. Namun demikian, Mintz (2002) telah mengemukakan contoh yang menunjukkan kalimat ter- aktif yang bersifat transitif, seperti berikut.16 (34)

a. Sofiah terpijak kaki saya ketika kami naik bas b. Anak Hamid tertelan benda-benda yang kotor.

(Mintz 2002: 199)

Seandainya deskripsi yang dikemukakan oleh Sneddon (1996) adalah tepat, maka kalimatkalimat dalam (34), seharusnya tidak gramatikal. Seharusnya kalimat-kalimat tersebut ditukar menjadi kalimat intransitif (“dipasifkan”), seperti dalam contoh di bawah. (35)

a. Kaki saya terpijak oleh Sofiah ketika kami naik bis. b. Benda-benda yang kotor tertelan oleh anak Hamid.

Alwi dkk. (1998) tidak mengatakan apakah kalimat seperti pada (34) dapat berterima atau tidak. Satu persoalan yang timbul dari hal ini ialah apakah kalimat ter- yang aktif dan transitif adalah gramatikal, dapat berterima dalam bahasa Indonesia atau sebaliknya? Jawaban positif untuk pertanyaan ini berarti bahwa kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia juga menunjukkan alternasi diatesis tersirat, dan turut mengesahkan keberadaan ØPASIF2 yang digunakan dalam analisis kami terhadap konstruksi pasif kena.

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Kalimat ter- yang Aktif dan Transitif dalam Penggunaan yang Sebenarnya Untuk meneliti kalimat ter- yang aktif dan transitif dalam penggunaan yang sebenarnya, kami telah mencari data dari internet dan menemukan cukup banyak contoh-contoh klausa ter- yang terkait. Beberapa contoh dari data tersebut dikemukakan seperti berikut (dan pada Lampiran A). (36)

Kemungkinan gajah juga memasuki perladangan mereka dan termakan racun yang ditebar masyarakat tadi, kata Fadli. 17

(37)

..., rupanya penyebabnya adalah “si pemuda telah terminum susu kadaluwarsa”18

(38)

Di Amerika, separuh dari kasus anak tertelan koin harus ditangani di ruang UGD, kata James S. Reily, MD, ....19

(39)

Kemarin gw sempat ternonton salah satu episodnya oprah tentang umr.20

(40)

Jika saat makan, baju kesayangan anda terciprat kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyit atau terkena air saat minum segera bersihkan pakaian dari noda tersebut ....’21

Kami menggunakan dua kriteria berikut untuk membedakan klausa ter- transitif dari yang intrasitif, yaitu (i) kalimat pasif yang dibentuk dari kalimat yang tampak transitif tersebut adalah gramatikal, dan (ii) kalimat yang sama tetapi tanpa prefiks ter- (atau dengan prefiks meN- alih-alih ter-) adalah berterima. Sebagai contoh, gajah [...] termakan racun [...]dalam contoh (36) dianggap sebagai klausa transitif aktif, karena dua kalimat berikut adalah berterima, yaitu (i) Racun termakan oleh gajah dan (ii) Gajah (me-)makan racun. Tugas membedakan klausa transitif dengan klausa intransitif menjadi agak rumit jika suatu klausa tersebut tidak mengandung DP yang nyata sebelum verba ter-. Hal ini karena klausa seperti itu bisa dianalisis dengan dua cara, yaitu sebagai klausa transitif aktif yang tidak memiliki subjek nyata (terjadi karena koordinasi, relativisasi dan sebagainya) dan sebagai klausa intransitif (“pasif”) yang satu-satunya argumen verbanya hadir di belakang verba. Hanya dalam kasus kedua tersebut, kita bisa menyisipkan frase preposisi agentif dengan oleh setelah verba ter-. Pertimbangkan (41) berikut. (41)

Tewasnya Agnes sebenarnya sudah diduga oleh warga sekitar. Pasalnya beberapa hari Agnes tidak terlihat, dan tiba-tiba tercium bau menyengat dari kamar gadis tersebut.22

Klausa yang ditunjukkan dengan huruf miring adalah intransitif. Pelaku tercium bukanlah Agnes di dalam kalimat yang sama, melainkan warga sekitar yang muncul pada kalimat sebelumnya. Jadi, frase oleh warga sekitar bisa disisipkan setelah verba tercium. Berkaitan dengan kalimat-kalimat (36)−(40) di atas, kami juga telah memilih empat konsultan/penutur bahasa Indonesia dan meneliti bagaimana derajat keberterimaan kalimatkalimat tersebut dan variannya dengan klausa pasif terbagi mereka. Empat konsultan/penutur yang dipilih berasal dari Lampung (Penutur 1), Medan (Penutur 2), Semarang (Penutur 3) dan Jakarta (Penutur 4). Kuesioner yang digunakan untuk tujuan penelitian ini dikemukakan dalam Lampiran B. Hasil penelitian kami adalah seperti yang tercatat dalam (42). (42)

Hasil penelitian a. Aktif: ‘DP1 ter-V DP2’ Kalimat [verba] (36) [termakan] (37) [terminum] (38) [tertelan] (39) [ternonton]23 (40) [terciprat] (40) [terkena]

Penutur 1 OK OK OK OK OK OK

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Penutur 2 ? *? ? OK ? OK

Penutur 3 ? ? *? *? OK OK

Penutur 4 *? *? *? OK ? *?


b. Pasif: (a) ‘DP2 ter-V oleh DP1’, (b) ‘ter-V oleh DP1 DP2’ Penutur 1 Penutur 2 Penutur 3 Kalimat [verba] (a) (b) (a) (b) (a) (b) (36) [termakan] *? * *? OK OK OK (37) [terminum] * *? OK *? OK ? (38) [tertelan] *? * * OK ? OK (39) [ternonton] * *? ? OK ? ? (40) [terciprat] * *? *? *? ? ? (40) [terkena] * *? *? *? *? ? c. Lambang: OK: “betul dan cocok” ?: “betul tetapi kurang cocok” *?: “bisa dipahami tetapi ganjil” *: “salah”

Penutur 4 (a) (b) OK OK OK ? OK ? *? ? *? ? OK ?

Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penutur 1 lebih memilih pola aktif dibandingkan pola pasif, sementara penutur yang lain lebih cenderung memilih pola pasif. Namun demikian, mereka juga menerima pola aktif dalam beberapa contoh. Alternasi diatesis tersirat ditemukan untuk penutur 2, 3 dan 4, di bagian yang digelapkan pada hasil penelitian dalam (42). Berdasarkan fakta tersebut, dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa bahasa Indonesia juga memiliki kalimat ter- yang aktif dan transitif, yaitu kalimat ter- dengan ØAKTIF, dan juga mempunyai alternasi diatesis tersirat, yaitu alternasi antara kalimat dengan ØAKTIF dan kalimat berkoresponden dengan ØPASIF2. Oleh karena itu, prediksi 2 juga telah terbukti. Tampaknya perbedaan antara bahasa Melayu dan bahasa Indonesia bukanlah “bahasa Melayu mempunyai alternasi diatesis tersirat sedangkan bahasa Indonesia tidak” maupun “kalimat ter- (yang bermakna kebetulan) dalam bahasa Melayu mengikuti pola aktif sedangkan kalimat ter- dalam bahasa Indonesia mengikuti pola pasif.” Perbedaan yang sebenarnya lebih halus sifatnya, yaitu ØAKTIF pada kalimat ter- tersebar luas dalam bahasa Melayu, sedangkan penyebaran morfem tersebut terbatas dalam bahasa Indonesia (kecuali pada penutur 1). PENUTUP Rumusan Perbincangan dalam makalah ini telah mencapai tiga kesimpulan penting. Pertama, kena pada kalimat pasif kena bukanlah pemarkah diatesis pasif, melainkan verba modal baik dalam bahasa Melayu maupun bahasa Indonesia. Secara spesifik, makalah ini mengusulkan bahwa kena adalah predikat lucu dalam bahasa Melayu, sementara kena dalam bahasa Indonesia adalah verba kawalan. Maka kalimat Ali kena tipu (oleh) wanita itu mempunyai struktur berbeda di antara dua bahasa, yaitu (43) dalam bahasa Melayu dan (44) dalam bahasa Indonesia. (43)

(44)

Bahasa Melayu a. Ali kena [vP ØAKTIF [VP tipu wanita itu]]. ‘Ali harus tipu wanita itu.’ b. Ali kena [vP ØPASIF2 [VP tipu] (oleh) wanita itu].

(aktif) (pasif)

Bahasa Indonesia a. *Alii [+AFF] kena [CP [TP PROi [vP ØAKTIF [VP tipu wanita itu [+AFF]]]]]. b. Alii [+AFF] kena [CP [TP PROi [+AFF] [vP ØPASIF2 [VP tipu] (oleh) wanita itu]]].

(aktif) (pasif)

Kedua, seperti yang ditunjukkan dalam (44b) di atas, kena dalam bahasa Indonesia bisa menyematkan klausa pasif, karena pada klausa pasif, PRO dan pengontrolnya koheren secara semantik. Secara spesifik, keduanya memiliki indeks [+AFF]. Sebaliknya, kriteria ini didapati tidak berlaku pada klausa aktif karena PRO tidak memiliki indeks [+AFF]. Oleh karena itu,

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kalimat kena dengan klausa sematan aktif seperti kalimat (44a) di atas mengingkari kondisi koherensi semantik di antara PRO dan pengontrolnya. Hal ini menjawab pertanyaan mengapa bahasa Indonesia tidak memiliki kalimat kena aktif yang terkait dengan makna ‘harus’, sebagaimana kalimat kena dalam bahasa Melayu. Ketiga, analisis yang dirumuskan di (43) dan (44) di atas juga menunjukkan bahwa alternasi diatesis tersirat terdapat dengan jelas di dalam bahasa Melayu, khususnya pada kalimat kena dan kalimat ter-. Namun demikian, bahasa Indonesia juga didapati mempunyai alternasi diatesis tersirat, seperti yang ditemukan pada kalimat ter-. Selain temuan-temuan tersebut, makalah ini memperlihatkan bahwa dengan melaksanakan studi perbandingan antara bahasa Melayu dan bahasa Indonesia, kita dapat membuka persoalan-persoalan yang belum pernah tersentuh atau belum terjawab dibanding apabila penelitian hanya dibuat dari satu bahasa saja. Justru penelitian seperti ini dapat menawarkan wawasan baru untuk menganalisa fenomena bahasa dalam kedua bahasa. Implikasi: Perkembangan Penggunaan-penggunaan Kata Kena Analisis kami menunjukkan hipotesis yang bersifat lancar dan masuk akal tentang perkembangan penggunaan kata kena. Hipotesis itu bisa dirumuskan seperti dalam (45) di bawah. (45)

Perkembangan penggunaan-penggunaan kata kena PERINGKAT

a.

sentuhan secara fisik ‘tersentuh, tertabrak’

b. sentuhan secara abstrak ‘dapat; terkena’ c. pasif penderitaan (adversatif) d.

pasif penderitaan (adversatif) & debitif ‘harus’

SINTAKSIS

kena DP

SEMANTIK

GOLONGAN

<Sasaran, Benda>

verba transitif normal ↓ perubahan semantik (perubahan medan) kena DP <Sasaran/Pengalam, verba transitif Benda/Peristiwa> normal ↓ perubahan sintaksis (komplemen klausa) kena CP verba kawalan (tradisional) ↓ perubahan sintaksis (pergerakan) kena vP verba kawalan lucu

(a) Mula-mula kata kena hanya mempunyai penggunaan sebagai verba transitif normal dengan makna sentuhan secara fisik ‘tersentuh, tertabrak’. Sebagai verba transitif normal, kena mengambil satu DP sebagai komplemennya dan DP ini dipahami sebagai Benda, yaitu entitas yang bergerak. Subjek kalimat kena berperan sebagai Sasaran, yaitu entitas yang menjadi tujuan Benda tersebut. Contoh penggunaan kena pada peringkat ini terdapat dalam (46) dan (47). (46)

Bahasa Melayu Tanganku kena [DP pisau] tapi tak berdarah. Sasaran Benda

(47)

Bahasa Indonesia Tangan ku kena [DP pisau] tapi gak berdarah.24 Sasaran Benda (b) Kemudian, terjadi perubahan semantik, yaitu perubahan medan dari medan fisik ke medan abstrak. Perubahan ini juga mempengaruhi kerangka teta. DP yang diambil oleh kena bisa dipahami sebagai Peristiwa juga. Dalam kasus ini, DP subjek berperan Pengalam (experiencer). Tidak ada perubahan apa-apa dengan pola sintaksis. Contoh penggunaan kena pada peringkat ini terdapat dalam (48) dan (49).

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(48)

Bahasa Melayu a. Gerai-gerai makan kecil pun boleh kena [DP cukai]. Sasaran Benda b. Saya dan rakan kena [DP pemeriksaan berjam] di Airport, ....25 Pengalam Peristiwa

(49)

Bahasa Indonesia a. Warung-warung makan kecil bisa kena [DP pajak] ....26 Sasaran Benda b. ... saya kena [DP penipuan oleh ibu Margaretno Ningsih] yang ....27 Pengalam Peristiwa (c) Perubahan semantik yang terjadi pada peringkat (b) membolehkan perubahan sintaksis dari verba transitif normal ke verba kawalan (tradisional), yang mengambil klausa lengkap, yaitu CP. Hal ini karena peristiwa lebih biasa diasosiasi dengan CP, meskipun ia juga boleh diekspresi dengan DP. Oleh karena kondisi yang menuntut PRO dan pengontrolnya koheren secara semantik, hanya kalimat pasif yang gramatikal. Kalimat pasif ini biasanya disebut kalimat pasif kena atau kalimat pasif penderitaan (adversatif). Tiada perubahan besar dari segi semantik. (d) Perkembangan selanjutnya hanya terjadi dalam bahasa Melayu. Perubahan yang terjadi bersifat sintaktis. Secara spesifik, struktur klausanya dikecilkan dari CP ke vP. Dalam bahasa Melayu (dan juga bahasa Indonesia), verba yang mengambil vP sebagai komplemen adalah predikat lucu seperti cuba/coba dan mahu/mau. Jadi, verba kena pada peringkat ini merupakan kelas predikat lucu, dan oleh karena itu, memperlihatkan fenomena kawalan lucu, seperti yang diterangkan di bagian 2.2 di atas. Karena derivasi kalimat kawalan lucu tidak melibatkan PRO dan kondisi terhadapnya, kedua klausa aktif dan pasif adalah gramatikal. Kami berpendapat bahwa perkembangan dari peringkat (c) ke peringkat (d) dimudahkan dengan alternasi diatesis tersirat. Hanya bahasa Melayu saja yang sampai ke peringkat (d) karena alternasi diatesis tersirat lebih luas penyebarannya dalam bahasa Melayu jika dibandingkan dengan bahasa Indonesia.

Perkembangan yang mungkin terjadi kemudian adalah perubahan kategori sintaksis kata kena dari verba (V) ke kata bantu (T). Ramalan ini berdasarkan kemiripan antara V dan T, yakni keduanya bisa mengambil vP sebagai komplemen. Menurut Nomoto dan Kartini (dalam penilaian), kata kena dalam bahasa Melayu berperilaku sama dengan verba cuba ‘coba’, dan bukan dengan kata bantu sudah. Hal ini berarti bahwa perubahan kategori sintaksis yang kami prediksikan masih belum terjadi, walaupun ia dapat terjadi secara teoretis. Persoalan Tersisa Terdapat dua persoalan tersisa. Persoalan tersisa pertama berkaitan dengan indeks [+AFF]. Analisis kami menggunakan indeks ini untuk menjelaskan persoalan mengapa kena dalam bahasa Indonesia tidak bisa menyematkan klausa aktif. Namun demikian, status teoretis [+AFF] masih belum jelas dalam perbincangan ini. Banyak para peneliti telah menunjukkan adanya kaitan di antara “keterpengaruhan” dengan peran tematik. Dowty (1991), misalnya, telah menggunakan konsep tersebut untuk mendefinisikan Peran-Proto (Proto-Role) Pelaku dan Penderita. Persoalannya adalah apakah [+AFF] merupakan sejenis fitur-θ? Jika demikian, apakah fitur [+AFF] itu bisa memicu pergerakan sintaksis? Jackendoff (1990: bab 7) mengusulkan suatu fungsi yang terkait dengan keterpengaruhan, yaitu AFF. Peran Aktor dan Penderita/Pemanfaat (Beneficiary) masing-masing didefinisikan sebagai argumen pertama dan kedua pada fungsi ini. AFF ada tiga macam, yaitu (i) AFF+ (mempengaruhi secara positif), (ii) AFF− (mempengaruhi secara negatif) dan (iii) AFF 0 (tidak ada perlawanan positif-negatif). Dalam makalah ini, kami menggunakan [+AFF] seperti fitur privatif. Namun, apakah

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tanggapan ini dapat diterima? Haruskah kita membedakan beberapa jenis keterpengaruhan seperti yang dilakukan oleh Jackendoff? Bosse dkk. (akan terbit) mengusulkan kepala fungsional khusus berkenaan dengan hubungan antara peristiwa dan pengalam yang terpengaruh oleh peristiwa itu. Persoalannya adalah bagaimanakah indeks [+AFF] itu diberikan? Apakah ia diberikan oleh verba tertentu atau pemberiannya ditentukan secara struktural? Keberadaan [+AFF] memerlukan penelitian lebih lanjut. Persoalan tersisa yang kedua adalah berkaitan dengan kalimat ter- aktif dan transitif dalam bahasa Indonesia. Dalam bagian 4.2.2, kami telah mengesahkan bahwa kalimat ter- aktif dan transitif memang digunakan dan diterima oleh para penutur. Namun demikian, pada masa yang sama, kami juga menemukan variasi di kalangan penutur dan juga di antara kalimat dari sisi kadar penerimaan mereka (lihat (42)). Persoalannya di sini adalah apakah faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan variasi tersebut? Apakah variasi ini disebabkan oleh faktor-faktor seperti dialek penutur, konstruksi yang tertentu (misalnya urutan kata atau klausa relatif) ataupun faktor yang terkait dengan aspek makna (misalnya golongan verba yang bermakna pencernaan, pemukulan, dan lain-lain)? Persoalan-persoalan ini sudah pasti memerlukan penelitian yang lebih lanjut untuk menemukan jawabannya. CATATAN 1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8 9 10

11 12

Kedua istilah ini adalah terjemahan dari istilah “normal control reading” dan “crossed reading” dalam Polinsky dan Potsdom (2008). Nomoto (2011) mendaftar contoh-contoh kalimat yang melibatkan predikat lucu dalam bahasa Melayu, seperti berani, berjaya ‘sukses’, berhak, berhasil, berusaha, cuba ‘coba’, enggan, gagal, hendak (lisan nak), ingin, malas, malu, mampu, rela, sempat, suka, takut dan terpaksa. Pola kata kena diikuti dengan klausa pasif di- seperti contoh ini tidak berterima bagi sebagian penutur bahasa Melayu. Nomoto (2010) dan Soh (2010) berpendapat bahwa kemungkinan besar meN- bukan pemarkah aktif. Apakah meN- berperan sebagai pemarkah aktif atau sebaliknya bukanlah hal penting dalam klaim kami, karena morfem kena juga muncul pada kalimat pasif lugas (bare passive) dalam bahasa Melayu. Kriteria kalimat pasif lugas ada dua. Pertama, dari segi morfologi verba, verba tidak diberi pemarkah diatesis nyata seperti di-, sehingga verbanya “lugas.” Kedua, dari segi urutan kata, tidak seperti pasif morfologis, pelaku muncul di belakang kata bantu, adverba dan negasi. Dengan kata lain, tidak berlaku kenaikan DP pelaku dari Spek, vP ke Spek, TP. Karakteristik kedua tidak bisa terlihat secara jelas dalam kalimat kena karena, seperti dinyatakan di bagian terdahulu, klausa sematan yang diambil oleh kena adalah vP yang tidak mempunyai posisi untuk kata bantu, adverba dan negasi. Subskrip “dalam” dan “luar” menunjukkan bahwa DP masing-masing adalah argumen dalam dan argumen luar bagi verba dalam klausa sematan. http://bakumsu.or.id/news/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=521:demoburuhricuh&catid=51:perburuhan (diakses pada 12/06/2011) http://212.ardiansyah.web.id/pdf/138.%20Pernikahan%20Dengan%20Mayat.pdf (diakses pada 12/06/2011) http://www.e-psikologi.com/epsi/sosial.asp (diakses pada 09/06/2011) Penulis yang sama juga menggunakan ungkapan tanpa untuk, yaitu berpotensi di-brainwash, dalam penulisan yang sama. http://atiqahkoto.blogspot.com/2010/05/ini-cerita-kita.html (diakses pada 09/06/2011) Istilah-istilah lain termasuk: (i) Kebetulan: “tanpa kerelaan (non-volitional)” (Arka dan Manning 1998); “penyelesaian secara tidak sengaja atau tanpa kerelaan (unintentional or nonvolitional completion)” (Mintz 2002); “tindakan bukan sukarela (unvoluntary action)” (Polinsky dan Potsdam 2008); “tindakan tidak sengaja (unvoluntary actions)” (Goddard 2003) (ii) Keadaan hasil: “statif (stative)” (Sneddon 1996); “keadaan sudah selesai (completed state)” (Mintz 2002); “pasif adjektival” (Soh 1994) (iii) Kemampuan: “kemampuan/kemungkinan (ability/possibility)” (Arka dan Manning 1998)

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13

Kutipan asli dari Sneddon: Transitive accidental verbs are passive. (hlm. 114); All abilitative constructions are transitive and passive. (hlm. 116); All stative ter- verbs correspond to basic passive verbs .... (hlm. 113) 14 Kami berasumsi bahwa “pasif” adalah konsep sintaksis. Dengan kata lain, konsep “pasif” sah hanya apabila suatu kalimat mempunyai padanan aktifnya. “Makna pasif,” yang selalu digunakan dalam penulisan orang awam, mengacu pada makna yang lazimnya disampaikan oleh kalimat pasif yang didefinisikan demikian. 15 Sebenarnya, alternasi transitivitas dalam bahasa Jepang jauh lebih kompleks. Pola yang ditampilkan dalam contoh ini hanya salah satu dari banyak pola yang ada. Lihat Jacobsen (1992) untuk rincian. 16 Contoh kalimat ter- transitif yang diberikan Mintz (2002) hanya terdiri dari kalimat ter- yang berfungsi kebetulan. Semua contoh kalimat ter- yang berfungsi keadaan hasil dan kemampuan yang diberikannya merupakan kalimat intransitif. 17 http://preview.detik.com/detiknews/read/2006/09/22/222610/681237/10/lagi-ditemukan-3-ekorgajah-di-riau-jadi-bangkai (diakses pada 15/06/2011) 18 http://dunia.web.id/just-for-fun.php?note=3257&title=Kadaluwarsa (diakses pada 15/06/2011) 19 http://www.tempo.co.id/kliniknet/artikel/2003/26052003-2.htm (diakses pada 15/06/2011) 20 http://forumm.wgaul.com/showthread.php?p=3031104 (diakses pada 15/06/2011) 21 http://deterjen.blogspot.com/2010/11/cara-tepat-mencuci-pakaian.html (diakses pada 15/06/2011) 22 http://news.okezone.com/read/2011/03/27/337/439281/pembunuh-agnes-seorang-narapidanapenjudi-pemakai-narkoba (diakses pada 15/06/2011) 23 Terdapat penutur yang mengatakan jarang atau tidak pernah mendengar bentuk ternonton. Untuk penutur yang leksikonnya tidak mengandung bentuk tertonton, kami menggunakan tertonton atau terlihat sebagai gantinya. 24 http://www.koprol.com/places/45879 (diakses pada 07/06/2011) 25 http://eforum6.cari.com.my/mobile/?tid-203964-page-3.html (diakses pada 26/07/2011) 26 http://radarlampung.co.id/read/metropolis/bandarlampung/26617-omset-rp50-ribu-sehari-bakal-kenapajak- (diakses pada 07/06/2011) 27 http://www1.kompas.com/suratpembaca/readtanggapan/20488 (diakses pada 26/07/2011) * Makalah ini berdasarkan presentasi kami di 15th International Symposium on Malay/Indonesian Linguistics (ISMIL), 24−26 Juni 2011, Malang, Jawa Timur. Kami ingin mengucapkan terima kasih kepada para peserta pada konferensi tersebut, terutama Hooi Ling Soh dan Yanti, atas kritikan dan komentar yang diberikan. Kami juga berterima kasih kepada Iwan Setiya Budi, Santi, Rita dan Vivi Tika Sari, yang telah memberi penilaian/pertimbangan terhadap kalimat-kalimat bahasa Indonesia. Penelitian yang dilaporkan di sini sebagian disponsori oleh JSPS Grant-in-Aid for Young Scientists (B) (#23720199). ** Penulis berterima kasih kepada mitra bestari yang telah memberikan saran-saran untuk perbaikan makalah.

RUJUKAN Abdullah, H. 1974. The Morphology of Malay. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Arka, I. W., dan Manning, C. D. 1998. “Voice and grammatical relations in Indonesian: A new perspective.” Dalam: Butt dan King (eds.). Alwi, H., Dardjowidjojo, S., Lapoliwa, H., dan Moeliono M. A. 1998. Tata Bahasa Bahasa Indonesia, Edisi Ketiga. Jakarta: Balai Pustaka. Bao, Z., dan Wee, L. 1999. “The passives in Singapore English.” World Englishes 18, 1−11. Beavers, J. 2011. “On affectedness.” Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 29. Bosse, S., Bruening, B., dan Yamada, M. akan terbit. Affected experiencer. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory. Butt, M., dan King, T. H. (eds.). 1998. Proceedings of the LFG98 Conference. Stanford: CSLI Publications. Cheng, L. L. S., dan Demirdash. H. (eds.). 1991. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 15: More Papers on Wh-Movement. Chung, S. F. 2005. “Kena as a third type of the Malay passive.” Oceanic Linguistics 44, 194−214. 127


Cole, P., dan Hermon, G. 1998. The typology of wh-movement: Wh-questions in Malay. Syntax 1, 221–258. Dowty, D. 1991. “Thematic proto-roles and argument selection.” Language 67, 547−619. Gil, D. 2002. “The prefixes di- and N- in Malay/Indonesian dialects.” Dalam: Wouk dan Ross (eds.), 241−283. Goddard, C. 2003. “Dynamic ter- in Malay.” Studies in Language 27, 287–322. Jackendoff, R. 1990. Semantic Structures. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Jacobsen, W. M. 1992. The Transitive Structure of Events in Japanese. Tokyo: Kuroshio. Koh, A. S. 1990. Topics in Colloquial Malay. Disertasi untuk University of Melbourne. Koskinen, P. (ed.). 1994. Proceeding of the 1994 Annual Conference of the Canadian Linguistic Association. Department of Linguistics, University of Toronto. Nik Safiah, K., Farid, M. O., Hashim, M., dan Abdul Hamid, M. 2008. Tatabahasa Dewan Edisi Ketiga. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Mintz, M. W. 2002. An Indonesian & Malay Grammar for Students (Second Edition). Perth: Indonesian/Malay Texts and Resources. Nomoto, H. 2010. “Making sense of the optionality of voice marking in Malay/Indonesian.” Proceedings of Workshop on Indonesian-Type Voice System, 37−44. Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. Nomoto, H. 2011. “Analisis seragam bagi kawalan lucu.” Dalam: Nomoto, Anwar dan Zaharani (eds.). Nomoto, H., Anwar R., dan Zaharani A. (eds.). 2011. Isamu Shoho: Tinta Kenangan “Esei Bahasa dan Linguistik.” Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Nomoto, H., dan Kartini, A. W. dalam penilaian. Kena passives in Malay, funny control and covert voice alternation. Pearson, M. (ed.). 1998. Proceedings of the Third and Fourth Meetings of Austronesian Linguistics Association 1996−1999. Department of Linguistics, University of California, Los Angeles. Polinsky, M., dan Potsdom, E. 2008. The syntax and semantics of wanting in Indonesian. Lingua 118, 1617−1639. Saddy, D. 1991. “WH scope mechanism in bahasa Indonesia.” Dalam: Cheng dan Demirdash (eds.), 183–218. Sneddon, J. N. 1996. Indonesian Reference Grammar. St Leonards: Allen and Unwin. Soh, H. L. 1994. “External arguments and ter- in Malay.” Dalam: Koskinen (ed.), 535−546. Soh, H. L. 1998. “Certain restrictions on A-bar movement in Malay.” Dalam: Pearson (ed.), 295−308. Soh, H. L. 2010. Voice and aspect: Some notes from Malay. Proceedings of Workshop on Indonesian-Type Voice System, 25−35. Tokyo University of Foreign Studies. Wouk, F., dan Ross, M. (eds.). 2002. The History and Typology of Western Austronesian Voice Systems. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Zainal Abidin, A. (Za‘ba). 2000. Pelita Bahasa Melayu Penggal I−III. Edisi Baru. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka.

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LAMPIRAN Lampiran A. Kalimat ter- yang aktif dan transitif dalam bahasa Indonesia yang dikutip dari situs internet 1.

Bu, mandi tiap hari pake antiseptik apa tidak menyebabkan kulit bayi jadi kering? dan bayi yang terminum air antiseptik tidak pernah diare? (http://www.ayahbunda.co.id/diskusi/lihat/230/10)

2.

Karena dimata saya mereka terminum ANGGUR. (http://achmadmohyimadura.staff.umm.ac.id/2011/01/28/saya-nikmati-hujatan-umatislam/)

3.

be nanya nih bagaimana kalau penderita HIV meminum atau terminum darah/ASI/spermanya sendiri? (http://spiritia.or.id/tj/bacatj.php?tjno=08050703)

4.

Katanya jamu sehat perempuan, putri saya tidak mau. Tapi dipaksa minum, entah benar atau tidak kami tidak tau,” cetus Arfani, seraya menambahkan putrinya juga sempat terminumobat maag cair bercampur tiner. (http://sumeks.co.id/index2.php?option=com_content&do_pdf=1&id=5894)

5.

Dengan mug ini para pecinta teh dan kopi tidak perlu takut terminum ampasnya. (http://smallidea.wordpress.com/2010/08/16/cangkir-mug-kreatif-2/)

6.

Kucing yang termakan racun tikus mungkin memerlukan rawatan lebih daripada seminggu untuk benar2 dapat memastikan residue racun telah dikeluarkan semua dari dalam badan. (http://honeypetshop.blogspot.com/2010/07/tikus-yang-diracun-kucingyang-mati.html)

7.

Penyebab kematian satu keluarga menurut polisi diduga karena terminum air meneral salah satu merek yang diduga mengandung zat berbahaya. (http://news.okezone.com/read/2009/12/31/340/289684/diduga-keracunan-tiga-tewasdan-dua-korban-kritis

8.

Hasil otopsi menurut dokter hewan, Wisnu, kuat dugaan gajah mati karena termakan racun. (http://us.detiknews.com/read/2010/11/28/161518/1504261/10/pemprov-riauminta-polisi-usut-pembunuh-5-ekor-gajah-liar8/4/2011)

9.

klu termakan telurnya, bakalan sakit perut...minta ampun deh. (http://www.kaskus.us/showthread.php?p=184513253)

10.

Segera hubungi dokter atau bawa anak Anda ke rumah sakit jika termakan obat ini. (http://www.tempo.co.id/kliniknet/artikel/2003/26052003-2.htm)

11.

Badan Meteorologi, Klimatologi, dan Geofisika Sulawesi Tengah menyatakan, lima dari 11 kabupaten/kota di wilayahnya akan terkena tsunami akibat gempa bumi 8,9 SR di Jepang, Jumat (11/3/2011) siang. (http://njuice.com/5-Kabupaten-Sulteng-Bisa-KenaTsunami)

12.

Tak cuma itu, ban mobilnya pun kempes terkena paku. (http://us.detiknews.com/read/2007/11/20/172856/855136/10/pollycarpus-apes-dompethilang-eh-ban-mobil-kena-paku?nd992203605)

13.

Pasalnya, dia terkena sabetan pedang di tangan dan punggungnya. (http://news.okezone.com/topic/read/1874/14)

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Lampiran B. Kuesioner Tolong pilih satu frase yang paling cocok untuk mengisi tempat kosong dalam kalimat di bawah. Kemudian jawab tentang setiap pilihan apakah pilihan itu “betul dan cocok,” “betul tetapi kurang cocok,” “bisa dipahami tetapi ganjil” atau “salah.” 1. Kemungkinan, gajah juga memasuki perladangan mereka dan _____ racun yang ditebar masyarakat tadi,” kata Fadli. A termakan B ia termakan C termakan olehnya 2. Setelah diselidiki penyebab kematian dengan seksama, rupanya penyebabnya adalah “_____” A si pemuda telah terminum susu kadaluwarsa B telah terminum oleh si pemuda susu kadaluwarsa C susu kadaluwarsa telah terminum oleh si pemuda 3. Di Amerika, separuh dari kasus _____ harus ditangani di ruang UGD, kata James S. Reily, M.D., kepala bedah di Alfred I. duPont Hospital for Children, di Wilmington, Delaware. A anak tertelan koin B tertelan oleh anak koin C koin tertelan oleh anak 4. Kemarin _____ salah satu episode nya oprah tentang umr. A gw sempat ternonton B sempat gw ternonton C sempat ternonton oleh gw 5. Boleh jadi sehabis memakai sepatu kesempitan, _____, atau_____. A kaki terantuk batu, siku tertumbuk pintu B kaki terantuk pada batu, siku tertumbuk pada pintu C batu terantuk oleh kaki, pintu tertumbuk oleh siku 6. Pada tanggal 1 Juli 2006, _____. Luka pada paha kanan dan luka tersebut menggelembung. A saya tersiram air panas B saya tersiram oleh air panas C tersiram oleh saya air panas D air panas tersiram oleh saya 7. Jika saat makan, (1)_____ atau (2)_____ saat minum, segera bersihkan pakaian dari noda tersebut karena biasanya noda yang masih baru cenderung mudah dibersihkan. (1) A baju kesayangan anda terciprat kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyit B baju kesayangan anda terciprat oleh kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyit C kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyit terciprat baju kesayangan anda D kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyit terciprat ke baju kesayangan anda (2) A baju kesayangan anda itu terkena air teh B terkena oleh baju kesayangan anda itu air teh C air teh terkena oleh baju kesayangan anda itu

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[Kuesioner tambahan] 1. Kemungkinan, gajah juga memasuki perladangan mereka dan racun yang ditebar masyarakat tadi termakan olehnya, kata Fadli. a. betul dan cocok b. betul tapi kurang cocok c. bisa difahami tapi ganjil d. salah 2. Kemarin, salah satu episode nya oprah tentang umr sempat ternonton oleh gw ternonton/tertonton/terlihat a. betul dan cocok b. betul tapi kurang cocok c. bisa difahami tapi ganjil d. salah 3. Jika saat makan, (1a) kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyit terciprat oleh baju kesayangan anda (1b) terciprat oleh baju kesayangan anda kuah soto berbahan dasar kunyit atau (2)_____ saat minum, segera bersihkan pakaian dari noda tersebut karena biasanya noda yang masih baru cenderung mudah dibersihkan. (1a) (1b) a. betul dan cocok a. betul dan cocok b. betul tapi kurang cocok b. betul tapi kurang cocok c. bisa difahami tapi ganjil c. bisa difahami tapi ganjil d. salah d. salah

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Tahun ke-29, No. 2

INTRASENTENTIAL CODE-SWITCHING BY THE MANADO MALAY MULTILINGUALS IN AUSTRALIA Nixon J. Pangalila

Universitas Negeri Makassar [email protected]

Abstract While the previous studies of Manado Malay have explored the language from within the framework of pure linguistics, this article will explore the use of Manado Malay from a sociolinguistic framework. In particular, the study will focus on code-switching which occurs frequently among Manado Malay people, the vast majority of whom are bilingual and multilingual. This study differs from earlier studies which used native monolingual Manadonese users as the informants by focusing on the much larger group of native Manadonese who can speak two or more languages. This study of codeswitchin, therefore, collected data from the native speakers of Manado Malay, who are multilingual, in two or more of the following languages: Manado Malay, Indonesian, Jakarta Malay, and English. A study of code-switching normally includes various factors, types and patterns of code-switching. Because of the difficulty of handling all these issues in a single investigation, the present study focuses only on types of codeswitching, particularly on intrasentential code-switching. Key words: multilingual, code-switching, Manado Malay Kajian Melayu Manado yang pernah dilakukan sebelumnya menyelidiki bahasa dari kerangka linguistik murni, sedangkan artikel ini menyelidiki penggunaan Melayu Manado dari kerangka sosiolinguistik. Secara khusus, kajian ini difokuskan pada alihkode yang seringkali muncul di antara orang Manado, sebagai penutur Melayu Manado yang sangat banyak yang bilingual dan multilingual. Studi kajian ini berbeda dengan kajian-kajian sebelumnya yang menggunakan penutur Melayu Manado asli yang monolingual sebagai informan dengan memfokuskan kelompok orang Manado asli yang lebih besar yang dapat berbicara dua bahasa atau lebih dari dua bahasa. Oleh karena itu, kajian alih-kode ini mengumpulkan data dari penutur asli Melayu Manado yang multilingual dalam dua bahasa atau lebih dari dua bahasa: Melayu Manado, Indonesia, Melayu Jakarta dan Inggris. Sebuah kajian alih-kode biasanya mencakup berbagai faktor, tipe dan pola alih-kode. Karena sulitnya menangani semua isu ini dalam satu peneletian, studi kajian yang sekarang ini hanya difokuskan pada tipe alih-kode, khususnya alih-kode intrakalimat. Kata kunci: multilingual, alih-kode, Melayu Manado

INTRODUCTION Background of the Study Manado Malay is one of the dialects spoken by the inhabitants of North Sulawesi. Its use is particularly common in Manado as the capital city of North Sulawesi Province. Many people in the province use Manado Malay as the main language of communication in their daily activities. This has resulted in a number of studies of the language. Generally, most of those linguistic researchers come from Manado itself. They include Karisoh (1981), Salea-Warouw (1981, 1985), Lalamentik and Salea-Warouw (1985), Manoppo-Watupongoh (1976, 1983), and Wantalangi (1993). More recently research was carried out by a non native Manado speaker, Jack Prentice (1994). These earlier studies of Manado focused on the linguistic structures used in spoken language among its native speakers, who live in Manado. Moreover, the data collected by these linguists focused only on the monolingual speakers of Manado Malay.

Nixon J. Pangalila

While the previous studies of Manado Malay have explored the language from within the framework of pure linguistics, this article will explore the use of Manado Malay from a sociolinguistic framework. In particular, the study will focus on code-switching which occurs frequently among Manado Malay people, the vast majority of whom are bilingual or multilingual. In bilingual and multilingual conversations, the researcher had observed that the speakers of Manado Malay often alternated single words and clauses from Manado Malay into a second language. This article is an exploratory piece of research which focuses on sociolinguistic perspective. This study differs from earlier studies which used native monolingual Manadonese users as the informants by focusing on the much larger group of native Manadonese who can speak two or more languages. This study of code-switching therefore collected data from the native speakers of Manado Malay, who are multilingual, in two or more of the following languages: Manado Malay, Indonesian, Jakarta Malay, and English. The research was conducted through informal participation within the group in which two or more languages are used in any communicative activity. In other words, when getting involved in a conversation they tend to switch from one language to another or to other languages. For instance, they tend to switch from Manado Malay to English or to other languages such as Indonesian and Jakarta Malay. The ability to switch with apparent and unpremeditated ease from Manado Malay to English, Indonesian, or Jakarta Malay was the basis for considering a Manadonese speaker as multilingual for the purpose of this study. It was also recognized that multilingual speakers vary considerably in their abilities to use a second or subsequent languages. These skill levels are often associated for example with the language environment within which the speaker lives, their ability to learn languages, the opportunities to use the languages and the speaker’s educational background. In an attempt to control for some of these variables the data for this study was confined to bilingual and multilingual speakers of Manado Malay who have lived in Australia for a substantial period of time. Needs and Scope of the Study While there have been a number of studies on code-switching from the perspective of a number of different disciplines, these have mostly focused on studies of English with code-switching from or to Asian languages for example Punjabi (see Moffat & Milroy 1992) and Japanese (see Nishimura 1986); languages of Africa such as Swahili (see Myers-Scotton 1990); languages of Europe such as German (see Salmons 1990), Finnish (see Poplack, et al 1989) and French (Grosjean & Soares 1986); languages of Australia (see McConvell 1985); and languages of America such as Mexican Spanish (see Jacobson 1990). There have been a number of studies of code-switching in a conversation between speakers of Southeast Asian languages such as Malay and Indonesian. However, the present study was unable to locate any study of code-switching which included Manado. This study aims to fill in some of that gap in the literature as well as contributing in a more general to the previous studies on code-switching which have mainly involved Indo-European languages. A study of code-switching may involve a number of aspects including grammatical, socio and psychological aspects. It also normally includes various factors, types and patterns of code-switching. Because of the difficulty of handling all these issues in a single investigation, the present study focuses only on types of code-switching, particularly on intrasentential codeswitching.

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LITERATURE REVIEW Sociohistorical Background of Manado Malay Manado Malay is spoken in the northern part of Sulawesi (formerly known as Celebes), Indonesia, by approximately two million people (Prentice, 1994:41). While the users of this language tend to be concentrated in the city of Manado which is an increasingly populated area, the use of the language has been spreading out all over the province. The province is home to many different ethnic groups including the Minahasan, Sangerese, Bolaang Mongondow, and Gorontalese ethnic groups (which have had a new province, Gorontalo province) with its own vernacular language. The city of Manado itself is populated mostly by Minahasans. Therefore, since the colonial era, the people of Manado were thought of simply as Minahasans. This thought is based on what Kaunang (1993:5) has described namely that the population of Manado is Manadonese people who came from the Minahasan hinterland and the surrounding islands and then moved to Manado. Today the number of users of Manado Malay is dramatically increasing. The increasing number of Manado Malay users is paralleled by the decreasing number of users of the regional or vernacular languages, such as the Minahasan languages. Prentice (1994:411) explains, “many millions more speak Manado Malay (also sometimes termed ‘Minahasan Malay’) as a second language, since it is an important lingua franca throughout the province and in many other areas of Sulawesi”. Therefore, most of the population of Manado is bilingual, because they can speak their vernacular languages and Manado Malay. Even though there are many vernacular languages or local languages in the surrounding area, Manado Malay seems to be the one with the most users. In everyday life there is a tendency for the people of the province to begin giving up their own vernacular languages (Minahasan languages) and using Manado Malay. It is not clear how long the Minahasan languages can maintain themselves as viable linguistic entities under the increasing pressure of Manado Malay (Prentice, 1994). In fact, the young generation, even in remote areas of the province, prefers to speak Manado Malay to their own vernacular language or Indonesian as the official or national language. Manado Malay is closely related to Indonesian. Based on the history of its spread, Indonesian derives from Malay, which was used by the Indonesian people as a ‘lingua franca’. The rapid rise of Malay to a lingua franca all over the Indonesian archipelago was assisted possibly by the powerful Sumatran Hindu-Buddhist Kingdom of Sriwijaya, who used this language to spread his influence all over the country in the 7th century (Alisjahbana 1962:24). The Malay was used as ‘lingua franca’ throughout all the Indonesian archipelagoes as the only means of communication among the various ethnic groups or tribes. People at this period had their own local languages or vernacular languages. Each local language had its own particular grammatical and semantic categories, which were totally different from one another and therefore when communicating witch each other they often choose to use Malay as the language of communication. The choice of Malay to communicate with each other was based on an attempt to choose language which was understandable to all. The use of this Malay in the communities disappeared during the pre-independence of Indonesia. Long after Indonesia became independent in 1945, the Malay was not used anymore as the means of communication because it has been replaced by Indonesian as the official and national language. However, the influence of the early use of Malay can still be seen today, in that Malay languages are still used as an important means of communication and social interaction. The use of this lingua franca, which was termed ‘Bahasa Melayu Pasar’ (Bazaar Malay) or Low Malay, also reached North Sulawesi because of business expansion by traders as well as the territorial expansion of the kingdom. In this area this lingua franca was creolized. Due to the unavailability of written records of the spreading of Malay, especially in northern Sulawesi, it is difficult to definitively prove that Manado Malay resulted from the need for communication in business situations among local people and traders such as those of the Sriwijaya kingdom. However, the presence of Malay dialects, such as Ambon Malay, Kupang Malay, and Manado 135

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Malay, which survive until now, may be an indication that the lingua franca had spread all over Indonesia (Keraf, 1991:9). Code-switching in the Bilingual Conversation People who can use more than one language are called bilingual. They may often use two languages in a conversation. More especially, when a person can speak more than one language, he/she sometimes uses two different languages at the same time. In the sense of using two different languages at the same time a bilingual person can be said that he or she switches from one language to another language. In other words, the process of using two different system of language by a bilingual speaker is called ‘code-switching’ (Titone, 1989; Dulay & Krashen, 1982; Romaine, 1989). These language researchers claim that ‘code-switching’ is the alternate use of two languages in bilingual speech or conversation. The alternate use of two languages or code-switching in the bilingual conversation is one of the communicative strategies used by bilinguals. By this strategy bilinguals may be able to alternate two languages within the same act of speech. However, Grosjean and Soares (1986:156) acknowledge that bilingual speech varies. This means that a bilingual person might speak in one particular language when he or she is talking to or with a monolingual who can only speak that particular language. A ‘monolingual’ person is a person who can only speak one language. In the Indonesian context, an example of a bilingual person speaking to or with a monolingual is when a speaker of Manado Malay and Indonesian may speak in Manado Malay when they are talking to or with monolinguals of Manado Malay, and use Indonesian when they converse with monolinguals of Indonesian. This article examines code-switching within the context of setting, topic, and interlocutor, among the native speakers of Manado Malay, who have been living in Melbourne. More specifically, the researcher will look at the code-switchings between Indonesian and English among the multilingual speakers of Manado Malay. Furthermore, there is another context that is also of interest in this study. The context I mean here deals with the use of code-switching in Jakarta Malay that is one of the dialects in Indonesia mostly used by people who live and who have lived in Jakarta, the Capital of Indonesia. Users of this dialect are categorized as having the symbol of modernity and the symbol of high society. For Indonesian people the life of Jakarta including its language is a symbol of all that is desired (Poedjosoedarmo, 1982). It is hypothesized that code-switching into this dialect will also be found in the conversations among the native speakers of Manado Malay in Melbourne. When becoming involved in conversations, it is likely that some of them will codeswitch from Manado Malay into Jakarta Malay, or from Indonesian into Jakarta Malay, or even from English into Jakarta Malay in order to demonstrate their modernity. When the situations of the conversations by the sample speakers are taken into account, the codeswitchings occurring among them are expected to follow similar behavior of other multilingual speakers. Moreover, based on the perspective of bilingual behavior it is believed that codeswitching can be defined as using several languages or language varieties in the course of a conversation which is based on conversation-internal mechanisms observable in various social contexts (Franceschini in Auer, 1998; ESF, 1990a-c, 1991; Milroy & Muyskens, 1995; Grosjean, 1982). Based on the theoretical frameworks of code-switching from the various linguists it is found that code-switching cannot only be studied in the constraint of bilingual behavior, but it can also be studied in the constraint of multilingual behavior. The phenomenon of codeswitching studied in multilingualism is based on language situations in a community that can already speak more languages (not only two languages). This assumption is based on people in the community who are diglossic. Ferguson (1959:336), as cited in Wardhaugh (1998:87), pointed out that diglossia is a relatively stable language situation which, in addition to the primary dialects of the language, may include a standard or regional standards.

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One example that was given by him is that he identifies four language situations which show the major characteristics of the diglossic phenomenon: Arabic, Swiss German, Haitian (French and Creole), and Greek. He explains that, in each situation there is a ‘high’ variety (H) of language and a ‘low’ variety (L). Each variety has its own specialized functions, each is viewed differently by those who are aware of both. Most researchers still see the study of code-switching as belonging to sociolinguistics, even though they discuss it by looking at their data of the informants or respondents and analyzing data using traditional linguistic methodologies. In other words, code-switching has been studied using various linguistic approaches within the frameworks of sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics and grammatical studies (see Franceschini in Auer, 1985:51). In this article I conducted preliminary research on Manado Malay multilinguals in Melbourne. The data obtained from them will be analyzed in terms of the types of codeswitching, particularly intrasentential code-switchings, which are produced by the multilingual speakers of Manado Malay, Jakarta Malay, Indonesian, and English in a church community in Melbourne, Australia. METHODOLOGY As the focus of this study was the context of code-switching it was necessary to collect language data in as natural a context as possible. It was therefore decided to collect the data using participant observation. The data was collected from the conversations of Manado Malay multilinguals, who can speak Manado Malay, Indonesian, Jakarta Malay, and English. The use of participant observation methodology in my research is based on the following reasons: 1. The methodology of participant observation is appropriate for studies of almost every aspect of human existence (Jorgensen, 1989:12). 2. Through participant observation, it is possible to describe what goes on, who or what is involved, when and where things happen, how they occur, and why – at least from the standpoint of participants – things happen as they do in particular situations (Jorgensen, 1989:12). 3. If the focus of interest is how the activities and interactions of a setting give meaning to certain behaviors or beliefs, participant observation is the method of choice (Bogdewic in Crabtree & Miller, 1992:46-47). The use of participant observation allowed the researcher to document code-switchings occurring in multilingual conversations in relation to their setting, topic, and interlocutor. By looking at these contexts, it is hoped that the patterns of code-switching by these multilingual speakers in the multilingual conversations can be identified. Method Participant observation which was used to collect qualitative data from the native speakers of Manado Malay was supplemented by the use of tape-recorded natural conversations. By using tape-recorded natural conversation in combination with participant observation it is hoped that the context of code-switching by the Manado Malay multilingual in the multilingual conversation can be obtained naturally. The researcher participated in the conversation where appropriate. After observing and recording the natural conversations of the informants and/or being a participant observer in the conversations the researcher made notes which described the situation during the conversation and who was involved. To supplement the participant observation a semi-structured interview or the general interview guide approach was used. Patton (1990:280) points out that the general interview guide approach involves outlining a set of issues that are to be explored with each respondent before interviewing begins. He also asserts that the interview guide presumes that there is

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common information that should be obtained from each person interviewed, that but no set of standardized questions are written in advance. By using the interview guide approach the interviewer hoped that the other relevant information dealing with the informants’ personal details can be obtained. The information about the informants’ personal details is also very important in this research because it will help the interviewer to get relevant information such as personal identification, social identity, educational background, and languages known and spoken. This kind of information should help the researcher identify the reasons and patterns of code-switching by the Manado Malay multilinguals. Sample The sample used in this research was chosen from native speakers of Manado Malay who are members of a church community in Melbourne, Australia. They were chosen because they can speak more than two languages from the following list of languages: Manado Malay, Indonesian, Jakarta Malay, and English. In other words, they are multilingual. Secondly, they have all lived in Melbourne for some time and retain a cultural group identity. The sample chosen for this study was ten native speakers of Manado Malay who belong to Camberwell Uniting Church congregation. These ten native speakers of Manado Malay range from the age of 30 to 55 years. Of these ten native speakers, there are two females and eight males. Most of these informants had gone to universities in Indonesia and Australia. Some of them are postgraduate students, who are studying at La Trobe University Melbourne, Australia. Those, who are not studying at La Trobe University, have been living in Melbourne for a long time for job purposes and therefore they can speak English very well. In addition, they can also speak Indonesian, Jakarta Malay, and of course Manado Malay as their first language. They also speak Indonesian because it has been the formal language which is nationally spoken in Indonesia and the language of their education. They can also speak Jakarta Malay as the main dialect spoken in Jakarta, the Capital of Indonesia because they had lived there for several years ago before coming to Australia. DISCUSSION AND RESULTS As discussed in the literature review, code-switching is categorized into two main types in the literature code-switching: within and outside the boundary of clauses. However, in this article only the first type of code-switching will be discussed. The type of code-switching which has been found to occur by previous researchers within the boundary of a clause is labeled intrasentential code-switching. Intrasentential Code-switching According to Appel and Muyskens (1987:118), intrasentential code-switching is defined as switches from language A to language B within a sentence. While Romaine (1995:123) and Poplack (1983:63) assert that intrasentential code-switching is produced by only the most fluent bilinguals. It was therefore hypothesized that, if Romaine (1995:123) and Poplack (1983:63) were correct, intrasentential code-switching would be found among the multilingual Manado Malay sample studied in Melbourne. In this section intrasentential code-switching between English, Indonesian, and Jakarta Malay will be discussed. These switchings occurred in the conversations, when the Manado Malay speakers were communicating with each other as follows. Intrasentential Code-switching in English This type of code-switching occurred in the conversations in which the fluent Manado Malay multilinguals were involved. The data showed clearly that the ability to use intrasentential codeswitching was directly related to the level of English fluency. Those who were fluent to native

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like standards of English frequently used intrasentential code-switching while those who were less fluent used it less frequently. The frequency of intrasentential code-switchings in English which occurred in the conversations of the Manado Malay speakers can be seen in the following chart: Figure 1. The Occurrence of English Intrasentential Code-switching in Percent

From the chart above we can see that there are five different frequencies which describe the percentage of the frequency of intrasentential code-switching occurring in five conversations. Number one (24%) represents the IaSCS occurring in conversation (1). Number two (13%) represents the IaSCS occurring in conversation (2). Number three (19%) represents the IaSCS occurring in conversation (3). Number four (19%) represents the IaSCS occurring in conversation (4) and number five (25%) represents the IaSCS occurring in conversation (5). Of these five conversations the intrasentential code-switching in conversation (5) outnumbered the IaSCS in conversation (1). The IaSCS in conversation (1) outnumbered the IaSCS in conversations (2) to (4). The IaSCS in conversation (3) and (4) outnumbered the IaSCS in conversation (1). This pattern explains that IaSCS in conversation 5 occurred more frequently than IaSCS in conversations (1) to (4). The intrasentential code-switching in conversation (5) occurred the most frequen, because most of the informants involved in the speech act in that conversation are fluent bilinguals or multilinguals. This data therefore confirmed the findings of Romaine (1995:123) and Poplack (1983:63). Moreover, the topic which was discussed in the conversations related to working experience in Australia as shown in example (2). Romaine (1989:115) argued that it has long been recognized that a variety of social factors constrain code-switching, such as setting, topic, and degree of competence in both languages. Example (2) describes one of the varieties of social factors which relates to setting and topic, while example (1) gives an indicator of the speaker’s momentary attitudes, communicative intents, and emotions (Grosjean, 1982:152). The intrasentential code-switchings in English taken from the recordings of conversations can be seen in the following examples: (1) Bahayanya GOLKAR itu yang minoritas. Kalu ngana Islam, you don’t care. ‘The dangerous one is GOLKAR that is the minority party. If you are moslem, you don’t care.’

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(2) Torang samua di sini karja. Kita nyanda pernah dudu. Kalu so di mesin you cannot sit anymore. Brapa jam itu badiri trus. Nyanda ada dudu-dudu. ‘Kita semua di sini bekerja. Saya tidak pernah duduk. Kalau sudah berada di mesin you cannot sit anymore. Selama beberapa jam berdiri terus dan tidak ada yang namanya duduk-duduk’ ‘All of us here are working. I never sit. If you are in the machine area, you cannot sit anymore. I have to stand for hours and I am not allowed to have a sit.’ Intrasentential Code-switching in Indonesian Of the five major conversations I choose to analyse as my main data, code-switchings between Manado Malay and Indonesian were found to be the most frequent type of code-switching which occurred in the multilingual conversations of the sample of native speakers of Manado Malay. Intrasentential code-switching occurred frequently from Manado Malay into Indonesian. These code-switchings into Indonesian were the most frequently occurring intrasentential codeswitching found in the data. This is not surprising as Indonesian is their national language and is always used in a formal conversational situation. The frequent occurrence of Indonesian switchings in Manado Malay conversations is likely to be due to the nature of the relationship between these two languages. Indonesian and Manado Malay can be understood to exist in a diglossic situations, Ferguson (1972:232), as varieties of the same language in use in a speech community each accorded different functions. The two varieties are sometimes referred to as high and low varieties of the same language. This diglossic situation also means that the two varieties influence each other. Karisoh-Najoan (1981:4) explains that in the growth and development of both Manado Malay and Indonesian each language has had a considerable influence on the other. Manado Malay speakers always use Indonesian when the conversational situation is formal, whereas Manado Malay is used when the conversational situation is informal. The chart on the next page shows the total and frequency of occurrence of Indonesian intrasentential code-switchings in percentages. Figure 2. The Occurrence of Indonesian Intrasentential Code-switching in Percent

1 30 % 2 17 % 3 17 % 4 15 % 5 21 %

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The Figure 4.2 shows the percentage of the occurrence of IaSCS in Indonesian in each conversation. (The numbers refer to conversations (1)–(5). In other words, IaSCS occurring in conversation (1) (30%) exceeded IaSCS of conversation (5) (21%). IaSCS occurring in conversation (5) (21%) exceeded IaSCS of conversations (2) and (3) (17%). IaSCS occurring in conversations (2) and (3) (17%) exceeded IaSCS of conversation (4) (15%). The Indonesian intrasentential code-switching of conversation (1) occurred more frequently than the intrasentential code-switching of conversations (2)–(5), because the topic which was being discussed related to political circumstances in Indonesia. In other words, the topic being formal and this motivates the speakers and the interlocutors to switch from the informal language to the formal language. This is reinforced by the status of the interlocutors. The social identity of the interlocutors involved in speech activities motivated the switch from Manado Malay to Indonesian as they are Indonesian government officials who are required to use Indonesian as a formal language in formal situations as shown in the following examples: (3) Mr. C: Artinya kalau dia datang hari Minggu bacirita deng orang Manado so pas skali ini. ‘Artinya kalau dia datang hari Minggu bercerita dengan orang Manado sudah tepat sekali itu.’ ‘It will be a good moment, if he comes on Sunday to have a chat with Manadonese.’ (4) Dorang so nyanda rupa dulu-dulu harus lewat Jakarta lebih dulu. ‘Mereka tidak lagi seperti yang dulu harus lewat Jakarta lebih dulu.’ ‘They were not as formerly have firstly to go through Jakarta.’ (5) Dorang mo cari tu orang ini kong dia mau jadikan sebagai panglima supaya dia punya hak. ‘Mereka mau cari orang itu kemudian dia mau jadikan sebagai panglima supaya dia punya hak.’ ‘They want to find the person, then they will make him as a military commander so that he will have the right.’ Intrasentential Code-switching in Jakarta Malay In the data gathered from the Mando Malay speakers code-switching into Jakarta Malay, a dialect spoken in Jakarta, the Capital of Indonesia, also occurred in the recorded conversations. All the informants had lived in Jakarta for several years before coming to Australia and were able to speak Jakarta Malay which, according to Poedjosoedarmo (1982:8), originally derived from Indonesian as the Standard Malay. This dialect has been greatly influenced by Javanese and used by people, who live in Jakarta, as the symbol of modernity and symbol of high society. Thus, the reason and the motivation for switching from Manado Malay to Jakarta Malay is to demonstrate their social identity and status. The other likely motivation is to render the speech act more comprehensible when other Indonesians who cannot speak and understand Manado Malay join the conversations. In these situations Manado Malay speakers will switch from Manado Malay to Jakarta Malay syntactically. The chart in Figure 4.3 illustrates the occurrence of intrasentential code-switching in conversations (1) to (5) in percentages.

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Figure 3. The Occurrence of Jakarta Malay Intrasentential Code-switching in Percent

1 14 % 2 21 % 3 14 % 4 21 % 5 30 %

The chart in Figure 4.3 shows the frequency of Jakarta Malay intrasentential codeswitching occurring in conversation 1 (14%), conversation 2 (21%), conversation 3 (14%), conversation 4 (21%), and conversation 5 (30%). Intrasentential code-switching occurred most frequently in conversation 5. The lower occurrence shown in conversations (1) to (4) can be explained by the presence of nonnative speakers of Manado Malay joining the conversations resulting in a likelihood that Manado Malay speakers switch from Manado Malay to Jakarta Malay. The other motivation to switch from Manado Malay to Jakarta Malay is to indicate one’s high status to the other interlocutors, the use of Jakarta Malay indicating that the speaker had lived in Jakarta for several years. Furthermore, by switching from Manado Malay to Jakarta Malay the speakers wanted to share that experience with the interlocutors who have also lived in Jakarta for several years. Anoter reason why Manado Malay speakers switched from Manado Malay to Jakarta Malay is that the sample came from a small communal group within Melbourne so they know that the interlocutors can also speak Jakarta Malay, because they have also lived in Jakarta. The intrasentential code-switching of conversation (2) and (4) has the same number of percentage: 21 %. As I have explained above, the occurrence of IaSCS of conversation (2) and (4) is exceeded by conversation (5) with 30%. The same thing also happened to conversation (1) and (3) being outnumbered by conversation (5). However, the reason and motivation of codeswitching by Manado Malay speakers in conversations(2) dan (4) , (1) dan (3) are not the same as the reason and motivation in conversation (5) as I have pointed out previously. The reason and motivation of switching from Manado Malay to Jakarta Malay in conversation (2) and (4) and (3) and (1) are to exhibit their high social standing. This reinforces the argument of Poedjosoedarmo (1982:8) who wrote that Jakarta Malay is used by people who live in Jakarta as the symbol of modernity and the symbol of high society. Furthermore, the occurrence of Jakarta Malay intrasentential code-switching in conversations (2) and (4), (1) and (3) is to express selfidentity in order to indicate social solidarity or certain languages (Hoffmann, 1991:116). The examples of the occurrence of Jakarta Malay IaSCS in speech activities can be seen in the following data:

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(6) Kalu dia ujang trus enggak jadi gua mau kesini. ‘Kalau masih hujan, saya tidak jadi datang ke sini.’ ‘If it is still raining, then I will not come here.’ (7) Kalu dia ada deng torang-torang jo kita enggak bisa ikutin tingkatnya. ‘Kalau dia kira-kira masih bersama dengan kita, maka kita tidak bisa mengikuti tingkatnya.’ ‘When he is among us, we cannot follow his level.’ (8) Kalu ambe doi gua enggak brani. ‘Kalau ambil uang, saya tidak berani.’ ‘To take the money, I am not brave to do that.’ Summary of the Occurrence of Intrasentential Code-switching in English, Indonesian, and Jakarta Malay To have a better understanding of the occurrence of intrasentential code-switching in three categories: in English, in Indonesian, and in Jakarta Malay, a table showing the total number of intrasentential code-switching in three categories in the corpus is given. This table is given in order to have a comparison of the occurrence of intrasentential code-switching between the three languages mentioned previously. By giving the comparison of these three categories, the most frequent occurrence of IaSCS in any particular category can be figured out. The total number of IaSCS in English, Indonesian, and Jakarta Malay is illustrated in a following table: Table 1. The Total Number of Intrasentential Code-switching in Three Categories in the Corpus IaSCS in three Categories Total Number of IaSCS in three Categories 16 IaSCS in English 52 IaSCS in Indonesian 14 IaSCS in Jakarta Malay 82 Total Based on the table given on page 11, the most frequent intrasentential code-switching occurred into Indonesian, namely fifty two times; whereas, intrasentential code-switching in English occurred only 16 times and for intrasentential code-switching in Jakarta Malay 14 times. By having the total number of items of intrasentential code-switching in three categories, the frequency of the occurrence of intrasentential code-switching of each category can be obtained. To have a better understanding of the frequency of the occurrence of intrasentential code-switching in English, Indonesian, and Jakarta Malay, a chart in Figure 4.4 showing the occurrence of intrasentential code-switching by percentage is given. Figure 4. Total Percentage of Intrasentential Code-switching in three Categories IaSCS in Jakarta Malay 17 % IaSCS in English 20 % IaSCS in Bahasa Indonesia 63 %

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The chart given above shows the total percentage of intrasentential code-switching in three categories in English, Indonesian, and Jakarta Malay. Based on the chart, the intrasentential code-switching in Indonesian has the largest number of percentage by obtaining 63%, while IaSCS in English 20% and IaSCS in Jakarta Malay 17%. The tendency to switching from Manado Malay to Indonesian by the participants is approximately three times more likely than the tendency to switch from Manado Malay to English and to Jakarta Malay. The multilingual participants were more likely to switch from Manado Malay into Indonesian at the level of intrasentential code-switching, because Manado Malay and Indonesian have a specific relationship in terms of using them in informal and formal situation within a diglossic community. Moreover, the participants, who were Manadonese, switched from Manado Malay into Indonesian rather than into English and Jakarta Malay because the topic and the setting of the conversation related to national matters in Indonesia, such as politics. See 4.1.1, 4.1.2, and 4.1.3. To conclude, the formality of the topic and the formality of speech setting motivate the participants to switch from Manado Malay into Indonesian at the level of intrasentential codeswitching. CONCLUSION The study in this article found that code-switching occurred most frequently between languages in a diglossic situation, where the informants tended to switch from Manado Malay into Indonesian. Based on the findings of the research, code-switchings from Manado Malay into Indonesian was the most frequently code-switching occurring in the conversations, than codeswitchings from Manado Malay into Jakarta Malay and English are. The specific relationship between the two varieties of languages (Manado Malay and Indonesian) and the formality of the topic are the two key factors which motivate code-switching. Furthermore, based on the findings, the social identity and interlocutor are the main triggers which result in speakers switching from Manado Malay into Jakarta Malay. The topic and the setting are the main motivating factors which result in the informants switching from Manado Malay into English. The interesting thing found in this study is the motivation of the informants to switch from Manado Malay into Indonesian and Jakarta Malay and from Manado Malay into English. The findings of the research indicated that the informants did not use English as a mark of social status, but continued to use Jakarta Malay as an indicator of high social status despite the fact that many of the participants had lived in Australia for a number of years and had come to Australia to obtain a degree in English from a university in Australia. In contrast, Indonesian and Jakarta Malay were used by the informants to indicate social identity and cultural superiority. Finally, in general the patterns of code-switching found intrasentential code-switching followed similar patterns to that identified for bilingual speakers in previous research. Clearly, it is important to study multilinguals further as the patterns of code-switching become more complex and tell us more about behavior in diglossic situations as well as raising issues of language dominance and power in relation to English as a language of education in Asian countries. NOTE * I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for very helpful comments on the earlier draft.

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Titone, R. 1989. From Bilingual to Multilingual Speech: Code-Switching Revisited, in R. Titone (ed.), On the Bilingual Person. Ottawa: Canadian Society for Italian Studies, 135–140. Wantalangi, M. 1993. The Manadonese Grammar (MA Thesis). Melbourne: La Trobe University. Wardhaugh, R. 1998. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics (third edition). Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Ltd.

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Appendix: Extracts from Conversation by the Informants Transcription of the recorded conversation 1 between Mr. P and Mr. R: Mr. P : Kelihatannya di tubuh ABRI mulai terpecah-pecah. Mr. R : Karena mau dihancurkan. Mau dihancurkan. Sebab dia yang membuat. Media yang membuat. Itu kalu ngana mau lihat politik itu. Itu dilihat dari sebelum kemerdekaan. Nanti dia pecah. Dulu kan mereka, siapa nanti orang mereka dorang mo cari. Dorang mo cari tu orang ini kong dia mau jadikan sebagai panglima supaya dia punya hak, begitu. Sama juga dulu. Mr. P : Karena mungkin kuncinya di ABRI. Mr. R : Iya. Jadi dia (ABRI) mau dihancurkan dulu. Satu karena dia benteng Pancasila. Dwifungsi dianggap. Dwifungsi karena juga ada Dwifungsi ABRI kan juga warga negara. Ngana juga punya Dwifungsi tahu enggak. Dalam keadaan darurat, ngana so musti jadi tentara. Ya, saya juga dari ABRI meskipun sudah pension. Makanya kita juga pelajari. Pelajari dulu tu pengorbanana dulu. Dari dulu ABRI mau dikuasai. Yang kiri dulu mau tidak berniat mau dikuasai. Tetapi mengatakan milik nasional yang tak dapat digoyahkan adalah Pancasila, karena sudah dari tahun 1948. Mr. P : Jadi, Sudirman. Mr. R : Sudirman. Kalau ABRI hancur. ABRI hancur, jadi akan begitu terus. ABRI akan dibikin begini (dihancurkan) dulu sebetulnya kong ambe dia pe orang, sehingga dia bisa pegang kekuasaan. Itu yang utama. Bahayanya GOLKAR itu yang minoritas. Kalu ngana Islam you don’t care. Jadi, yang dipimpin itu yang mau dilengkapi. Dia ndak bisa, dia ndak mau turun. Mr. P : Yang paling fanatik itu yang berbahaya. Mr. R : Karena itu kan di dalam Undang-Undang Dasar ada klausul yang boleh dirubah, tapi kemudian dikepreskan di MPR. Sesuai keputusan rakyat itu tidak boleh, harus melalui konsensus. Itu kalau melalui DPR. Kebetulan juga dia gugur. Coba lihat sudah pernah saya lihat robah Pancasila. Mr. P : Kelihatannya ada yang mau rubah Pancasila. Mr. R : Iya, kriri dan kanan itu. Jadi ngoni calon Doktor sudah harus tahu itu. Ngoni harus jelaskan bagaimana situasi yang terbuka. Jadi pak Harto itu sebetulnya tiga tahun delapan puluh. Mr. P : Sebetulnya sudah turun. Yang bobrok sebenarnya itu anak-anaknya itu. Mr. R : Anak-anaknya juga dapatnya sedikit.

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Transcription of Recorded Conversation 2 between A, C, A, T, and N: A : Ado, so musti hati-hati skali itu. Tau-tau so rupa kit ape tanta. Ado, priksa benoang. N : Pak Widen lei kurang ada kase tau pa kita. Pak Widen kase tau, ei Pak Lexi so maso rumah saki. Jatung di tampa karja. Trus kata setelah ada scanning. Mungkin stou ada sesuatu katanya di brain. A : Wah. N : Jadi kita pikir jangan-jangan stou so pernah jatung di rumah kong pas tagoyang. A : Bahaya itu. N : Itu kang karja di laundry. A : Si Lexi jatoh di kerjaan. C : Yaa. N : Skarang di rumah saki. A : Di rumah saki. Jatoh nyanda sadar bawa di rumah saki. N : Pokoknya nanti dia sadar so di rumah saki. A : So di rumah saki. N : Katanya karja di laundry itu badiri trus nyanda pernah dudu. A : Wah. N : Nanti dudu kalu mo break. A : Torang samua di sini karja. Kita nyanda pernah dudu. Kalu so di mesin you cannot sit anymore. Brapa jam itu badiri trus. Nyanda ada dudu-dudu. T : Pak Albert sudah tau, ya. A : Iyo, sudah. N : Kita pikir mungkin dulu pernah jatuh. T : Siapa? N : Dokter scanning di kepala, katanya ada sesuatu di kepala. T : Ada apa? N : Ada sesuatu, Cuma belum tau pastinya sesuatu ini apa.

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Transcription of Recorded Conversation 3 between Mr. A, Mr. B, and Mr. C: Mr. A : Pokoknya pertanian. Ndak taulah, macem-macem lah. Mr. B : Oh, dia di bidang pertanian? Mr. A : Ya, bidang pertanian. Mr. C : So brapa lama di sini? Mr. A : Dia di sini sudah beberapa kali, karena dia makanya mengambil banyak gelar, gitu. Sekarang gelar ini ame dia ambil, gitu. Dan itu sudah membawa dia reader-reader, termasuk seluruh Indonesia. Bahasa Indonesianya, kaget kita. Mr. C : Bisa ngomong Manado lagi. Mr. A : Enggak, tapi mengerti bahasa Manado dia. Tapi bicara bahasa Indonesianya enggak dipikir. Kan kita kalo orang di sini selalu. Mr. B : Lancar itu. Mr. A : Lancar, langsung bisa tidak pake, enggak segala. Jadi very particular Indonesian. Buku bacaannya, tau enggak, pak? Yang dia baca Pramudya Ananta Toer, segala. Ini bahasa Indonesianya buku-buku begini (sambil tertawa). Mr. C : Jadi hari Minggu mau kesini katanya? Mr. A : Ya (sambil mengangguk-anggukkan kepala). Mr. C : Bolehlah, bagus. Mr. A : Kita perlu ini, kita accommodate untuk kepentingan dia. Kita kan enggak tahu masa depan kita gimana berakhirnya. Mr. C : Oh, tadi pagi itu ujang kras, ya. Mr. A : Oh, ya? Mr. C : Kalu dia ujang trus enggak jadi gua mau kesini. Mr. D : Kiapa? Mr. C : No ujang sapa mo datang ujang-ujang bagini. Artinya kalau dia datang hari Minggu bacirita deng orang Manado so pas skali ini. Karena bisa saling tukar pikiran lah. Mr. A : Iya, dari segi, apa namanya, level intelektual kan menunjukkan juga, apa namanya, apakah komunikasi itu menarik atau enggak, gitu. Kalu dia ada deng torang-torang jo kita enggak bisa ikutin tingkatnya. Tapi untuk orang yang berkecimpungan, wah ini memang sulit semuanya itu. Itu yang penting. Dia bilang, waduh, dia makan rw (salah satu masakan khas Manado) sekarang. Tapi dia dibohongin karena satu jam kemudian baru dorang bilang itu rw. Dia bilang, aduh, bukan main, celaka. Mr. C : Terus gimana? Enak katanya? Mr. A : Wah, setelah itu makan terus. Barangkali lebih berhati-hati, gitu. Tapi masalah dengan segalanya dia senang itu. Dia tinggal dengan Dekan Fakultas Teknik, insinyur Sompie. Mr. C : Oh ya, Sompie Dekan Fakultas Teknik. Mr. A : Dia tinggal di sana. So lama di Manado, di Unsrat. Mr. C : Oh, sekarang dia ambil program Doktor di Monash. Jurusan apa dia ambil?

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Mr. A : Pertanian. Pertanian itu ilmu bidangnya. Alasannya dia ada di Unsrat untuk itu. Rupanya ada kerja sama antara Teleseatle sama Unsrat dimana dia yang menjadi ininya, dari sana. Jadi dia belajar bahasa Indonesia semuanya di Seatle. Kita kaget lho. Kok belajar di ……, itu kan orang Indonesia yang ada di sana cumin berapa, duabelas, tigabelas orang. Tapi bahasa Indonesianya yang dia pelajari itu mudah, ya datang dari sini. Dia bilang, aduh, saya sangat senang sekali. Mr. C : Memang kalu Unsrat dengan mereka kerja sama sudah langsung sekarang. Dorang so nyanda rupa dulu-dulu harus lewat Jakarta lebih dulu. Pertama dari Ujungpandang, lewat Ujungpandang baru Jakarta, baru sana baru ke Amerika. Sekarang malah bisa langsung. Malah sekarang Unsrat sudah buka program Pasca Sarjana yang apa namanya mendidik untuk calon-calom Master dan Doktor. Itu sudah bisa di Unsrat sekarang. Makanya sekarang banyak dosen-dosen kita yang di sana saja. Nda perlu datang ke Jawa atau Ujungpandang. Mr. A : Memang begitu. Kita juga surprise. Itu kaya udah diatur aja bahwa kita ketemunya, kan. Karena bisa aja dia jalan dari seberang sana dan seberang sini. Kan udah kaya diatur, gitu. Dan orang ini kelihatan kalu dia lihat kita udah mulai kehabisan bahan, sudah arah stagnasi kalu sudah larut malam. Kita langsung respons. Kita juga begitu dia udah ini …….. . Jadi itu posisi jalan terus. Very good common, gitu. Kesempatan kita. Dia komunikator yang baik. Tidak heran bahwa dia bisa dapat begitu banyak beasiswa. Mr. C : Orang kan kalu sudah betul-betul levelnya sudah tinggi, apalagi lagi ambil ini, sudah mantap itu. Mr. A : Iya, sudah mantap itu. Jadi yang lagi dia kerjain sekarang, dia mau jual mobil. Dia jual mobil. Mobilnya diangkat …….. Dia beli di sini. Di sini lebih mahal dibandingkan di sana (Amerika). Jadi termasuk yang lima ribuan supaya dia bisa mobile karena ada istrinya segala. Mr. C : Bakalan menarik kalu dia datang. Mr. A : Apalagi ……… Mr. C : Apalagi kalu dia tahu ada Manado di sini.

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TELICITY IN INDONESIAN Nurhayati* Diponegoro University [email protected] Abstract This study aims to explain how the telic and atelic meanings are inherently contained by Indonesian verbs and to describe the way the arguments and other sentence complements influence the telicity in a sentence level. Data of this research are dynamic and durative verbs taken from two Indonesian grammar books: Tata Bahasa Baku Bahasa Indonesia (Alwi et al.: 1998) and Indonesian: A Comprehensive Grammar (Sneddon: 1996). The verbs are analysed using semantic parameters to identify their inherent meaning of telicity. The parameters complemented by syntactic parameters are also used to explain the interaction of the verbs and their arguments in expressing the telicity of a sentence. The results show that the telicity of Indonesian verbs depends on their semantic feature that is inherently contained. Intransitive Indonesian verbs can be identified more easily than transitive verbs. The cause is that the telicity of the latter depends on their definiteness and plurality of the arguments. On a sentence level, other elements of a sentence also influence the telicity of a situation. Key words: telic, atelic, terminal/natural end points, situations, type of situations Tujuan penelitian ini adalah menjelaskan bagaimana verba dalam Bahasa Indonesia mengandungi makna inheren yang berupa makna ketelisan dan bagaimana makna ketelisan tersebut dipengaruhi oleh kehadiran argumen dan elemen lain dalam aras kalimat. Data penelitian ini berupa sejumlah verba yang memiliki fitur semantis dinamis dan duratif yang diperoleh dari dua buku tatabahasa: Tata Bahasa Baku Bahasa Indonesia (Alwi et al.: 1998) dan Indonesian: A Comprehensive Grammar (Sneddon: 1996), serta kalimat yang mengandungi jenis verba tersebut. Ketelisan verba dan kalimat dianalisis berdasarkan parameter semantis dan sintaktis. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa sifat ketelisan dari verba ditentukan oleh fitur semantis yang melekat di dalam diri verba tersebut. Verba taktransitif lebih mudah diidentifikasi daripada verba transitif. Hal tersebut disebabkan makna ketelisan verba transitif bergantung pada sifat ketakrifan dan kejamakan argumen nomina yang mendampinginya. Ketelisan verba tersebut juga dipengaruhi oleh elemen lain dalam kalimat. Kata kunci: telis, atelis, titik akhir alami, situasi, tipe situasi

INTRODUCTION Telicity is a universal semantic concept related to the inherent temporal meaning of a situation. 1 Telicity consists of a telic and atelic meaning. A situation is telic if it has an inherent goal or terminal point. When the goal is achieved, the situation finishes. On the other hand, an atelic situation does not have the terminal point. Since Garey (1957) introduced the term telic and atelic for the first time, the study of telicity has driven many linguists to explore the linguistic realization of the concept. The distinction between telic and atelic feature of a situation is important, particularly for languages which have a grammatical system that split perfective from imperfective aspect, such as English, French, Russian, and many Slavic languages. However, it does not mean that the concept of telicity is not important for non-aspect languages, such as Indonesian. The concept of telicity in Indonesian is important to depict a situation perceived by a speaker. An Indonesian speaker has an option in expressing an aspectual meaning of a situation: explicitly or implicitly. Indonesian has some lexical words to explicitly express the perfective

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meaning, such as telah, sudah, and habis, as well as the imperfective meaning such as sedang, tengah, and lagi. However, one expression may result different interpretations based on the telicity of the sentence expressed. Consider the following example. (1) Dia tengah berada di antara kerumunan para penggemarnya, sementara suaminya tengah merapikan ruang ganti pakaian. ‘She was [imperfective] among crowds of her fans, while her husband was tidying up the dressing room.’ The use of tengah in the first clause of the example expresses the situation of being among the crowds as close to the reader without resulting an implication that the situation has not finished yet. On the other hand, using tengah in the second clause indicates that ‘the process of tidying up the dressing room is still in progress’ and the implication that ‘the process has not finished yet’. The different interpretation of tengah is caused by the different telicity of the two clauses. The first clause is atelic, whereas the second is telic. Telicity in Indonesian is also important to decide what kind of verb form chosen to express a situation. The situation of ‘singing’ can be expressed using (2) or (3). (2)

Dia bernyanyi di depan para tamu. ‘She sang in front of the guests.’ (3) Dia menyanyikan lagu Tanah Airku di depan para tamu. ‘She sang Tanah Airku song in front of the guests.’

The ‘situation-in-the world’ that is referred by the two sentences is the same, but the speaker described the situation using a different characterization. In (2) the speaker percieved the singing situation as an action that does not have a natural end point. The singer can halt her activity at any point and the situation of singing in front of the guests is true. On the contrary, the speaker of (3) perceived the situation of singing as a complete situation that has an initial, medieval, and natural end point (culmination). If the singer stopped singing the song before singing the final part of the song, the situation cannot be described by the sentence (3). The two examples are due to the concept of telicity. Sentence (2) expresses an atelic situation whereas sentence (3) expresses a telic situation. It shows that telicity in Indonesian is related to the verb form. The importance of the telicity concept in linguistic study has attracted the attention of some linguists such as Comrie (1976), Lyons (1977), Mourelatos (1981), Dik (1989; 1994), and Smith (1991). They conducted the study of telicity concept and its expression in some languages in the world that will be explicated later. Unfortunately, there are very few studies of the topic in Indonesian. Usually, the concept of telicity is discussed at a glance in the broader topic such as aspect, tense, or other temporal concepts. Two studies that have a relation with the telicity concept in Indonesian were conducted by Tadjuddin (1993) and Montolalu (2001). Tadjuddin (1993) analyzed the expression of aspectual meaning from Russian to Indonesian. There is one point that should be criticised from Tadjuddin, related to the concept of telicity. Citing Comrie’s argument, Tadjuddin (1993:42) explained that telicity is an inherent meaning of verbs. He said that a telic situation describes “proses menuju sasaran akhir” and “tercapainya sasaran akhir” (1993:42). The first limitation is quoted from Comrie’s statement: “a process that leads up to a well-defined terminal point” (Comrie1978:45 in Tadjuddin 1993:42-3). The statement actually has not finished yet, because there is an embedded clause “..., beyond which the process cannot continue” (Comrie 1978:45). The additional explanation is very important, because it focuses on the attention that the ongoing process of the telic situation is restricted by the terminal point. This internal time that expands from the beginning to the terminal point of the situation is the inherent feature of the telic situation. An example of the telic situation is a situation of ‘sinking’. The situation has an initial point that is the beginning of falling down from the surface of water (a river, a pond, sea, etc.); succesive stages, that is the process itself; and a terminal point, such as the bed of the river. However, a telic situation does 152


not concern with whether the process must go on until it achieves the terminal point or not. The achieving or not achieving a terminal point is related to the aspectual character. Therefore, Tadjuddin’s second limitation of the telic definition is misleading. His argument is quoted from Comrie (1978:47): “ In expressions referring to telic situations it is important that there should be both a process leading up to the terminal point as well as the terminal point”. Instead of being interpreted as ‘tercapainya titik akhir’ (acheiving a terminal point), it should be interpreted as ‘memiliki titik akhir’ (having a terminal point). My argument is based on Comrie’s following explanation: With a telic situation, it is possible to use a verbal form with imperfective meaning, the implication being that at the time in question the terminal point had not yet been reached; indeed, it is possible to state explicitly that the terminal point was never reached, as in Mary was singing a song when she died. (Comrie 1978:47) Montolalu (2001) studied aspectual meaning in Indonesian discourses. Using the Smith’s concept of situation types, Montolalu presented the aspectual meaning of a discourse. However, she did not explain how to decide the meaning in Indonesian. For example, Montolalu (2001:182) explained that a ter-V in (4) has a telic meaning because the verb expresses “menyatakan mencapai hasil yang disebutkan kata dasar” (achieving the result stated by the base verb) and “peristiwa telah tercapai” (the event has been achieved). (4) Perum Angkasa Pura Dua tercatat sebagai pembayar PBB terbesar. ‘The Angkasa Dua Ltd. has been recorded as the largest tax payer.’ The explanation implies that, according to Montolalu (2001), a telic situation refers to the succesful of achieving the terminal end point. The explanation shows that Montolalu (2001) blends the concepts of telicity and aspectuality. It is incorrect because the meaning of telic situation is the process leading up to the terminal point as well as the terminal point. The telic situation can be expressed using a perfective or an imperfective aspect. The present study is an attempt not to confound telicity and aspectuality. In this paper, I would like to discuss how the concept of telic and atelic situations is performed in Indonesian. Generally, a telic or atelic situation is expressed by a verb and its arguments. But, it is a verb that has a potential meaning of telicity. The potential meaning is or is not realized when the verb is used as a predicate together with its arguments in a sentence. This study has two purposes. The first is to examine the relation between the verb forms of Indonesian and the telic or atelic meaning. The second is to identify the kinds of arguments that influence the telicity of the verbs. THEORETICAL CONCEPTS OF TELICITY Human beings use several ways to perceive realities in the physical world. The result of the perceiving activity is the description of realities in someone’s mind that are called situations (Comrie 1976:13; Lyons 1977:483) or states of affairs (Dik 1989:89). To express the situations, a speaker tends to classify them into certain types of situations based on their inherent temporal structures. The way the situations are classified into certain types of situation is called actionality (Bache 1997:218). Some linguists, such as Comrie (1976), Mourelatos (1981), Dik (1989; 1994), and Smith (1991), are interested in studying the actionality and how to express the actionality in a language. Every linguist uses different ways to classify situations into types of situations. By using the term inherent aspect or semantic aspect, instead of actionality, Comrie (1976:41—51) makes opposition between punctual vs. durative situations, telic vs. atelic situations, and state vs. dynamic situations. The terms of the situation types follow inherent temporal features of the situations. It means that Comrie (1976: 41—51) uses the features of (+ punctual), (+ telic), and (+ dynamic). Mourelatos (1978 in Verkuyl 1993:50—51) also uses the same temporal

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features to classify situations into four categories: states, processes, developments, and punctual occurrences. Verkuyl (1993:50) assumes that the classification follows the idea of Vendler (1957) and Kenny (1963) for categorizing verb-types. Dik (1989:91) uses a term states of affairs (SoAs) instead of situations to refer perceived realities. Dik (1989:91) also uses the three inherent temporal features, (+ dynamic), (+ telic), (+ punctual/momentaneous), and adds two more features, (+ control), and (+ experience) to classify SoAs into six types: position, state, accomplishment, activity, change, and dynamism. And finally, using the inherent temporal features of dynamicity, telicity, and punctuality, Smith (1991:30), followed by Brinton (2000) and Cruse (2004:287), classifies situations into states, activities, accomplishments, achievements, and semelfactives. The above explanation shows that the temporal features of dynamicity, telicity, and punctuality have significant roles in classifying situations into types of situations. In this section, I will not explain the three features in more detail, but I will explain one of the inherent temporal features, i.e. telicity. The two other features will be explained if they have relationship with the explanation of telicity. Strictly speaking, this section consists of the explanation about the basic concept of telicity and what language expressions are used to express telicity. The term telic and atelic, as proposed by Garey (as quoted in Binnick 1991:189), is as follows: telic situations have inhrent terminal points or natural culminations and atelic situations “do not have to wait for a goal fot their realization”. Some linguists, such as Comrie (1976), Mourelatos (1978), Hopper and Thompson (1990), Dahl (1989), and Smith (1991), develop the telicity concept in order to differentiate activity from accomplishment. The two types of situation are both dynamic and durative. The different feature is that the first does not have a natural goal whereas the second has. Therefore, an activity is categorized as an atelic situation and an accomplishment is a telic situation. Based on the concept, Comrie (1976:47) gives a limitation that the telic situation consists of “both a process leading up to the terminal point as well as the terminal point” Thus, the situation in (5) is telic because the situation shows a change of stages (+ dynamic) and lasts in time (+ durative) towards the inherent terminal point, that is completing reading a novel. (5) Patrick read a novel. When, for example, in the middle of reading a novel, Patrick must go out, we cannot report the situation as “Patrick read [past] a novel” because he has not completed reading it. On the other hand, the situation in (6) is atelic because it does not have the inherent natural end point or culmination. (6) Patrick read. The activity of reading may continue or be stopped at any time, but it cannot finish. From the definition of the telicity, Comrie (1976:47) differentiates telic situations from achievements that is proposed by Vendler (1967). One of the semantic features of an achievement is [– durative] or punctual. It does not proceed for certain time because an achievement type of situation just shows the change of state of affair, not the process toward the process. The problem occurs when the definition of telic situation is used to describe certain situations such as “falling asleep”, “dying”, “fading” and “winning the race”. The situations can be perceived either as punctual with no internal part of situation or as durative with internal temporal part of the situation. The first interpretation is derived from the perception that the four situations are the moment of changing the state of affair. They do not consist of ‘processes as a requirement of a telic situation (see Comrie 1978:47). However, Mourelatos (1978) and Smith (1991) have different opinion about the telicity of the situations. According to the two linguists, the four situations are categorized into achievement type of situation that is telic. Mourelatos (1978 in Binnick 1991:180– 181) distinguishes telic from atelic situations based on 154


whether or not a situation has terminative states of affairs. For him, a telic situation is an occurrence or dynamic situation that has a terminative state of affair while an atelic situation is the one that does not have a terminative state of affair. Thus, according to Mourelatos (1978 in Binnick 1991:181), an activity is an atelic situation and an event is a telic situation. The telic situations, according to Mourelatos (1978 in Binnick 1991:181), consist of two subtypes: (i) developments or accomplishments with the durative property and (ii) punctual occurrences or achievements with the punctual property. Smith (1991) also has a thought that the telic feature is the property of both accomplishment and achivement. As an consequence of her idea, she creates a new type of situation, that differentiate an achievement from an instantaneous atelic situation that is called semelfactive. The second interpretation is resulted from the argument that the situations of “falling asleep”, “dying”, “fading” and “winning the race” consist of preparatory process that leads to a terminal point. When the terminal point is achieved, there is a change from “being awakened” to a condition of “sleeping”; from “being alive” to “death”; from “being visible” to “being unvisible”; and from “doing the race” to “being a winner”. The second interpretation results that the four situations can be depicted using imperfective aspect and be considered as having telic meaning. The interpretation comes from Freed (1979) that categorized the situations as “gradual achievements”. “Falling asleep”, “dying”, “fading” and “winning the race” are instantaneous situations that are culminative. Reaching the culminative point is the essential feature of the situation. It is the typical feature of achievement. However, the situation of “falling asleep” is initated by an other phase that embeds the situation. The feature makes the gradual achievement similar to accomplishment and have a telic feature. In English, the first interpretation is expressed using the verbs fall, die, fade, and win with perfective aspect, while the second interpretation is expessed using the verbs with imperfective aspect. In Indonesian, there are verbs such as tertidur ‘fall asleep’, mati ‘die’, lenyap ‘fade’, and memenangi balapan ‘win the race’ to refer to the first interpretation of the situations. However, Indonesian speakers have different perception in viewing the preparatory process that leads to the situation. The first two situations can be percieved as having the preparatory processes, but they are treated as autonomous situations, not being embedded into the situation. The preparatory processes of the two situations are expressed using a verb merasa mengantuk ‘feeling sleepy’, an adjective sekarat ‘dying’, respectively. The other two situations are considered as having preparatory processes embedding to the punctual situations if the verbs lenyap and memenangi balapan are combined with durative adverbs such as dalam waktu 20 menit (within 20 minutes). My opinion is that telicity is a semantic feature of a dynamic and durative situation. This feature is important to differentiate accomplishment from achievement. An accomplishment is telic whereas an achievement is atelic. Some achievement situations that are initiated by a certain process can be grouped as a “gradual achievement” that is telic. The gradual achiement will describe a process leading up to the culmination if it is viewed using progressive aspect, but a pure achievement will describe the iterative occurence if it is viewed using the same aspect. So far, I have explained the concept of telicity as a property of a situation. In this section, I am going to discuss how the concept of telic and atelic is expressed in a language. Comrie (1976:45) says that “situations are not described by verb alone, but rather by the verb together with its argument (subject and objects)”. Other linguists such as Dik (1989), Binnick (1991), Smith (1991), and Verkuyl (1993) have the similar idea as Comrie’s. They argue that situations are expressed in the level of sentences or clauses. Below is the summary of the semantic and syntactic properties related to the meaning of telicity taken from Comrie (1976:45—46), Dahl (1981:79—90), Binnick (1991:190) and Smith (1991: 232—239).

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(i)

There are verbs have telic or atelic potential features. In English, verbs such as, make, build and paint are examples of potential telic verbs; whereas run, swim, walk, and laugh are examples of atelic verbs. In German, erkämpfen ‘achieve by means of a fight’ is telic, but kämpfen ‘fight’ is atelic. (ii) The verbs with an atelic potential meaning express telic situations if they are combined with a directional prepositional phrase or completive adverbials. In English the verb walk describes an atelic feature in Martin walked, but it describes a telic feature in Martin walked to the beach. The former, Martin walked describes a situation of walking that does not have natural end point. The agent of the situation can stop walking anytime. Whenever he stops, we can say that he walked or he has walked. The latter describes the situation that goes on until reaching the natural end point. When subject reaches the beach, the situation finishes. On the contrary, when subject stops walking before reaching the beach, it would be inappropriate to say Martin has walked to the beach. (iii) Verbs with a telic potential meaning express atelic situations if they are combined with mass nouns and bare plurals. In English, He built a house expresses a telic situation, but he built houses expresses an atelic situation. (iv) Certain particles, such as in, at, and on in english can have an atelic effect from a telic expression. John wrote the report is telic, but John wrote at the report is atelic. (v) A verbal English prefix re- forms telic expression, such as in rewrite and reread. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY The present study uses two kinds of data: verbs and sentences. To explain the potential meaning of telicity that is inherently contained by a verb, I use a number of verbs as data taken from Chapter IV of Tata Bahasa Baku Bahasa Indonesia (Alwi et all. 1998) and Chapter I of Indonesian: A Comprehensive Grammar (Sneddon 1996). The two chapters discuss Indonesian verbs and provide a number of varied examples based on their syntactic feature (transitive vs. intransitive verbs) and on their forms (primary vs. secondary verbs/derived verbs). The verbs must have semantic features of [+ dynamic] and [+durative] because a verb can have telic or atelic meaning if it has the two features. To select the kind of verbs, I used the following semantic and syntactic parameters: (i)

(ii)

A dynamic verb can answer the question Apa yang dilakukan oleh subjek? ‘what does subject do?’ or can be used to make an imperative sentence. For example, tiba ‘arrive’ berlari ‘run’ and pulang ‘go home’ are dynamic verbs because they can answer the question and can function as a predicator of an imperative sentence, whereas mempunyai ‘have’ is stative or non-dynamic. The result shows that I have to eliminate mempunyai from the data list. A durative verb can answer the question Berapa lama situasi terjadi/berlangsung? ‘how long does the situation happen?’. Based on the test, I also have to eliminate the verb tiba from the data list, because the verb expresses the momentary event and can answer the second question.

The next step is analysing the data to decide whether a verb is potentially telic or atelic. Based on the telicity concept proposed by Comrie (1976:45—46), Dahl (1981:79—90), Binnick (1991:190) and Smith (1991:232—239), a telic verb inherently has a goal or a terminal point. It

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is a matter of semantics parameter. Pulang is a verb depicting a situation that has a natural end point. When an agent arrived home, the situation of ‘going home’ could not continue. On the other hand, berlari expresses the situation that goes with unlimited duration. Subject of the action can stop or continue any time s/he wants. The verb pulang has a telic potential meaning, whereas berlari has an atelic potential meaning (see the semantic parameter). Sentences are the second kind of data that are used to identify the influence of arguments in depicting the telicity of a situation. The sentences must consist of verbs with the semantic features of [+ dynamic] and [+durative]. They were taken from the two books, newspapers, and from internet. To complete the kind of data, I also created sentences that were not found from the previus sources. In this analysis I used some techniques such as ellipsis, substitution, expansion, opposition, and paraphrase. RESULTS The Expressions of Telic and Atelic Situations in Indonesian Using assumptions that a potential meaning of telicity is expressed by verbs, I start analyzing Indonesian verbs as a unit of analysis. To identify the difference of a telic verb and an atelic verb, I analyze the verbs in a sentence that contains singular nouns or noun phrases as the argument. The aim of the limitation is to build a sentence that expresses a single situation. The influence of arguments in expressing telicity will be explained in the next part. In this paper, the semantic parameters that are used to identify a telic or atelic sentence are as follows. (i) Indonesian verbs have an inherent meaning that potentially refers the telicity. (ii) Telicity is a feature of dynamic and durative sentences. (iii) The potential meaning can be realized or remain potential if the verbs are in a sentence level based on their constellations with other arguments. (iv) A telic sentence expresses a situation that inherently has a goal or a terminal point whereas an atelic sentence expresses a situation that does not have a terminal point. (v) When the terminal point is reached, the situation finishes and the telic sentence implies a meaning of changing a state of affair. (vi) The situation expressed by an atelic sentence can stop any time but can not finish. (vii) The non-inclusive adverbial phrase selama… ‘during...’ collocates with an atelic sentence but the inclusive adverbial phrase dalam waktu … ‘in (time)’ collocates with a telic sentence. The Potential Telicity of Indonesian Verbs Based on their forms, Indonesian verbs are classified into two categories; those are simple or affixless verbs and derived verbs.2 Verbs in the first category can directly function as predicates. On the other hand, the derived verb can function as a predicate after being added by certain affix(es) or derived through other derivational processes. According to Alwi et all. (1998:101) derived verbs are “verba yang dibentuk melalui transposisi, pengafiksan, reduplikasi, atau pemajemukan (pemaduan)” (verbs that are derived from the processes of transposition, affixation, reduplication, or compounding). In this paper, I will only discuss the derived verbs from the process of affixation and transposition. The two other derived verbs, reduplication and compounding, will be studied in the other occasion. Transpositional verbs, such as jalan or berjalan ‘walk’, cangkul or mencangkul ‘hoe’, and sendok or menyendok ‘spoon’ according to Alwi et al. (1998:101) are verbs derived from noun. The affixes of the verbs does not function to change the meaning, but to mark the formality of the form. The discussion of the type of verbs will be included in the discussion of affixed verbs.

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The Affixless Verbs Among the affixless verbs taken from Alwi et all. (1998) and Sneddon (1996), there are at least twenty five verbs that have the semantic feature [+ dynamic] and [+ durative]. Based on the potential telicity, they are grouped into three. duduk lari mandi mohon tampil terbang tidur tumbuh turut pergi naik turun

I ‘sit’ ‘run’ ‘bath’ ‘beg’ ‘appear’ ‘fly’ ‘sleep’ ‘grow’ ‘participate’ ‘go’ ‘go up’ ‘go down’

karam lewat pulang roboh tenggelam terjun tumbang lenyap

II III ‘sink’ makan ‘eat’ ‘pass minum ‘drink’ ‘come back’ potong ‘cut’ ‘fall down’ ‘sink ‘jump’ ‘collapse ‘disappear’

Group I consists of verbs that inherently have meaning of unended activities. The situation that is expressed by the verbs is the one which does not have a natural end point. Someone may run, sleep, grow, sit, beg, bath, appear, fly, and participate for unlimited time. He can halt at any point of the situation time. The verb terbang, for example, can be used to express the situation of flying without being limited by a natural end point. Sentence (7) expresses the situation of flying without having a natural end point. There is no culmination in the situation. (7)

Burung elang itu terbang tinggi sekali. (The eagle flew very highly)

(atelic)

When the bird suddenly stops flying, the sentence still has a truth value. From the inherent meaning, it can be said that the group I has a potential atelic meaning. The verbs are categorized into intransitive verbs because they do not need objects on the sentence level. The verbs in group II are also categorized as intransitive verbs. However, the verbs express the situations that are different from the situation expressed by group I. The second group of verbs expresses the situation that has a natural culmination. Someone who sinks [tenggelam] will finish sinking if he/she reaches the bottom of the river, the swimming pool, the sea, etc. It means that the situation of sinking consists of process leading up to the bottom of a place. The verb pulang ‘go home’ expresses the situation of moving to the initial place. If in the middle of the activity, before arriving at the initial place, someone cancels the activity, the situation of pulang has not been achieved. The verb lenyap expresses the process of fading object gradually until the object cannot be seen anymore. The example of the sentence that describes the kind of situation is as follows. (8) Bayangan itu perlahan-lahan lenyap di balik pepohonan . ‘The shadow gradually disappeared behind the trees.’ The last group of the verbs is categorized as transitive verbs. We find the difficulty to identify the telicity of the verbs because it depends on the feature of their arguments. The role of arguments in deciding telicity will be explicated later. The Affixed and Transpositional Verbs Most of the Indonesian verbs are formed by the process of affixation. Some affixes can be embedded both to intransitive and transitive verbs and some of them can only be embedded to either intransitive or transitive verbs. Based on the explanation of Alwi et al. (1998:119—146),

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intransitive verbs can be formed by adding affixes meng-, ber-, ber-/-kan, ber-/-an, ter-, and kean, whereas transitive verbs can be formed by adding affixes meng-/ -kan, -i, per-/-kan, per-/-i, di-, and ter-. Among the prefixes that derive intransitive verbs, prefix ter- and ke-/-an generally build verbs that do not have the feature [+ dyn, + dur]. Therefore, I will not analyze the kinds of verbs. The intransitive verbs that have the feature [+ dyn, + dur] are derived by adding prefix meng-, ber-, and ber-/-an, to their base. Verbs containing meng- perform either telic or atelic situations. The meng- intransitive verbs (meng-Int-Vs) that have meaning ‘become [base]’ and ‘go to [base] tend to have a potential telic meaning. The verbs are exemplified as follows.

Meaning: ‘Become [base]’

Meaning: ‘Go to [base]’

Membatu ‘harden’ Mengering ‘dry’ Membusuk ‘decay’ Memutih ‘become white’ Menyempit ‘tighten’ Membesar ‘enlarge’ Menyatu ‘integrate’ Mendarat ‘land’ Melaut ‘go to sea’ Menepi ‘move to the side’ Mengutara ‘go north’

Verbs such as menyatu ‘integrate’, mendarat ‘land’, membatu ‘harden’, and memutih ‘become white’ express a process towards a culmination, those are being united, reaching a land area, being hard, and being white respectively. When the culmination is reached, the activities finish. Therefore, they are categorized as telic verbs. On the other hands, other meng-Int-Vs that have meanings ‘consume [base]’, ‘resemble [base]’, ‘produce sound [base]’, and ‘collect [base]’ inherently describe situations that do not have the culmination. The situations they describe can be halted but cannot finish. The verb merokok ‘smoke’, for example, expresses the situation that a subject consumes cigarettees. There is no natural end point that the subject must achieve. When at any time the subject ceases smoking, it can be implied that he has smoked. The feature leads to conclude that the meng-IntVs of this type have a potential atelic meaning. Some other examples of meng-Int-Vs with an atelic meaning are as follows. Meaning ‘consume [base]’ Meaning ‘resemble [base]’ Meaning ‘produce sound of [base]’

Meaning ‘collect [base]’

Mengopi ‘drink coffee’ Membukit ‘resemble a hill’ Menyemut ‘resemble ants’ Mengeong ‘miouw’ Meraung ‘roar’ Memekik ‘scream’ Mendamar ‘collect resin’ Merumput ‘collect grasses’

Intransitive verbs that are derived by combining a base form plus ber--kan express the stative situation, such as berdasarkan ‘based on’, beranggotakan ‘have as members’, and ‘beristrikan ‘have as a wife’. Therefore, the verbs are nor discussed in the paper.On the other hand, ber- and ber--an that create patterns ber-Int-Vs and ber-Int-Vs-an form affixed verbs that have various actional features. Among them which have features of [+ dynamic] and [+ durative] are the derived verbs that have meanings ‘use/wear [base]’, ‘result [base]’, ‘conduct activity of [base]’, ‘undergo the event of [base]’, and ‘reciprocal’. They express atelic situation. Those kinds of verbs express the situation that go on without having culmination. The following table shows some atelic verbs that are formed by adding ber- and ber—an.

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Meaning of affix ber- and ber—an. ‘use [base]’ ‘result [base]’ ‘conduct activity of [base]’ ‘undergo the event of [base]’ ‘reciprocal’

Examples Bersepeda ‘(to go) using bicycle’ Berlayar ‘(to go) sailing’ Berkata ‘say’ Berteriak ‘shout’ Bepergian ‘go’ Berguguran ‘fall several times’ Berjualan ‘sell for a living’ Berpelukan ‘embrace each other’ Bersahutan ‘answer each other’

As I said in the previous explanation, the Indonesian transitive verbs can be derived by adding the affixes meng-, -kan, -i, per-/-kan, per-/-i, di-, and ter-. Most of transitive verbs that contain prefix ter- express the stative meaning. Therefore, I will not analyze the kind of verbs. Prefix di- builds passive verbs. The prefix has a close relationship with the active prefix of meng-. Based on the syntactic property, I will discuss the telicity of the meng-V and di-V together. The transitive verbs using affix meng- express a meaning ‘melakukan perbuatan yang dinyatakan oleh kata dasar’ (to do the activity that is stated by their base form) (Alwi et al. 1998:119). The kind of verbs can express either telic or atelic situations. The examples of the verbs that have telic meanings are mengambil ‘to fetch’, menjual ‘to sell’, menutup ‘to close’, membuka ‘to open’, and membangun ‘to build’. Those verbs, as exemplified below, are used

to describe the situation that has a natural end point. (9)

Ia mengambil topi itu lalu meninggalkan aku sendiri. ‘he fetched the hat and leaved me alone.’ (10) Mia bangkit dari tempat duduknya, lalu membuka jendela dan menutupnya kembali. ‘Mia stood up, opened the window, and closed it.’ (11) Aku membangun rumah ini dalam waktu satu tahun. ‘I built this house in a year.’ The verb mengambil in sentence (9) describes the situation that proceeds until subject succeeded to move the hat from the first place to his hand. The change of the state of affair marks the natural end point of the situation. If the subject stops the activity before reaching the terminal point, the situation still contains the natural end point, but it is not clear whether the subject continue to reach the end point or not. To illustrate, consider the following example. (12) Ia sedang mengambil topi itu ketika tiba-tiba terdengar orang mengetuk pintu. Ia lari melewati pintu belakang, meninggalkan aku sendiri. ‘He was fetching his hat when suddenly someone knocked on the door. He run away passing through the back door and leave me alone.’ The use of the aspectual marker sedang in sentence (12) expresses that the end point has not been reached. The example (10) expresses the situations of opening and closing the window that each of them contains natural goal. The first goal is the change from closing to opening while the second goal is the change from opening to closing. The natural end point that is expressed by the example (11) is the result of building, that is new new house. The use of prefix di- for the verbs above results the passive construction. Changing from active to passive does not change the telicity of the sentence. The passive forms of the examples (9) to (11) are as follows. 13 Topi itu diambilnya, lalu ia meninggalkan aku sendiri. ‘The hat was fetched and then he left me alone.’ 14 Mia bangkit dari tempat duduknya, lalu jendela itu dibuka dan ditutup kembali. ‘Mia stood up, the window was opened and then it was closed .’

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15 Rumah ini dibangun dalam waktu satu tahun. ‘This house was built in a year.’ The passive sentences express the situations that proceed to the goal; those are completing activities of fetching the hat, opening and closing of the window, and building the house. The difference between meng-V and di-V is related to the focussing.The active sentences focus on the actor while the passive ones focus on the recipients. The verbs such as memakai ‘to wear’, melihat ‘to see’, membawa ‘to bring’, and memegang ‘to hold’, are the example of atelic verbs. In a sentence that has singular arguments (subject and object), the verbs depict situations that are on going without any terminal point. Subject can do the activity as long as he can. He can stop anytime without changing the property of the situation. From the above exlanation, there is a tendency that the telic feature of meng-V and di-V depends on the inherent meaning of their base. If the base has the potential telic meaning such as ambil, bangun, buka, and tutup, the affix verbs are also telic. On the other hand, if the base is atelic, the affix verb is telic. It can be concluded that adding prefix meng- or di- cannot influence the telicity ofthe base verb. Affix (me-)/-kan can be combined with verbs, verbal phrases with ber-, nouns, adjectives, and prepositional phrases to construct transitive verbs (Alwi et al. 1998:119). The transitive verbs of this kind express two kinds of meaning : (i) ‘melakukan perbuatan yang dinyatakan oleh kata dasar’ (conduct the activity stated by its base) and ‘menyebabkan sesuatu/seseorag menjadi (kata dasar)’ (causative meaning). Most of the transitive verbs containing the affix (me-)/-kan have the potential telic meaning. Here are the examples of the verbs. Base Verb

Adjective Noun Prepositional Phrase

Derived Verb menjualkan ‘sell for someone’ mengerjakan ‘do’ Mengeringkan ‘to dry/to evaporate’ Membebaskan ‘to Meminggirkan ‘put to the edge’ Memojokkan ‘put to the corner’ Mengeluarkan ‘take outside’ Mengedepankan ‘set forth’

Meaning (conduct the activity) causative locative locative

Based on the inherent meaning of the verbs, there is a tendency that most of the transitive verbs with an affix (me-)/-kan containing the feature [+ dyn, + dur] express telic situations in a sentence level. The telic meaning can be seen in the following examples. (16) (17) (18) (19)

Ibu menjualkan rumah temannya. ‘My mother sold the house of her friend’ Saya mengeringkan baju seragam . ‘I dryed the uniform’ Dia memojokkan lemari pakaian saya. ‘He put my wardrobe to the corner’ Perempuan itu mengeluarkan sebuah surat dari dalam tas. ‘The woman takes a letter out from her bag.’

Sentence (16) expresses a situation that has a natural end point that is the state of being sold out. The situation of selling the house proceeded until someone bought it. It is the description of a telic situation. The similar description is expressed by the sentences (17), (18), and (19). The sentence (17), for example, implies that we can not say the situation of drying the uniform finishes until the uniform is in a dry condition. Sneddon (1996:84) says that there are two major functions of transitive verbs with -i: locative -i and repetitive -i. The locative verbs with -i need objects that are places or persons to which the actions are directed. The objects function as recipients or locations (Sneddon

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1996:85). Like the other transitive verbs, -i locative verbs also have telic or atelic inherent meanings. The examples of telic -i locative verbs are as follows: menandatangani mengakhiri memagari menamai mewarnai menguliti memenuhi menghabisi mendekati

‘to sign’ ‘to end’ ‘to fence’ ‘to name’ ‘to colour’ ‘to peel’ ‘to fulfill’ ‘to finish off’ ‘to approach’

melompati melangkahi memasuki menemui menutupi mengenali mendapati mendatangi menyeberangi

‘to jump over’ ‘to step over’ ‘to enter’ ‘to meet’ ‘to cover’ ‘to recognize’ ‘to find’ ‘to visit’ ‘to cross over’

On the other hands, the following list of -i locative verbs describe atelic situations: mengipasi mensponsori membuntuti mendalangi

‘to fan’ ‘to sponsor’ ‘to trail after’ ‘to mastermind’

mengurangi mendampingi menangisi menghalangi

‘to reduce’ ‘to stand beside’ ‘to weep over’ ‘to prevent’

The second group of transitive verbs, the repetitive -i verbs, expresses the situations that occur more than once. It can be said that the repetitive –i verbs depict atelic situations because the situations can be performed again and again without natural ending. The examples of the repetitive –i verbs are: menciumi menebangi mengambili memukuli

‘to kiss repeteadly’ ‘to chop down repeatedly’ ‘to fetch repeatedly’ ‘to hit repeatedly’

mengangkati menggigiti menggaruki menembaki

‘to lift repeatedly’ ‘to bite repeatedly’ ‘to scratch repeatedly’ ‘to shot repeatedly’

Other transitive verbs are verbs with per- and –kan or –i. Some transitive verbs need only per-, such as memperbanyak ‘to multiply’, mempermudah ‘to make easy’, and mempersulit ‘to make difficult’, but some other verbs need both per- and –kan or –i, such as mempermainkan ‘to make fun of’, mempersenjatai ‘to arm with’, and memperingati ‘to commemorate’. Just like the other transitive verbs, the verbs with per- and –kan or –i have potential meaning of telicity. But most of them inherently express atelic situation. The group of verbs that have causative meaning such as memperbesar ‘to enlarge’, memperjelas ‘to clarify’, memperindah ‘to make more beautiful’, and memperpanjang ‘to extend’ are atelic. They depict situations that proceed for unlimited time. There is no terminal point that should be achieved. The agent of the situation can go on or stop his activity any time. On the other hand, there are only several verbs with per- and –kan or –i that inherently have telic interpretation. Among them are memperisitri ‘to take as wife’, mempertemukan ‘to meet’, and mempersatukan ‘to unite’. Verbs derived from the process of reduplication tend to express an atelic meaning such as, berteriak-teriak ‘to shout repeatedly’, pukul-memukul ‘to hit each other’, menimang-nimang ‘to move a child up and down in the arms repeatedly’, and menyobek-nyobek ‘to tear something repeatedly’. They have potency to express situation that occurs more than one time and do not have a certain natural ending. The Influence of Arguments and Other Complements in Expressing Telicity in Indonesian As explained from the previous discussion, a situation is signaled by a verb together with its arguments (subject and objects) in a sentence level. In this section, attention will be paid to the influence of the arguments and other complements in a sentence in expressing the telicity of a situation. The semantic aspects of arguments that influence the telicity of a sentence are plurality and genericity. As being discussed in the previous part, a sentence that has a singular

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definite subject and/or object expresses a single situation. In this environment, the potential telic/atelic meaning of a verb occurs. Consider the following sentences. (20) Mobil itu tenggelam ‘The car sank’ (21) Pesawat itu terbang ‘The car flew’ (22) Pak Tino menggambar kuda ‘Mr. Tino drew a horse’ Each of the three sentences describes a single situation. However, the situations described in (20) and (22) are different from the one in (21). Sentences (20) and (22) describe telic situation, while sentence (21) describe an atelic one. In (20), the situation of sinking proccedes towards the bottom (of the river/sea). It is the natural end point of the situation. If, for example, the car is lifted before reaching the bottom, the situation can not be described using the sentence (20). The telic meaning of the sentence is built by the combination of the singular definit noun and the potential telic verb. In (22) the telic meaning of drawing a horse is expressed through the interaction of a proper name, a single definit noun, and a potential telic verb. Sentence (21), on the other hand, describes the atelic situation because the activity of flying does not have a natural end point. To show that the form of noun as an argument can influent the telicity of a sentence, I will substitute the definite singular noun mobil itu in (16) with an indefinite plural noun banyak mobil ‘many cars’ such as in: (23) Banyak mobil tenggelam ‘Many cars flew.’ The situation described in (23) consists of several telic subsituations. It is called a multiple situation (Huddleston and Pullum 2002:123). The whole sentence describe an atelic situation because the sentence does not give information when the situation finishes. The problem is what formal marker of a noun is used as an indicator of telicity. Unfortunately, the marker of definiteness is not obligatory in Indonesian. Alwi, et all. (1998:285) state that noun can stand alone without an article or any quantifier in a sentence. It can refer to a singular entity, some entities, or all entities. They give an example of the word anjing ‘dog’. The reference of the word depends on contexts of a sentence containing the word. In a sentence (24) Anjing suka tulang. (Alwi, et al. 1998:285) ‘Dogs like bones.’ the words anjing and tulang refer to all dogs and bones in general. However, in a sentence such as (25) Aku tadi dikejar anjing. ‘I was chased by a dog a moment ago.’ the word anjing refer to a certain dog eventhough there is no article that accompanies the noun. The explanation implies that in Indonesian, the difference between a generic and specific concept is not grammatically marked. The characteristic of Indonesian nouns make us consider that the telicity of a sentence is also based on the context. Beside the arguments, other components can also influence the telicity of a sentence. The atelic situation described in (21) can be changed into telic one by adding a certain adjunct in the sentence. The sentence (26) below is the modification of sentence (21): (26)

Pesawat itu terbang mengitari markas besar kami. ‘The plane flew around our headquarter.’

Adding adjunct mengitari markas kami changes the atelic sentence of (21) become a telic one. The situation described in (26) is a complete situation that has a natural end point. If, in the middle of flying, the plane fell down, the situation can not be described by using sentence (26). Another adjunct can also change the telicity of sentence (21). A temporal adjucnt such as dalam waktu satu jam ‘in one hour’ can change the atelic sentence become a telic one. Look at the following modified sentence: 163

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(27)

Pesawat itu terbang dalam waktu satu jam. ‘The plane flew in one hour.’

When the plane has flown during thirty minutes, the situation described by (27) has not completed. CONCLUSION The explanation of the relationship between the concept of telicity and the verb forms in Indonesian shows that the telic or atelic meaning inherently contained by a verb depends on their semantic and syntactic features. The study gives a description that only the dynamic and durative verbs contain the meaning of telicity. The finding of the study can be summarized as follows. (i)

Affixless intransitive verbs can have either telic or atelic meaning. Their telicity depends on their basic meaning. For example, tidur ‘sleep’ is atelic because, the meaning the verb refers to a certain activity that does have natural end point. Tidur can happen in unlimitted time. On the other hand, tumbang ‘collapse’ performs a situation that is bounded by a terminal point. Therefore, tumbang has a potential telic meaning. (ii) It is more difficult to identify the meaning of telicity contained by the affixless transitive verbs in isolation. The telic meaning of this kind of verbs depends on their arguments. For example, makan ‘eat’ is telic in saya makan sepotong kue ‘I ate a slice of cake’, but it is atelic in saya makan nasi setiap hari ‘I eats rice everyday’. (iii) Affixed intransitive verbs can also express either telic or atelic meaning. It is the semantic feature of the verbs that are more decisive. (iv) There are some group of affixed verbs that tend to perform a certain telicity: (a) the transitive verbs with affix –i that express repetitive meaning have an atelic potential meaning; (b) most reduplicative verbs have an atelic potential meaning; (c) intransitive verbs with ber- -an have a telic potential meaning; and (d) most of intransitive verbs with ter- have an atelic potential meaning. (v) The forms of arguments and other complements of a sentence determine the telicity of sentence. The summary of the above explanation is as follows: (a) the arguments with the definite, singular, or countable feature do not change the telicity of verbs; (b) the arguments with the indefinite, plural, or uncountable feature influence the telic verbs to form atelic sentences; (c) certain directional prepositional phrases or completive adverbials influence the atelic verbs to form telic sentence. NOTE 1

2

*

The term situation is used to cover various ‘things’ that can be expressed through a clause (Declerck 1991:14) The terms affixless is suggested by M. Umar Muslim, PhD. as the reviewer of the paper. Actually he suggested the affixed verbs for the the verbs that are not categorized as affixless verbs. However, the group of verbs are formed not only through affixation. They are also formed trough transposition, repetition, and compounding. In this paper I use the term derived verbs instead of affixed verbs. I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for very helpful comments on the earlier draft; and for much earlier version, I am thankful to Dr. Harry Aveling, Ph.D. DCA, an Adjucnt Professor of Southeast Asian Literature, from LA TROBE University, for his reading and editing through the paper ; and I also would like to thank M. Umar Muslim, PhD. for his helpful comment.

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of

Pragmatic.

Dik, S.C. 1989/1994. The Theory of Functional Grammar, Part I: The Structure of the Clause. Foris: Dordrecht. Freed, A.F. 1979. The Semantics of English Aspectual Complementation (Synthese Language Library 8). Reidel: Dordrecht. Garey, H.B. 1957. Verbal Aspect in French. In Language 33, 91–110. Hopper, P.J. and S.A. Thompson. 1980. Transitivity in Grammar and Discourse. Language. Volume 56/1:251–299. Huddleston, R and G K. Pullum. 2002. The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kenny, A. 1963. Action, Emotion, and Will. Routledge and Kegan Paul: London, New York. Lyons, John. 1977. Semantics: Vol. 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Montolalu, R. 2001. Makna Aspektual dalam Wacana Bahasa Indonesia. Unpublished Dissertation, University of Indonesia. Mourelatos, A.P.D. 1978. Events, Processes and States. In Linguistics and Philosophy, 415–434. -------------. 1981. Events, Processes, States. In Tedechi, Philip J. and Annie Zaenen (Eds.) Tense and Aspect: Syntax and Semantics 14. New York: Academic Press. Smith, C.S. 1991. The Parameter of Aspect. London: Kluwer Academic Publisher. Sneddon, J N. 1996. Indonesian A Comprehensive Grammar. London: Routledge Grammars. Tadjuddin. M. 1993. Pengungkapan Makna Aspektualitas Bahasa Rusia dalam Bahasa Indonesia: Suatu Telaah tentang Aspek dan Aksionalitas. Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. Vendler, Z. 1957. Verbs and Times. The Philosophical Review 66. 143–160. ------------------.1967. Linguistics in Philosophy. New York: Cornell University Press. Verkuyl, H.J.1993. A Theory of Aspectuality: The Interaction between Temporal Atemporal Structure. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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SOME NOTES ON THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN LANGUAGE USE AND MORAL CHARACTER: A CASE OF LINGUISTIC CORRUPTION IN INDONESIAN1 Freddy K. Kalidjernih* [email protected] Abstract One way to explore the linkages between language use and national character is to scrutinize the way the national language is corrupted, or “linguistic corruption”. Linguistic corruption can be understood as a way of speaking that does not comply with accepted language standards, but rather tends towards ill-considered, irresponsible, haphazard or even dishonest expression. This frequently occurs in the public arena, a place where one would expect the primacy of courteous, well ordered speech in the interests of broad “national advancement”. This self-reflexive paper examines several cases which exemplify language corruption. Linguistic corruption (as flawed expression) may occur through imperfect education, a matter which is beyond the scope of the present paper. More importantly, this paper proposes that linguistic corruption often reflects the attitude that language need not comply with principles, and proposes an analogy between unthinking disregard for linguistic principles and a similarly unthinking disregard for moral principles. This is manifested in the character and identity of part of the Indonesian nation, and is in part a reflection of the cultural hegemony of the political elite and bureaucracy. Key words: linguistic corruption, Indonesian, I-grammar, I-morality, moral character, morality, rules, representations, intentionality, taken for granted knowledge, blurring (the) boundaries Salah satu cara meneluri keterkaitan antara pemakaian bahasa dan karakter bangsa adalah meneropong bagaimana bahasa bangsa itu “dikorup”, atau “korupsi bahasa” (linguistic corruption). Korupsi bahasa dapat dipahami sebagai suatu cara berbahasa yang tidak mematuhi kaidah bahasa, tetapi lebih merupakan ekspresi yang asal-asalan, “semau-gue”, tidak peduli, tidak bertanggung jawab atau bahkan tidak jujur. Ikhwal ini sering terjadi pada ranah publik tempat santun-berbahasa dan keapikan berbahasa diharapkan dan dijunjung tinggi demi kemajuan suatu bangsa. Makalah refeksif ini menelaah beberapa kasus yang mencontohkan korupsi bahasa. Korupsi bahasa (sebagai ekspresi yang keliru) dapat terjadi melalui pendidikan yang salah, suatu masalah di luar cakupan makalah ini. Makalah ini berargumen bahwa korupsi bahasa sering merefleksikan sikap bahwa berbahasa tidak perlu mematuhi prinsip-prinsip, dan mengajukan suatu analogi antara perlakuan tanpa penalaran tentang kaidah-kaidah bahasa dan perlakuan tanpa penalaran prinsip-prinsip moral. Ikhwal ini termanifestasikan dalam karakter dan identitas sebagian bangsa Indonesia, dan sebagian merupakan cermin dari hegemoni kultural elit politik dan birokrasi. Kata kunci: korupsi bahasa, bahasa Indonesia, asal-asalan, “semau gue”, karakter moral, moralitas, kaidah-kaidah, representasi, intensionalitas, pengetahuan yang sudah membudaya, pelenyapan batas tersamar

“But if thought corrupts language, language can also corrupt thought…” George Orwell

Freddy K. Kalidjernih

IS LANGUAGE RELATED TO MORAL CHARACTER? Recently much attention has been paid to breaches of morality, such as abuse of power, corruption, injustice and violence in public domain, however the misuse of language, here the Indonesian language, is largely ignored. While many people believe that it is necessary to introduce a solid character education to equip young Indonesians with positive values to enhance national progress, they also believe that misuse of the national language is unproblematic. Language is seen as having little connection with moral character. It is only an instrument for achieving specific goals, and words are no more than ideas that are subjective and relative. In fact, language is related to moral character. Language as a metaphor for thinking about the nature of society has led many scholars to study linguistic expression in relation to social action. The concept is not new. Well before contemporary scholars proposed a parallel between verbal expression and mental processes, George Orwell (1946:1-8) wrote his famous essay “Politics and the English Language” from which the opening quotation is drawn. Speaking of what he saw as the decline of a language, he wrote that English “… becomes ugly and inaccurate because our thoughts are foolish, but the slovenliness of our language makes it easier for us to have foolish thoughts…”. Here he seems not to be advocating a Sapir-Whorf linguistic relativity/determinism approach, but rather looking at language and thinking as analogous, interactive processes. Subsequent and more specialist linguists and social philosophers have taken these ideas further. They include Austin (1962) and Searle (1969) on speech acts, Grice (1989) on conversational postulates, maxims and implicatures, and Brown and Levinson (1987) on politeness. Various social and political issues have also been examined through “text and talk”, featuring the production and reproduction of social inequality and domination, such as racism and sexism in the last few decades (Kress & Hodge 1978; Fowler, Hodge, Kress & Trew 1979; Fairclough 1989; Van Dijk 1993; Wodak 1997; Chilton 2004; Lazar 2005; Van Leeuwen 2005). All of these studies suggest a relationship between language and morality. Employing Noam Chomsky’s generative grammar, Mikhail (2011, 2007), Harman (1998, 1999, 2005), and Roedder & Harman (2008 [2010]) find that the rules of morality are analogous to the rules of grammar, and that moral theory is in some respects analogous to linguistic theory. These last two authorities note that while Chomskyan linguists are concerned with I-grammar as the abstractly specificable properties of a person’s language, moral theorists are concerned with a person’s moral standards, which can be called I-morality. Roedder & Harman (2008 [2010]: 4-5) argue that: Just as a grammar specifies the structure of a well-formed linguistic sentence by using a specialized linguistic vocabulary, an I-moral grammar might specify the structure of impermissible actions, using a specialized moral vocabulary. That is, just as English grammar might specify how a noun phrase and verb phrase combine to form a grammatical sentence, an I-moral grammar might specify that that certain actions, in virtue of their structure, are impermissible, e.g. intentional harm directed towards an innocent person without reason. In this way, an I-moral grammar might specify certain action-assessment relationships—or, indeed, character-assessment or situation assessment relationships. Thus the rules of an I-moral grammar would generate a set of impermissible actions, just as a linguistic grammar generates a set of grammatical sentences. An I-moral grammar would have to specify the relevant structures of the objects of moral assessment (e.g., acts, character traits, situations, etc.) using a specialized moral vocabulary, perhaps including terms like ought, obligation, duty, justice, fairness, right, wrong, responsibility, excuse, justification, etc.

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Embracing such generative linguistics concepts as competence and performance, and principles and parameters, they suggest a number of examples to show that transformative principles within I-grammar can also be found in certain transformative principles within Imorality. As they further argue (Roedder & Harman 1998 [2010]: 8 ) The linguistic analogy suggests that it might be fruitful to suppose that there is a distinction between moral competence and performance in something like Chomsky’s technical sense of the terms “competence” and “performance”. As in the linguistic case, we might suppose that other considerations beyond one’s assumed I-morality affect moral intuitions. John Mikhail (2007) postulates that humans possess an innate moral faculty which is, in some respects, analogous to the faculty for language. Taking John Rawls' remarks in his nowclassic Theory of Justice (Rawls 1971) about a possible analogy between linguistics and moral theory, he concludes that moral cognition crucially depends on the creation of our complex mental representations of actions and their components (Mikhail 2011). Citing Chomsky (2000: 71), Harman ( 2001) proposes that the notion of misuse of language is relevant to the study of group identification, authority structure, and the like, but it has yet to be taken seriously in linguistics. This paper addresses the nexus between language and morality in the context of contemporary Indonesia. Flawed acts of expression (language corruption) and flawed moral behaviour both articulate the shared “taken for granted” dimensions of everyday life and the unresisted hegemonic knowledge of the Indonesian elite and bureaucrats. Their misuse of Bahasa Indonesia often serves as a model for everyday life and expression. Coupled with imperfect education, it contributes to illogical, inconsistent and inaccurate (improper or unacceptable) corporate and individual moral character. This taken for granted knowledge, such as essentially nonsensical words (including scientific concepts) and sentences, generates a commonsensical knowledge which many Indonesian live by. Debate continues within the social sciences and humanities relevant to issues of linguistic behaviour and moral conduct as a social practice. These include the formalismfunctionalism debate within linguistics, and social psychology’s debate between the social constructionism and social representationism schools of thought. To me, one school’s perspectives can help “fill the gap” left by another. This paper is divided into three sections. Section 2.0 discusses the importance of seeing language and other social (notably moral) actions both as rules and representations. It discusses rules and representations, and briefly sketches the concept of intentionality. This helps to clarify the characteristics of mental states which are then expressed in linguistic and moral behaviour. While noting that “behaviour” as a reflex or automatic action is commonly contrasted with “action” as a conscious, purposeful thought or deed, I find difficulty in distinguishing between extreme cases of these. In considering the misuse of language and issues of morality as both being the products of deeply entrenched socialization, I will use the terms behaviour and action interchangeably. Section 3.0 briefly discusses issues of habits and misbehavior. Section 4.0 discusses issues of logic, consistency and accuracy in the use of some words and concepts by native speakers of Indonesian, and is based on field research interviews (see Appendix). Section 5.0 presents some implications of the issues discussed in this paper. RULES, REPRESENTATIONS, AND INTENTIONALITY Language and moral character can both be viewed as mental objects with semantic properties which are socially produced. Within the social representational perspective, Gerard Duveen (Duveen and Lloyd 1990; Duveen and De Rosa 1992) proposes that these mental objects evolve through three different genetic transformations: the ontogenetic levels which involve the

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psychological and cognitive aspects of the self; the microgenetic levels where actual interactions occur, and the sociogenetic levels of change where particular representations are diffused through society. Duveen considers the microgenetic levels are the motor for genetic transformation of social representations. Duveen’s framework helps us understand how our Ilanguage and I-morality are represented in social context. Language is a system of symbolic representation of a mental state which is socially and/or environmentally constituted. Cognitive and psychological determinants of an individual’s character (identity) are implicated in its production. Self-evidently, language cannot be unique to an individual. If it were, there could be no common language and no communication. Likewise, the values related to human social conduct are not unique to individuals. People’s behaviour and morality are relative to the prevailing social environment. Moral character is thus socially constituted (represented), and linguistic and moral actions are intersubjective rather than subjective. Both language and human moral behavior have underlying rules which govern the normative and non-normative. In using a language, we need to follow certain principles and parameters in order to make ourselves understood. Some of these are universal, for example the three “modal” categories of “obligatory”, “permissible” and “forbidden”. In English these are expressed as must, may, must not; in Latin as debitum, elicitum, interdictum; in Indonesian as wajib, mubah, haram and so on (Bybee & Fleischman 1995). Similarly there are universal standards, such as honesty, fairness, politeness and responsibility that we should uphold, and rules against killing, cheating, lying and doing harm. All of these can be referred to as human ‘moral grammar’. A standard language can contain non-standard dialects, and an individual within a language or dialect may have a unique way of using it, or an ideolect. Whether a person communicates using the standard language, a dialect or a personal ideolect is situationally determined. Similarly there are moral “languages’, dialects and idiolects, and a person’s choice of moral behaviour is often dependent on situational clues (Doris 2002, Ross & Nisbett 1991, Mischel 1968, Fletcher 1966). Doris (2002) notes that behavioral differences are due less to dispositional differences than to situational ones. People act similarly in similar situations, to a great extent without the consistency required for trait attribution. Despite this, it is my contention that people need to observe certain universal and local rules so that society can function well. Without this guidance people can manipulate the environment to justify changing their behavior, and others may be subjected to such manipulation. Virtues are like rules of language that regulate individual and group conduct. In expressing ourselves by using language as well as involving ourselves in other social actions, we cannot claim that we have an inalienable right to our own virtues or that our virtues are always as good as anyone else’s. Apart from rules and representations, we should note that linguistic and social action involves ‘intentionality’, namely the power of our minds being directed towards some meaningful target. Our linguistic expressions show how logical, systematic, consistent and accurate our beliefs or propositions are. Similarly, people’s behavior can be consistent, rigorous, appropriate and meticulous, responsible, or otherwise. The durability of these qualities can be referred to as moral character. For example, the statement “The political elite should not be prosecuted for the sake of saving face” demonstrates a mental representation that face-saving is more important than punishing a politician who has committed a crime. How logical, accurate, responsible and appropriate the statement is can be evaluated in terms of justice (and other relevant criteria). Thus, a person’s mental representation can serve as a reliable indicator of what that person will do. To a great extent, the character of our mental state can be reduced to a kind of intentional content.

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HABITS AND SOCIAL ACTIONS Behaviourists suggest that inappropriate communication or action stems from a mismatch or distortion of stimuli (observable inputs) and responses (observable outputs). In its application to language learning this can result in “error”, caused by incomplete mastery of the language’s rules, or by “mistakes” due to (for example) boredom, fatigue, or carelessness. Cognitivists, on the other hand, suggest that although people have the ability to relearn ideas, knowledge and skills, in fact many of them are content to continue practicing what they are accustomed to (Tomasello 1999). We do not have direct access to “a singular, stable and fully knowable external reality. All of our understandings are contextually embedded, interpersonally forged, and necessarily limited” (Neimeyer 1993:1-2). We tend to go down the road we are used to. We take up and internalize what we consider “true”, and we perform and routinize this action because it has proven to work. We either fail to recognize its flaws, or we consciously decide not to correct them. This behaviour provides no possible feedback structure or error control regulator.3 In the absence of self-reflexive questioning, the ‘garbage in and garbage out’ processes are (re)produced as a “natural order of things”. So far I have discussed some general issues concerning the close relationship between linguistic actions and moral actions, and how the national language of Indonesia may be corrupted. Against this background, the following section looks at some specific examples of linguistic corruption, and to the extent to which linguistic corruption reflects other social misbehavior. LOGICAL, CONSISTENT, AND ACCURATE DIMENSIONS IN THE USE OF INDONESIAN This section examines the extent to which some Indonesian people have logical, consistent and accurate intuitions of their national language, as reflected by several everyday words or concepts. For this purpose I conducted five brief interviews (about 45 minutes each) with ten people. I selected words for discussion that could elicit responses indicative not only of the respondents’ linguistic but also of their moral grammar. The five interviews were separately conducted in a very relaxed atmosphere between January 2011 and May 2011 in Jakarta, Bandung and Pontianak. For ethical issues, the respondent’s names are not given. (1) Interview in Jakarta with two Bahasa Indonesia language teachers. One, a mother with two children, teaches at a primary school (Informant A), while the other teaches at secondary school level (Informant B) and is a father with three children. (2) Interview in Jakarta with two secondary school leavers. One works at a bank, the other one is a carpenter (Informant C and Informant D) (3) Interview in Jakarta with two secondary school students (Informant E and Informant F) (4) Interview in Pontianak with two undergraduate university students, one studying forestry (Informant G) and the other studying economics (Informant H) (5) Interview in Bandung with a citizenship education lecturer (Informant I) and a secretary with undergraduate degree in economics, working in a university, (Informant J) To discuss logical reasoning in using Indonesian, the words I used as examples were: · · ·

sosialisasi (derived from the the English “socialization”, with the Indonesian meaning of “to inform, to introduce”); lembaga pemasyarakatan (prison, jail), and kurang mampu (literally “less able”, used to mean “poor”.2

In talking about issues of inconsistency, I used examples which violate normative collocations by changing one part of the collocated cluster or “word package”. The collocations used were:

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· · ·

loncat tinggi (jump high), lompat jauh (jump far), and susah, sulit and sukar (words approximately meaning ‘difficult’ or ‘in a difficult state’ in English).

In discussing the issues of accuracy, I used the example of truncated compound words, all denoting “a variety of” or “various”, as in · · ·

berbagai (-bagai), beragam (-ragam), and bermacam (-macam).

The use of these words has rarely been contested in Indonesian language studies circles. The official dictionary (Kamus Bahasa Indonesia) produced by the state-owned Language Center (Pusat Bahasa) suggests several meanings for them, however it seems that careful users of the language should question how logically, consistently and accurately they are used in everyday speech. It is necessary to give some ideas of what I mean by logical, consistent and accurate as follows. (a) By logical, I mean in agreement with the principles of logic or reasoning. A logical thinking process strives to be free from such fallacies as making sweeping or hasty generalizations and drawing irrelevant conclusions. Thus sufficient evidence and prudence is of high importance. (b) By consistent, I mean a stable and systematic intuition. A person’s character is consistent if that person possesses a behavioural trait which is uniformly manifest in a wide variety of conditions. (c) By accurate, I mean free from error or mistake; exhibiting correctness, exactness or closeness to fact or truth, often resulting from the exercise of painstaking care or due diligence. Accuracy implies conformity to a standard or model or a true value. It depends on the how the data is collected, and is usually judged by comparing several measurements from different sources. Using Cognates and Euphemisms (a) The interviews with informants A, B, C, D, I and J showed that they considered sosialisasi (socialization) to have one meaning only, namely “to introduce” or “to inform”. The informants seem were unfamiliar with the original meaning of sosialisasi (socialization) derived from sociology (notably symbolic-interactionism). In sociology, socialization (also known as enculturation in anthropology) is the process by which an individual (especially a child) acquires the knowledge and personality needed to become a full member of a society. In this context, socialization is seen not as something external to the individual self, but internal, in which the individual is shaped by social interactions with his or her parents and other people (significant others). In this context, sosialisasi is a “false friend” of socialization in English. (b) Informants E and F considered lembaga pemasyarakatan (LP) or lapas as synonymous with prison or jail. However when they were prompted to consider the meaning of masyarakat (society), they doubted whether lembaga pemasyarakatan makes sense in relation to “rehabilitating” a criminal. Prison is a place where convicted criminals are confined as punishment. Their confinement is an effort to make them aware of the crimes in the hope that they will not repeat them. A “society” is a large group of people sharing the same customs, laws and social institutions, and can also denote an organization, a community or a social class. In society there are many non-criminals and undetected criminals, but the conditions in a free society are very different from a prison. If a prison is an institution for socialization, we may ask if it can prepare

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criminals to join (for example) the Linguistic Society of Indonesia (Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia). Thus, as a euphemism for prison or jail, lembaga pemasyarakatan is illogical. Although a prison is a social institution, it is inaccurate to assume that a prison is a socializing institution. (c) The interviews with informants G and H showed that they assumed kurang mampu (literally “less able”) to be the same as “poor”. But when they reflected that “poor” means having little money or few material possession, while kurang mampu refers to “having less capacity or ability”, they realized that kurang mampu is an inaccurate and illogical euphemism for poor. In Indonesian, another meaning of poor (miskin) is “to lack something”, as in Dia miskin pengalaman dalam menyanyi di depan umum (She lacks the experience of singing in public). Conversely, in Indonesian mampu denotes possessing the skills or knowledge required to do something, as in Ina mampu mengangkat koper 20 kg (Ina is able to lift a 20 kg suitcase). One synonym of mampu in this sense is sanggup – to be able to or capable of doing something. Shortening and Blending Words (d) Informants A, B, I and J preferred to use berbagai, instead of berbagai-bagai; beragam, instead of beragam-ragam and bermacam, instead of bermacam-macam. They also considered berbagai-macam is an acceptable form. Although they understood that the correct expressions are the reduplicated forms, they considered that shortening and blending them is unproblematic. Of course, this is a violation of Indonesian grammar, where bagai, ragam and macam are all bound morphemes that cannot stand alone. The reduplicated forms are the correct ones. Changing Words: Collocation or Diction? (e) Data from the interviews with informants A, B, C and D showed their inclination to use susah, sulit and sukar interchangeably. All these words denote “difficult” or “in a difficult state”. Initially they treated the three words as synonymous and interchangeable, depending on personal whim. However once they were exposed to contexts where these three words may or may not be used, they realized that they could use them in a more systematic (accurate and consistent) way without reducing and possibly enhancing “communicative values”. Thus, susah tends to refer to emotion, sulit refers to problematic situations or conditions, and sukar refers to reasoning, such as solving mathematical problems. For example, one cannot say *Hati gadis itu lagi sukar (or *Hati gadis itu lagi sulit), but Hati gadis itu lagi susah (The girl’s heart is aching). (f) On first enquiry, informants A and B considered loncat and lompat to be synonymous. Both words mean “jump”. In subsequent discussion they realized that it is possible to use the two words in a more systematic way. The word loncat properly refers to the movement of one’s body to a vertical direction, while lompat refers to horizontal movement. Thus, loncat tinggi and lompat jauh (jump high and jump far), and loncat ke bawah and lompat ke depan (jump down and jump forward). In English both loncat and lompat can only be translated as to “jump” (upwards, downwards, forwards and backwards). In Indonesian, loncat tinggi and lompat jauh are respectively the athletic events of high jump and long jump. In Indonesian, jauh cannot be collocated with loncat (*loncat jauh) and tinggi cannot be collocated with lompat (*lompat tinggi). LINGUISTIC CORRUPTION AS TAKEN FOR GRANTED AND UNRESISTED KNOWLEDGE The foregoing discussion reveals that Indonesian is corrupted at least in three ways: 1) the tendency to use words which do not make sense, hence illogical language; 2) the tendency to

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use words which do not follow the grammar, hence inconsistent language, and 3) the tendency to use words using one’s own rules, hence inaccurate or improper or unacceptable language. One striking phenomenon is that most Indonesians tend to undervalue accuracy or precision, consistency and logical reasoning in using their national language. They accept error easily, and seldom think and reflect on the language that they use, particularly new words. Language is but a means of communication to achieve some specific goals. If the goals are achieved, they do not consider inappropriate and incorrect expressions as problematic. Such perceptions and practices make it difficult to develop a culture that encourages systematic, logical and communicative use of language. Many Indonesian people tend take incorrect expressions for granted, and accept them as “natural things”. There is lack of negotiated representation and creative effort to resist the dominant forces in language use. People tend to uncritically internalize and perpetuate the forms of thought, feelings and other social practices received from and shaped by the world view of dominant groups. As a result, linguistic corruption at elite levels becomes linguistic corruption in the everyday life of the common people. Linguistic corruption which is not politically motivated appears to be the unthinking, unconsidered use of language in a way which, if we reflected on it, we would know is incorrect, but which we use anyway. This happens because not all our knowledge and social representation is stored in our brains. Our social knowledge is located in social or public space (Harre 1981). More disturbingly, language corruption has implications for the values, belief systems and social practices of many Indonesians. It goes beyond an attitude of indifference in response to uncertainty. BLURRING THE BOUNDARIES This short section is intended to link the issues discussed in the literature review with those exposed from the interviews. In this way we can see the relationship between language production and moral behaviour by questioning why people prefer lapas to penjara? We can ask why a criminal is more often diamankan (secured; safeguarded) than ditangkap (being seized or captured)? Possibly this is because these words blur the boundaries. · ·

·

Penjara is unequivocally a bad place to be – it is negative. Lapas, with its embedded reference to masyarakat, is much more positive. We can relate to it without thinking of prison bars, bad food and misery. Even sosialisasi is tainted. It is preferred to verbs meaning ‘to tell, inform, introduce’ something that authority is going to do. Programs to mensosialisasikan something are often a concealed directive from authority which will change something, and which people might tend to resent or reject. Linking the directive with the word sosial implicates the people, society, masyarakat in the process, and therefore makes it more acceptable. The word tangkap (catch or seize, as in ditangkap polisi) is an assertive action verb. No one wants it to happen to them. Aman is much softer, with connotations of being secure, safe. It blurs the boundary between the act of forcefully arresting a criminal, and the expression of making people secure and safe.

For the criminal it does not matter if he is ditangkap or diamankan, or if he goes to a penjara or a lapas. But it does matter to us – we want to think the world is a nice place, so we soften (blur) its rough edges with evasive language. This might be harmless self deception, but taking it further, what is the real difference between gratifikasi (reward) and suap (bribery). Whatever semantic games we play, in many cases they are both essentially the same thing. The only difference is that suap happens before the action it pays for, while gratifikasi comes after it. The effect on the recipient’s bank account is exactly the same, and they are both immoral. They are very often “informal” payments to secure 174


benefit. The flow-on effect of preferring lapas and diamankan is that we can accept the word gratifikasi and not question its morality. Using it blurs the edges of the concept of bribery, and (unless we really think about it) makes it seem morally acceptable. Verbal slippage (e.g. penjara to lapas) extends to moral slippage – we can justify acts that violate morality by giving them a fuzzy name. This is only an extension of standard New Order diction – not usurping power from Sukarno but Supersemar – with its clear reference to the likeable Javanese wayang kulit character. Or Gestapu, linking the PKI (Indonesia Communist Party) with the savagery of the German Gestapo. Or, the State sponsored killing of half a million people allegedly “directly or indirectly” involved in the 1965 attempted ‘coup’. But, do not call it the massacre of the PKI – it was only a pembubaran (disbanding) which sounds much nicer. It eases our collective conscience and prevents us from reflecting on the morality of the act. Once we accept the principle that the unpleasant can be rendered inoffensive by giving it an inoffensive name, we open the doors for unacceptable moral behaviour to be made acceptable – or at least for its moral status to be made uncertain. When these words become embedded in the popular dialect, they are the first words we think of. If we are non-critical, they are the words we will use. This is precisely what George Orwell (1946: 1-8) argued some seven decades ago. Following his reference to slovenly language and foolish thoughts (cited above), he observed: When you think of a concrete object, you think wordlessly, and then, if you want to describe the thing you have been visualizing you probably hunt about until you find the exact words that seem to fit it. When you think of something abstract you are more inclined to use words from the start, and unless you make a conscious effort to prevent it, the existing dialect will come rushing in and do the job for you, at the expense of blurring or even changing your meaning. A dialect which corrupts language by ameliorating the unpalatable can make it easier for us to uncritically accept the immoral. IMPLICATIONS Research on the use and misuse of Indonesian can help us to understand the problems of moral behavior that have afflicted some of the people of Indonesia. Our identity is a social product in the dynamic interaction of our consciousness and capacity for knowledge on one hand, and our physical and social environment on the other. According to Breakwell, in the construction of self, “identity is being internalized and in turn provides infrastructure for meaning-making which is continuously stable” (Breakwell 2010: 6.1). In view of the foregoing discussion, and with the possibility of making a contribution to the future of language study in Indonesia, there seems to be a need to explore issues of language and morality that extend the existing literature of discourse analysis in the country. It is necessary to look at the extent to which collective misuse of language suggests the possibility of collectively social misbehavior in the society. 3 If the misuse of language can be seen as related to social misbehavior, the topic of this paper and its arguments may offer some lessons to parents, language teachers and educators, particularly in Indonesia: a correct and appropriate use of language should serve as a role model for our young generations, because it contributes to clearer thought and better moral character. My argument is that moral grammar has a complex set of rules, principles and concepts which generate a person’s mental representation, and that this may enable that person “to determine the deontic status of an infinite variety of acts and omissions” (Mikhail 2007:144). However, some of its predetermined core properties are “innate”, and must be triggered and shaped by appropriate experience. As Chomsky (2000) maintains, with their linguistic

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competence, normal children must be prepared to acquire language which reflects their linguistic environment. A child brought up in Italy acquires a version of Italian. The same child brought up in China acquires a version of Chinese. Children do not need to learn the formal grammar. They only need to set the parameters in relation to their environment. Harman (2005) argues that if we look at how children acquire language by way of their I-grammar, then the same children should acquire their moral standards through their I-morality. It should thus be unnecessary to purposely teach these moral standards unless there is a “poverty of the moral stimulus”. I argue that this poverty does in fact exist, and evidence for its existence can be found in the corruption of the national language and corresponding poverty in national patterns of everyday morality. Hence it seems that greater exposure to formal moral instruction may be necessary in the interests of broad “national advancement”. NOTE 1

2

3

*

In recent years, many scholars tend to use “identity”, rather than “character” in social theory. While character is considered to be relatively stable, permanent and internal to a person, identity is seen as fluid and socially constructed. For the purpose of this paper, “character” and “identity”, along with “moral character” and “social identity” will be adopted and used interchangeably where possible. “Moral character”, “moral behavior”, and “morality” will be also used interchangeably because the focus of this paper is on the language in use (social context). I am indebted to David Henton, who first made me aware of the problems of sosialisasi, lembaga pemasyarakatan and kurang mampu. Insofar as the issues of linguistic corruption in Indonesian are concerned, we have some common interests. However, he may disagree with the ways I deal with the issues. I am aware of the distinction made between Durhkemian “collective representations” and Moscovician “social representations”. I will not enter the debates in this paper. Durkhemian “collective conscience” refers to the shared beliefs and moral attitudes that give cohesion to a society. This sort of “mechanical solidarity’ is important in simple societies, but this integrating principle is less important in complex-modern societies where the advanced division of labor creates interdependency (organic solidarity). To me, the focus of the Durkhemian method is on social rather than psychological facts. I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for very helpful comments on the earlier draft; and for much earlier version

REFERENCES Austin, J.L. 1962. How to Do Things with Words. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Bleakwell, G.M. 2010. “Resisting Representation and Identity Process.” Papers on Social Representations, vol. 19, 6.1 – 6.11. Available at: http://www.psych.lse..ac.uk./psr/ Brown, P. & Levinson, S.C. 1987. Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bybee, J. & Fleischman, S. (eds) 1995. Modality in Grammar and Discourse. London: John Benjamins. Chomsky, N. 2000. The New Horizons of the Study of Language and Mind. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chilton, P. 2004. Analysing Political Discourse, London: Routledge. Doris, J. 2002. Lack of Character: Personality and Moral Behavior. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Duveen, G. & De Rosa, A. 1992. “Social Representations and the Genesis of Social Knowledge.” Ongoing Production on Social Representations 1, 94-108. Available at: http://www.psych.lse..ac.uk./psr/ 176


Duveen, G. & Lloyd, B. 1990. “Introduction.” in Social Representations and the Development of Knowledge. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fairclough, N. 1989. Language and Power. London: Longman. Fowler, R. 1991. Language in the News: Discourse and Ideology in the British Press. London: Routledge. Fowler, R., Hodge, B., Kress, G. & Trew, T. 1979. Language and Control. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Fletcher, J. 1966. Situation Ethics: The New Morality. Philadelphia: The Westminster Press. Grice, H.P. 1989. Studies in the Way of Words. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Harman, G.2005. “Using a Linguistic Analogy to Study Morality.” (Unpublished paper), Available at: http://www.princeton.edu//~harman/papers/sripada.pdf. Harman, G. 2001. “Review of Noam Chomsky, New Horizons in the Study of Mind.” The Journal of Philosopy 98, 265-269.

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Princeton University. Available at:

Harre, R. 1981. “Rituals, Rhetoric and Social Cognition.” in Forgas, J.P (ed) Social Cognition. London: Academic Press. Kamus Bahasa Indonesia. 2008. Jakarta: Pusat Bahasa. Kress, G. & Hodge, B. 1979. Language as Ideology. London: Routledge. Lazar, M. (ed) 2005. Feminist Critical Discourse Analysis. Gender, Power and Ideology in Discourse. Houndsmills, UK: Palgrave MacMillan. Mikhail, J. 2011. Elements of Moral Cognition: Rawls’ Linguistic Analogy and the Cognitive Science of Moral and Legal Judgement. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mikhail, J. 2007. “Universal Moral Grammar: Theory, Evidence, and the Future” Trends in Cognitive Sciences 11, 143-152. Mischel, W. 1968. Personality and Assessment. New York: John J. Wiley and Sons. Neimeyer, G.J. (ed) 1993. Constructivist Assessment. Newsbury Park, CA: Sage. Orwell, G. 1946. “Politics and the English Language.” Horizon, GB London. 1-8. Available at: http/www.ru/library/essay/politics/English/e_polit Rawls, J. 1971. A Theory of Justice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Roedder, E. & Harman, G 2008. “Moral Theory: The Linguistic Analogy.” 1-38. Revised in 2010 with a title “Grammar” and republished as “Linguistics and Moral Theory” in Doris, J. (ed) 2010, The Moral Psychology Handbook, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Available at: http://www.princeton.edu//~/harman/pdf. Ross, L. & Nisbett, R.E. 1991. The Person and the Situation: Perspectives of Social Psychology. New York: McGraw-Hill. Searle, J. 1969. Speech Acts: An Essay in the Philosophy of Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Van Dijk, T. A. 1993. Elite Discourse and Racism. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Van Dijk, T.A. (ed.) 1997. Discourse Studies: A Multidisciplinary Introduction. (Vol 2: Discourse as Social Interaction). London: Sage. Van Leeuwen, T. 2005. Introduction to Social Semiotics. London: Routledge. Wodak, R. (ed) 1997. Gender and Discourse. London: Sage.

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APPENDIX Excerpt of Interview 1 Researcher:

Have you, sir and madam, ever used (the word) sosialisasi?

Informant A:

Yes. Sosialisasi. Often. Often use.

Informant B:

Of, course. Often. From sosial with inflection, becoming sosialisasi. It can be mensosialisasikan or disosialisasikan.

Researcher

In your opinion, sir and madam, actually, what does sosialisasi mean? Perhaps, you can give an example in a sentence?

Informant A:

Sosialisasi means. Introducing something to public.

Informant B:

Yes. To the community. So that people know about it, something from the government. Such as gas-cylinder or law.

Researcher:

So, mensosialisasikan means to inform to public? Why not use memperkenalkan (introducing) or diperkenalkan (to be introduced to), instead?

Informant B:

Yes. Correct. For example … the government mensosialisasikan (introduce) laws so that people know. The word sosial (social) fits well for society.

Informant A:

Exactly. Probably, usually it does not incur any charge. If the government mensosialisasikan (introduce) something, they do not charge. The 3 kilogram cylinder gas is distributed free. This is just an example.

Researcher:

Any other meanings? Have you ever looked up in a dictionary?

Informant A:

Yes. I think I have ever done so. But, I cannot remember it well. But, the common (meaning) of sosialisasi in that one (I mentioned before).

Informant B:

Yes. The common meaning is that one. Menosialisasikan (introducing) gas cylinder. Mensosialisasikan (introducing) rules …laws.

Researcher:

Can children be disosialisasikan (socialized )?

Informant A:

Mensosialisasikan (socializing) children? I don’t think so. You mean. Children are diperkenalkan (introduced) to public? It can be if the children are being popularized. Such as becoming a celebrity.

Informant B: Informant A:

Generally, it’s a thing or a law that is socialized…

Researcher:

Let’s talk about something else. What about loncat (jump) and lompat (jump)? Are they different?

Informant A:

It seems synonymous. Loncat jauh (jump high)is the same as lompat jauh (jump far)

Researcher:

What about loncat tinggi (jump high)? Can we say lompat tinggi (jump high)?

Informant A:

Yes, it’s uncommon. I seldom hear (people say) lompat tinggi. It seems … never. May be, (we) cannot say it like that.

Informant B:

Melompat-lompat (to jump repeatedly) is the same as meloncat-loncat (to jump repeatedly)

Researcher:

Frog meloncat (jump) or melompat (jump)?

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Informant A:

Usually melompat.

Researcher:

If we say loncat refers to a vertical direction and lompat refers to a horizontal direction?

Informant B:

Correct. It seems better. Systematic.

Informant A:

It’s strange. I think up to now it has never been discussed. It seems (the meanings) are the same. Synonymous. The are interchangeable, but vertical and horizontal is also possible. It’s better.

Researcher:

What about susah, sukar and sulit (all refer to’ difficult’ state)’?

Informant B:

Usually, they can be interchangeable. For example, sukar to find a job. Susah or sulit to find a job.

Informant A:

Yes. Quite similar. Only that, if her heart is susah[referring to ‘sad’ or emotional state], it cannot be changed to her heart is sulit or sukar.

Researcher:

If someone claims that susah refers to emotion, sukar refers to reasoning [such as soving mathematical problems] and sulit refers to problematical situation? Aren’t they more systematic? Consistent?

Informant B:

Yes. .. clearer. But, people tend to use them interchangeably. In dictionary, it seems no explanation (about it).

Informant A:

It depends on the people … There are some people who like using susah all of the time. There are people who like using sulit. It depends on the context too.

Informan B:

But, it’s better if they are systematized. The problem is that whether people will follow (are happy to accept this classification).

Researcher:

What about beragam-ragam and berbagai-bagai?

Informan A:

What do you mean?

Researcher:

Isn’t ragam (variety) a bound morphem? ‘Also, bagai ( variety)? If we reduplicate them, they will become beragam-ragam and berbagai-bagai. Like macam, becomes bermacam-macam (a variety of).

Informant A:

But, beragam is already common.

Researcher:

Isn’t it being cut short? Incomplete?

Informant A:

Yes. Its’ true.

Informan B:

Usually, it’s berbagai. Berbagai-bagai doen’t sound good. It’s just more formal.

Informan A:

Yes. berbagai-bagai sounds awkward. Beragam-ragam too.

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Researcher:

Excerpt of Interview 2 Do you know the meaning of sosialisasi? Can you exemplify in a sentence?

Informant C:

Already heard (so many times). Mensosialisasikan (socializing) the use of new uniform.

Informant D:

Mensosialisasikan means introducing (something) to those who haven’t known. Such as from the government… mensosialisasikan something.

Researcher:

Have you ever heard a sentence ‘Children socialize themselves with their environment?’

Informant C:

It seems not yet. Can it be like that? But, it seems possible. Bersosialisasi. Yes … something like get together. With friend.

Informant D:

Not like that. Sosialisasi means becoming social. There are some awareness (concern). Such as social concern.

Informant C:

Yes… Yes…Correct…correct. It is possible.

Researcher:

Do you often use susah, sulit or sukar when expressing something?

Informant C:

It seems, if it is me ….(I) often use susah. Also, sulit, If sukar, (I) rarely (use it). It depends on … the situation.

Informan D:

It seems that sulit is better. If (we) use susah, it seems it related to something bothersome.

Researcher:

So, you more frequently use sulit than susah and sukar?

Informan D:

Yes. Yes. More or less like that.

Informan C:

Yes. It’s the same. But, I …(use) susah more frequently. Because, people also like to use susah.

Researcher:

Can you exemplify in a sentence … for susah and sulit?

Informan C:

Oh… susah, I’m broke.

Informan D:

To me …’ Don’t be susah-susah (bother) thinking about uncessary things. Better do something; … more or less like that.

Researcher:

Can we say ‘His heart is susah (aching) because his girl friend has left him.’ And ‘His heart is sulit or sukar (aching) because his girl friend has left him?

Informan C & D:

Of course. It is impossible.

Researcher:

So, does the three (words) have the same meaning?

Informan C:

Yes. I have just thought about it. If susah … seems to refer to emotion.

Researcher:

What about sukar.

Informan D:

Similar, but referring to problem. For example, a difficult problem.

Researcher:

Okay, difficult problem. But, what about sukar?

Informan C:

I don’t know. Confused.

Informan D:

Mathematics. Usually it is mathematics we say sukar. But, it can be the other two. Depending on the speaker… whatever grabs him. For example, my legs are sukar to be moved. (I have difficulty to move my legs)

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Excerpt of Interview 3 Researcher:

What does LP stand for?

Informant E:

Lembaga Pemasayarakatan. (Institution for socialization)

Informan F:

Jail. Lapas is …prison (penjara), jail (bui).

Researcher:

Does masyarakat ( people or society) outside the prison the same as masyarakat (people or society) inside the prison?

Informan E & F:

Different.

Informan E:

A prison is for criminals.

Informan F:

Masyarakat … like us.

Researcher:

So, lapas is only for particular persons and not for masyarakat (people) like us who are free?

Informan F:

Convicts. Law offenders. A corrupt person like […]

Researcher:

But, in your opinion, why is it called lembaga pemasyarakatan? Aren’t those in the prison part of the society?

Informan F:

Yes. Memasyarakatkan (to socialize) bad people. Oh yes, but it seems impossible.

Informan E:

Like a school. Bad people are placed in the prison. If they are released, they can be accepted by their society. Already smart. Will never think of commiting crimes again.

Informan F:

Well … you must be wrong. How can they become smart. There are a lot of smart people are jailed. Those who are not guilty are also sentenced to jail.

Informan E:

Wait a second. Smart means they have been brainwashed. Not going to commit a crime. Those who used drugs are also sent to jail, but they are not criminals. They are just ‘self-destructive’. Their families become sad, something like that.

Researcher:

But, you said that masyarakat is for good people. Jail is for bad people? Why is jail called masyarakat (society or people)? Why not a place for rehabilitating law offenders? And, not LP.

Informant E:

Probably, it is just too long?

Informan F:

I have no ideas. LP is LP. Jail. Continuously (people are) being watched.

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Excerpt of Interview 4 Reseacher:

Have you ever heard th word kurang mampu?

Informant G & H:

Yes.

Researcher:

Do you know the meaning?

Informan G:

Isn’t it the same as miskin (poor)… orang miskin (poor people)?

Informan H:

Orang miskin (poor people; the poor) is usually called orang kurang mampu (less able people).

Researcher:

Is it correct that miskin (poor) the same as kurang mampu (less able)? If kurang mampu (less able), what is the measurement? Miskin (poor?)

Informan G:

Difficult to measure. But, miskin means (that one) has no money, isn’t it?

Reseacher:

Is kurang mampu (less able) means the same as have no money? Are you sure have no money?

Informan G:

Yes, sure, there is … but just a little.

Informan H:

Yes. Kurang mampu means having a little money. Treasure. Miskin, we have to beg to other people.

Researcher:

But, why they are treated as synonymous.

Informant G:

I have no idea. I just follow what other say.

Informan H:

I don’t know too. We learned from our teachers. Our teachers learned from their teachers.

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Researcher:

Exceprt of Interview 5 Can you make a sentence using sosialisasi, madam?

Informan I:

Sosialisasi? The university is going to mensosialisasikan (introduce) a regulation that forbids smoking in the campus.

Researcher:

What is disosialisasikan (being introduced) and who is disosialisasikan (being introduced)?

Informan I :

Of course, the regulation.

Researcher:

Isn’t the people? University students and staf … and visitors?

Informan I:

The forbidding regulation which is disosialisasikan (introduced).

Informan J:

Yes… being introduced as regulation. Like the government that mensosialisasikan (introduce) the wearing of helmet.

Researcher:

If I say ‘children are bersosialisasi or disosialisasikan (socialize themselves with or being socialized into) their environment’, what do you say?

Informan I:

Isn’t environment that is being socialized to the children?

Informan J:

Something like that.

Researcher:

All right. Have you, sir and madam, ever used bermacam-macam (a variety of or various).

Informan I:

Yes. Frequently. To shop bermacam-macam ( a variety of) things.

Informan J:

Yes. Correct.

Researcher:

What about berbagai (a variety of), can it be berbagai-bagai. For example, berbagai-bagai (a variety of) things?

Informan I:

I think it is not common. No one ever use berbagai-bagai. If it is berbagai, yes … berbagai cara ( various ways), berbagai kendaraan (a variety of vehicles).

Informan J:

Yeah.. berbagai orang (various people), berbagai makanan (various (types) of food). Sometimes, berbagai-macam (various types of food).

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Tahun ke-29, No. 2

LOOKING AT LINGUISTIC CHALLENGES IN SCIENCE CLASSROOMS Pramela Krish Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia [email protected]

Mastura Othman Institut Perguruan Perempuan Melayu Melaka [email protected] Abstract

The sudden switch to teaching Mathematics and Science in English in primary and secondary schools drew varied reactions from educationists, social activists, politicians and parents. Science and Mathematics teachers who were trained and have taught these two subjects in Bahasa Malaysia (BM) for a long period were forced to teach the content subjects in English. This paper reports an ethnographic investigation carried out in the Science classrooms in a rural secondary school in Malaysia. The qualitative data from observations, interviews and reflective journals were analysed using the ethnography of communication framework. The findings revealed that the linguistic challenges faced by these teachers while delivering the Science lessons and it portrayed the reality of the Malaysian Science teachers and the education system to some extent. Key words: Teaching Science, linguistic challenges, ethnography of communication Perubahan tiba-tiba untuk mengajar Matematika dan Sains dalam bahasa Inggris di sekolah dasar dan menengah menarik reaksi bervariasi dari pendidik, aktivis sosial, politisi dan orang tua. Sains dan guru Matematika yang dilatih dan telah mengajar dua mata pelajaran dalam Bahasa Malaysia (BM) untuk jangka waktu lama dipaksa untuk mengajarkan mata pelajaran konten dalam bahasa Inggris. Makalah ini laporan investigasi etnografis yang dilakukan di kelas Sains di sekolah menengah pedesaan di Malaysia. Data kualitatif dari pengamatan, wawancara dan jurnal reflektif dianalisis menggunakan kerangka etnografi komunikasi. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa tantangan yang dihadapi oleh linguistik guru sementara memberikan pelajaran Sains dan menggambarkan realitas guru Sains Malaysia dan sistem pendidikan untuk batas tertentu. Kata kunci: Ilmu Pengajaran, tantangan linguistik, etnografi komunikasi

INTRODUCTION The abrupt change in the teaching of Mathematics and Science in English policy in the year 2003 brought many hurdles not only to the students and parents but teachers. The mainstream teaching and learning processes in the education system are done in the national language Bahasa Malaysia (BM) but the teaching of Mathematics and Science was carried out in the second language (English). This move was seen necessary in order to meet and compete with the global needs and demands. On the contrary, the teaching and learning of Science in English became very difficult to most teachers and learners who faced linguistic challenges. The professional task was forced on these teachers without sufficient training in enhancing their proficiency in the second language. This paper reports the study undertaken on the Science teachers. The Science curriculum was designed to provide students with the knowledge and skills in science and develop thinking skills and strategies to enable them to solve problems and make decisions in their everyday life (Ministry of Education Malaysia, 2002). The Science and Mathematics curriculum as well as other subjects in the secondary school curriculum also seek to inculcate noble values and love for the nation. However, Effandi Zakaria and Zanaton Iksan (2007) identified two pedagogical limitations: Changes are needed in science and mathematics


teaching. Teachers should place less emphasis on students’ acquisition of information, presenting scientific and mathematical knowledge through lecture, asking for recitation of acquired knowledge and working alone. More emphasis should be placed on students understanding of a particular concept, guiding students in active learning, providing opportunities for discussion and elaboration and encouraging them to work with peers and teachers. According to Effandi Zakaria and Zanaton Iksan (2007), the government’s recent policy on the use of English as the medium of instruction in science and mathematics would provide students the opportunities to keep abreast with the rapid development of knowledge in science, mathematics and technology. Merino and Scarcella (2005) believe that teaching Science and other academic subjects in English language to learners is both a challenge and an opportunity, especially at the secondary level. In the case of Science subjects, this means students have to master challenging Science standards while learning the language of Science. Through observations, Science and English were not favoured by most learners in schools. Therefore, the change in the policy was seen as ambitious and unacceptable to this group of teachers and learners. To overcome this situation, the ministry provided the continuous support programme at the school level. The Buddy Support Programme stressed on a collaborative effort between Mathematics and Science teachers with their language counterparts. Competent English teachers were appointed as ‘Critical Friends’ to science and mathematics teachers in schools. The teachers were also supplied with self-instructional materials to facilitate their own learning (Ahmad Zabidi Abdul Razak and Rahimi Md. Saad, 2007). Ong and Tan (2008) in their research on the same issue, found out that teachers’ prior educational background, the linguistic environment, peer support and the students’ linguistic proficiency affected the pace of transition to the new policy. This warranted a study find on two important issues. Firstly, how did the Science teachers deliver their lessons? Secondly, how did the Science teachers perceive the teaching of Science in English? The Hymes (1970) SPEAKING Grid was employed as a valuable framework in describing communicative events for a group whose cultural or social norms are not of those of the majority group (Holmes, 2008:398). Holmes (2008:437) also clarifies that the ethnography of speaking framework also provides a means of describing communicative events in any culture. In the school environments, rules are sometimes made explicit as who may talk, in what order, about what topics and for how long. Thus this framework becomes appropriate as the investigation focused largely on the communication activities in Science classrooms in the secondary school setting. THE SCIENCE CLASSROOM Kauffman, et al. (2006:82) comment the language used in the classroom as: The language of the classroom is, for most students, substantially different from the language of the home, the peer group, and the streets. It is typically more formal, more precise, and more directive than the conversational speech used by most students outside the classroom. In this context, Science teachers should be the role models for their students in handling the challenge of switching to another language in fulfilling their teaching tasks. Teachers ought to be more positive towards any paradigm shift in the academic world (Mastura Othman and Pramela, 2011) as a positive reaction would surely contribute to the credibility and quality for the teachers’ immediate customers. However, due to the linguistic deficiency, many of the Science teachers definitely experience great discomfort in delivering the subject. This is especially true for teachers who have been trained in BM. Brown (1994:105) supported the fact that teacher’s delivery of knowledge was crucial since every ear and eyes are supposedly to

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focus on the teacher. To be an effective teacher, one must be knowledgeable in the subject taught and proficient in the language to deliver. Nunan (1995:189) also emphasises that teacher talk is of crucial importance for classroom organisation and the processes of acquisition. It is because through the language, teachers either succeed or fail to implement their teaching plans. Nunan also outlines the factors to come into account in determining the appropriateness of a teacher talk as: · · ·

The point in the lesson in which the talking occurs. What prompts the teacher talk; whether it is planned or spontaneous, and if spontaneous, whether the ensuing digression is helpful or not. The value of the talk as potentially useful input for acquisition.

Therefore the effectiveness of a Science teacher’s talk in delivering his or her lessons very much depends on the competency in English. A Science classroom is of a setting with its own genre, specific jargons and terminologies which are additional to the second language acquisition. The classroom as ‘coral gardens’ (Breen, 1985) in Kramsch (1993: 11) displays discourse between the learner and the language, between the teacher and the learner, and among learners and is the process by which we create, relate, organise and realise meaning (Riley, 1985) in Kramsch (1993: 11). Therefore, to create a more interesting learning environment, teacher talk in English for the Science classrooms should provide the learners with familiar opportunities to connect the scientific knowledge that they are exposed to in the classrooms to as many events as possible in their real lives. Moreover, as natural as it can be, in speaking we seldom set a specific goal in the beginning and it is normal if the goal occurrence is multiple within the discourse. In contrast, teachers’ talk in Science classrooms is often set up with specific learning outcomes to be achieved at the end of the lesson. The competent teachers’ talk in English to deliver the content subject input and classroom control will determine the effectiveness and how successful are the process of teaching and learning of Science. The skills involved in the teachers’ talk differ from writing as it is more practical, physical, instant and spontaneous. Furthermore, the tone, rhythm, stress and intonation that associate with the English language obviously differentiate it from BM. The BM interlanguage influence also affected the accent and linguistic structures in the teachers’ talks. In addition, teachers of Science ought to model proper pronunciation of the English language sound system, grammatical structures and suitable vocabulary choice. However, in this case whereby most of the Science teachers are also still in their attempt of mastering the English language, the effectiveness in modelling the supposed pronunciation of the English language to the learners is rather limited. The limitation is more than relevant as speaking is not only about making sounds, but combining body language. METHODOLOGY In this ethnographic investigation (Mastura Othman, 2007) data was collected from classroom observations, audio recorded classroom discourse, interviews with Science teachers: Teacher 1 (T1) and Teacher 2 (T2) and two students: Student 1 (S1) and Student 2 (S2), and from journal entries from the Science teachers. The observations were carried out during actual teaching by two female Science teachers in four selected classrooms. The observations checklist focused on the following items: a. linguistic complexity (pronunciation, grammatical and structural, pragmatics) b. sociolinguistics and sociocultural aspects (code-switching and mixing) c. teaching strategies/styles (questioning, repetition, instruction)

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d. teaching materials (genre, traditional chalk and talk, electronic media) and e. other relevant information The teaching and learning processes in the science classrooms were also recorded and carefully transcribed. The interviews with T1 and T2, regarding their perceptions towards the implementation of the policy and interviews with the two students (S1 and S2) were also carefully transcribed to be analysed. The journal entry expressed T1’s feelings and expectation in fulfilling the task of teaching her subject in English while T2 refused. FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION The investigation was analysed according to the Hymes SPEAKING grid (Schriffin 1994:141) which displays a description of all factors that are relevant in understanding how a particular communicative event achieves its objectives (Wardhaugh, 1986:239). The Hymes SPEAKING grid analysis comprehensively described the investigation of the selected classrooms taught by T1 and T2. Both teachers were required to teach Science in English without proper training and sufficient proficiency in the language. Both had different views on the implementation of the EteMS policy. The analysis was done according to the acronyms following Kramsch’s (1993: 37-38) explanation on Hymes SPEAKING grid which was introduced by Dell Hymes in the 1970’s: S-Setting refers to the time and place - that is, the physical set up of the class. Place includes the space occupied by teacher and students; the movements of participants within that space; the seating arrangement; the temperature, background, noise, place, size, and quality of the blackboard, etc. Time includes the time devoted to each activity, its timing within the whole lesson, its relative length, its pace, and the presence or absence of concurrent activities. All four classes were conducted in the science laboratories of a rural secondary school in Melaka. The setting and the seating arrangement was convenient for both teachers and students to enable them to carry out relevant experiments to the topics taught. The topics were taught according to the syllabus for the year. In addition, the laboratories were well-equipped with apparatus and chemicals for the scientific experiments. The laboratories were also well equipped with computers, LCD projectors and wide screens. The equipment came from the budget of the Ministry of Education in supporting the implementation of teaching of Mathematics and Science in English. Five 40 minutes periods were allocated for Science subject in a week. Science experiments are best conducted in the science laboratories. Double periods are always allocated for relevant experiments on the topic taught as to ensure sufficient time for successful experiments. T1 provided the opportunities for her students from both classes to be involved in the reaction of metal and oxygen experiments. T2 demonstrated the bell jar evaporation process experiment and requested her Class 4 students to observe. P-Participants include combinations of speakers and listeners in various roles that are either given to them or taken on during the lesson. In the context of this investigation, the participants referred to T1 and T2. The classes were mainly teacher centred as T1 and T2 did most of the talking and the students listened. Both teachers were qualified to teach Science, but were trained to teach Science in English only after attending short courses conducted by the Ministry of Education to ensure the implementation of the EteMS policy. Their English language proficiency of the teachers in some ways led to the limited roles played by both teachers. Even so, T1 tried her best to be more open in providing a non-threatening environment in her lessons when she allowed room for jokes from one of her students.

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Voice 3: <42> [To avoid potassium manganate, jump out, from... T1 <43> = [Jump out/, aha, aha, (giggle), to avoid potassium manganate, jump- out?, from the test tube/?, yes, or no/? The monotonous lesson was livened up and T1 took a break from the lesson at least for a while and offered a stress free learning and teaching processes. Moreover, due to teachers’ personalities and attitudes towards the English language, T1 was seen more optimistic about teaching of Science in English compared to T2. T1 was highly motivated and confident in delivering her lessons especially to the lower forms compared to T2 who often revised to teach Science in BM instead of attempting to improve her English. This showed her reluctance in implementing the new policy. She even reserved her comments on the policy implementation by not writing any journal entry of her opinion. In contrary, T1 displayed positive attitude towards the EteMS policy. It was evident exhibited in the first line of her unabridged journal entry to the investigator regarding the changing of policy in teaching Science and Mathematics; ...I prefer to teach science in English because of the following… E-Ends refer to the purpose of the activities and what participants seek to accomplish. These can be short term learning goals i.e. the linguistic, cognitive, or affective outcomes of a particular activity, or they can be long term goals such as motivations or attitudes or specific professional outcomes. Through observations, it was established that the short term goals of both teachers’ lessons in all four classrooms were to prepare the students for examinations, at school and national levels. Due to the high expectation of the school authorities, district and state education Department, the ministry and parents, examinations have always been the ultimate goal. This is supported in the exchanges of T1 and T2: T1: <015> before we start class/, right? We’re going to answer the- PMR model, PMR model question paper! So?- Before thatI would like to do revision with you! T2: <020> Okay, so, I think eh, with the student, is important for you, to think your aah, end year, eh, end year of exam, examination. So, eh, you can refer your notes or your text, eh, you can refer your notes eh, or your text okay, find out the answer. Okay, question number one, The importance of passing examinations at school or national levels were emphasised by both T1 and T2. T1: <126> remember, aa::, this question..., usually question number!, five, question number five, <127> Rugi tak jawab, this one is very simple question, Via code-switching, T1 asserted that her students must give specific attention to number question number five. “Rugi tak jawab” (It is a loss if you do not answer) carried a huge message in the examination context. T2 provided similar guidance for her students for the coming examination; T2: <063> for that answer okay, you must make ahh explanation, they want explanation, in Malay eh perkumuhan (excretion) is it?, okay, okay so during this process, Chong!, eh you have?, what is eh, what is the substance ending during this process?, Neither students nor the teachers were to be blamed. Both parties were playing their specific roles to fulfil the hidden agenda of the education stakeholders to ensure every student to pass the

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examinations. Mission was accomplished if the teachers were able to guide their students to answer the examination questions correctly. A-Act sequence refers both to the form and the content of utterances, both to what is said and what is meant by the way it is said. The teachers’ talk was largely in the form of delivering and transforming information on the subject content. In this autocratic teacher dominant process of teaching and learning, all four classroom discourse was filled with more Teacher Talking Time (TTT) than Student Talking Time (STT). Both teachers portrayed their dominance over the students to a certain extent in their talk. This is beneficial for classroom management and control as agreed by Ng (1993:6) that someone has to have power to control the others regardless of the size of the organisation. Basically, Malaysian classrooms often have an enrolment of between 30 and 40 students. K-Key refers to the tone, manner, or spirit in which a particular message is conveyed: whether serious, factual or playful. The key can be conveyed verbally and non-verbally and the two may sometimes contradict each other. The teachers in all four classrooms switched from formal to informal approach. T2:

<101>

Voice: T2: Voices:

<102> <103> <104>

okay question D, for the food chain (not clear) okay on figure three, who wants to try? who want to try? okay how many eh level eh in this food chain? three…

When the students’ (S) opinions upon T2’s talk were sought, the responds were as follows: S1:

Q: S2:

Uhm.. (pause) kelas ni sometimes boleh faham, kalau tak faham juga refer reference book. [Sometimes I can follow this class, if not I have to refer to the reference book]. Do you understand your teacher’s language? Yes, but sometimes the pronunciation-wrong, Dia guna bahasa yang senang nak ajar [he uses simple language to teach].

It was rather difficult for the teachers to vary their styles in using the language as they themselves were in the transitional period of changing the language of their teaching task. Therefore, there was not much interaction in their classrooms. The transactional language function which was the ‘message-oriented’ and business type of talk was performed largely by T2, as Morley (2001:73) suggests: Transactional language is used for giving instructions, explaining, describing, giving directions, ordering, inquiring, requesting, relating, checking on the correctness of details, and verifying understanding. The premium is on message clarity and precision. Speakers often use confirmation checks to make sure what they are saying is clear; they may even contradict the listener if he or she appears to have misunderstood. I-Instrumentalities refers to the choice of channel (e.g. oral or written) and of code (mother-tongue, foreign language, or a mix of codes or code-switching). The teaching and learning activities were often of the oral and written forms. Instructions were given orally and in written forms for the experiments and reports to be done. As far as oral activities in the teacher talk were concerned, code switching and code mixing were not properly managed but emerged in almost the entire lessons, especially T2 who was with low English proficiency and less confidence in the language compared to T1. Often she completely switched to L1 when she wanted to explain further on how important it was for the students to keep notes for all the chapters taught.

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T2 :

<182> <183>

but for the notes for the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, okay eh I’ve looked at your notes until the chapter four is it? Chapter four eh, isn, nit? lepas tu tak tengok lagi, jadi, maknanya eh tolong lengkapkan eh, sebab apa eh, ini penting untuk objektif awak okay eh, saya percaya eh bila awak tulis itu satu cara belajar lah, bila awak menulis semula eh, cari perkataan perkataan penting penting okay eh, sebab bila awak menyalin, okay, macam term term yang penting eh respiration, okay eh awak tulis ayat tu penuh okay eh, jadi bila awak ditanya eh aah definition okay awak kena keluarkan balik semula benda tu, jadi kalau baru pertama kali tu nak tulis aah awak akan dapat habislah tak boleh jawab, at least eh bila awak dah tulis sekali,dah baca sekali okay perkataan tu akan datang balik, tunggang terbalik tak pe,tunggang terbalik takpe, yang letak pangkal letak hujung, hujung letak pangkal pun takpe eh asalkan okay eh maksudnya sama eh, tapi kalau maksudnya dah berubah, aah [after that you won’t see it again, so, meaning eh,please complete eh, because it is important for your objective, I believe when you write, it is a method of studying when you rewrite, look for the key words okay because when you’re copying okay, like the important terms eh, respiration, okay eh you’ll write full sentence okay eh, so when you’re asked for the definition, you have to bring out everything, so if it is the first time for you to write, you won’t be able to answer, if you write at least once, read once the words will come back, although they are not in order as long as the meaning is not changed but if the meaning is changed aah]

Both teachers did not possess the sufficient linguistic proficiency required in their talk, the use of OHP, course wares, computer note-book and the LCD projector provided by the Ministry of Education were able to assist them in transmitting subject taught input to their students. T2 even read directly from the text book in order to avoid further blunders in her talk which was full of unnecessary fillers like eh and okay. For example: T2:

<108> Amirah, Amirah, okay, so, py, the pyramid of number okay based on the food chain? (pause) <109> okay the pyramid number eh, okay eh, okay, eh (not clear) okay at the base of this pyramid, okay it is a producer, okay so when you ah draw this pyramid of number, okay you must okay write on eh each stages,

N-Norms of interaction and interpretation refer to the way participants in the lesson interact and interpret what is said or what they are reading. Overall, both teachers’ classes followed the norms of Malaysian classrooms; not interactive and encouraging enough to practise the speaking skills. The transcriptions of the investigated Science classrooms exhibited that the discourse were bound in the teacher centred teaching and learning processes. The students were not provided ample opportunities in exchanging turns with their teachers to express themselves in the process. T1 : Voices: T1:

<105>

this is our heart, then, this one at the top, I draw for you the lungs, alright and at the bottom here the whole part of your body, <106> body, <107> okay, now with the help of our textbook, page twenty-one, look at page twenty-one, okay, look at page twenty-one, right okay, listen, put down your pen, put down your pen, listen here, focus!, <108> how to explain the blood flow, ah, put down your pen, Wei Keong, (pause) right, so the blood flow here, eh the, the sorry, (teacher uses the diagram of

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Voices: T1:

Azri:

<109> the body for explaining) path one, path one, you have two path, path one and path two, <110> two, <111> alright, from our right atrium here, okay, blood flow to the lung, to carry the oxygenated blood, here, here, from heart to the lung, alright after that, from lung go back to the heart, from lung go back to the heart, right? this is first path or path one alright this is path one, where blood flow from <112> our, our right atrium to our lung, then from our lung/, back again to our heart understand!, this is path one, (pause-teacher writing notes on the chalkboard) right, from (pause-teacher continues writing notes on the chalkboard) this <113> is path one, understand?, alright ah, Azri stand up, explain about the flow of blood in path one, blood flow, blood flow, (not clear) <114>

Furthermore, display type of questions (Long and Sato, 1983 in Crookes and Chaudron, 2001:39) where the questioner already knew the answers were favoured by the teachers. Obviously, teachers were more interested in finding out whether their transfer of input was fully understood by their students and no further action was expected from them. It is also a wellknown fact that the Asian learners generally and specifically Malaysian learners have been brought up to respect the wisdom, knowledge and expertise of ‘authoritative’ figures like their parents, teachers and lecturers (Koo, 2006:171). In addition, code-switching and code-mixing were the options offered by and to both teachers and students in the Science classrooms. Whether it was a beneficial speech accommodation or face saving strategy, code switch and mix between English and BM are the norms shared by both Science teachers. Therefore, to achieve the short term goal of utilising English as the medium of instruction in the Science classroom is greatly questionable. G-Genre refers to the type of oral or written activity students and teacher are engaged in, casual conversation, drill, lecture, discussion, role-play; grammatical exercise, written summary, report, essay, written dialogue. The diagrams, pictures, vocabulary, terminologies and experiments that come into the teachers’ talk portrayed a particular genre which directly defined the Science classrooms. However, the classrooms were not in line with the skills needed for Science subject to search, select and decide correct information. This was due to the teachers’ teaching styles in the talk that largely providing as much information as possible for the examination. Students were not given sufficient opportunity to explore their own academic and psychological potential develop into their human capital for the nation’s future. HOW DO THE SCIENCE TEACHERS PERCEIVE THE TEACHING OF SCIENCE IN ENGLISH? Due to many factors, teachers had different perceptions on the implementation of the EteMS policy. Teachers’ personal ability and attitudes on the language determined the way in which they translated the particular policy into their teaching tasks. T1’s positive attitude towards the EteMS policy was clearly portrayed in her unabridged journal entry. Her willingness in writing up the dedication represented how opened she was in implementing the policy. She was ever ready to shift from her normal teaching paradigm and ventured into a new dimension of fulfilling her teaching task. She realised that she was not optimally utilising her linguistic potential. Therefore, teaching Science in English was the best opportunity for her professional self improvement and developed to benefit her students;

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T1 (T1) It can improve my English. It has been long time for me not communicate in English (since 1981-after SPM) ... our students should expose to English, if they need to do further study at overseas, especially in the field of medic and engineering. After use English for a few months, I feel more brave (confident) to communicate in English although sometimes not so correct (broken English). But a few months later I able to convey science lesson fluently in simple English and I know my students can understand me. ....as a science teacher I have my own principal (prinsip), i.e. “I am teaching science in English, I’m not English teacher”. As long as my students’ can understand the content of science lesson In fact over time, T1 gained her confidence to perform in the second language. She wanted to be the best role model to her immediate clients by collaboratively working with them to achieve excellence both in the language and the subject taught. She did not want the students’ negative attitudes towards the English language to hinder the effectiveness of the teaching and learning processes in the Science subject; the most problematic area, ah, in teaching Science in English, ah the attitude of students, attitude of students they are quite difficult to change the attitude, to overcome the problem, ah to overcome the problem, with to use English in Science that is the the problem, but, but, minority of students have confidence, to, to use English in class, but majority of them ah, especially Malay students, they feel shy to speak English in class, because, ah maybe, ah especially for form one students... T1 was positive helping her students with the second language acquisition. She was very sure of what she was doing with the language in teaching her subject especially to the lower secondary (Form 1-3). She was convinced too that by preparing her lesson before entering the upper secondary classes (Forms 4-5); it helped her in mastering English language. She was extremely sure her students would improve their English language when they have to learn Science in English. T1 positively believed that she improved because the assistance of her Critical Friends in the BSS programme. She was now confident with her pronunciation and how to teach her students to write reports on their experiments in the passive voice. She was optimist and ever willing to continue teaching Science in the English language. She was hundred percent sure that teaching Science in English is easier. To her, English offers better vocabulary and terminologies to her subject compared to BM. All in all, T1 said “Yes” to the teaching of Science in English. T1: Rs: T1:

<52> <53> <54>

Rs: T1:

<55> <56>

I would like to chose, I prefer hundred percent English, why?,(distraction from school’s announcement made for the day) why?, because ah, easy to convey the lesson in English, because sometimes they use the very accurate, accurate, terms?, terms,

Teacher 2 (T2) Regarding the implementation of the EteMS policy, the student complained to T2 for using too much BM instead of English. She was teaching the upper formers (Forms 4-5); therefore the students were more vocal and aware of the change in policy. As a result, T2 resorted to BM when she was not able to deliver in English.

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T2:

<11>

that’s why eh…, when I’m teaching, I’m trying to use English.

Rs: T2: Rs:

<12> <13> <14> <15>

but! When I want to talk eh…, out of the =[teaching], =[Hmm hmm] out about the fact eh… I will use Malay okay, second question is, would you think that your teaching helps the second language acquisition, meaning that a…, a…, second language acquisition, or that is the learning of English no, not at all (giggle) not at all! why! Why would you think? because eh, the student eh, when aa…when asking the question (not sure), before this when they answer the question respiration, the the facts eh, that has given respiration, in the process, the students a…, they asking to add some words, okay to make my sentence complete eh, but eh, the student eh, cannot hish, I think, I think eh, that girl eh, lost, may be she has the idea, the answer, eh she, but to make sentence to answer the question, difficult, like me the facts I know eh, that respiration, okay resp, respiration, oxygen and glucose, glucose is added but in science, the word added, cannot be used, it is not added, it oxidized, so the terms, it’s the term aa…

T2: Rs: T2:

<16> <17> <18> <19> <20> <21> <22> <23> <24> <25>

before this we use malay eh, this is usual use the word, but when we want to start it okay, this is the first year, so this word eh, must be call for the, we must call the word very fast in our mind very, [very difficult]

On the other hand, T2 admitted that teaching Science in English will improve her own command of the language. She thought she was braver and able to overcome her shyness, for example in giving instructions to her students. However she believed that did not benefit her students. Rs:

<27>

T2: Rs: T2:

<28> <29> <30> <31>

Rs:

<31>

T2: Rs: T2:

<32> <33> <34> <35> <36>

Do you think that, teaching Science in English is helping your own English language acquisition? (giggle) my, I think, yes, it makes me more brave, (giggle) okay make you braver, in what way? okay, to talk the simple simple instruction, I think I, now can talk eh, simple simple instruction to the student, but not before, I feel very shy to talk in English, not now! Oh that’s good. Do you feel that your student benefit from your teaching of Science in English? no! why not? not, because, cannot, maybe, maybe they don’t read at home, the science is the subject you must know the, the, the, the, the, fact, it must be cleared, okay you, you the student not do their own word, like bahasa like BM, eh, buat ayat-ayat, ayat biasa, ayat merapu tu tak boleh, ayat merapu eh, in science no marks,

T2 was of the thinking that her teaching of Science did not help her students and vice versa. She was positive that, the students would understand better if they did their own reading. Her bad pronunciation as she thought too has caused her students not to understand her talk in the English language. T2 did not think that she should be blamed for not utilising the English language when her students themselves did not do so.

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T2:

no, no the student cannot learn anymore when I am teaching, that’s why when I am teaching I am read the text, refer to that and read it, I think eh, the student can understand more by reading the text himself compare to… because I think my pronunciation is very worse, (giggle) the student cannot, cannot, understand, that’s my opinion, I don’t know eh, what, what do you think? How my pronounsation, is it cleared?

T2 felt the burden of having to read repeatedly in order for her to prepare for her daily lessons and to improve her mastery in the English language. Even if she tried to enrich her vocabulary by reading newspapers, she was always confused over the terms. However, instead of referring to the dictionary, she preferred to read the BM version of the topics to be taught.

T2:

<52> <53>

aah…, right now I must read the text, this aah.., not two eh, okay three times, when I not complete the three times I am no confident, I must read eh, at least three times, the text, the reference, too much time for me, I must prepare one week before the lesson, no, at the same time I must read like the article eh, like the pollution eh, I must read the newspaper, I’m trying, I’m focus on the term, the terms,

T2 did not really agree that the BSS programme helped her in carrying out her talk in English while teaching Science. She would like to reverse the process of teaching the Science subject in BM. She prayed hard that the authorities would revert to teaching Science in BM. In a nutshell, T2 indirectly putting a “No” to the implementation of the EteMS policy. Language Challenges Faced by the Teachers Both teachers were not trained to teach or possessed adequate knowledge in English. Hence, they faced several challenges. Language Drills vs Content Input The Science teachers have professionally taught the subject in BM for a significant number of years. Therefore, to instantly switch to another language in fulfilling their teaching task was not at all simple. The teachers realised what their students were going through with the change of policy. As a result, instead of emphasising on the input of the subject content in her talk, T1 drilled her students with the pronunciation of the scientific vocabulary, for example; T1: Class: T1: Class: T1: Class: T1: Class: T1: Class: T1: Class: T1: Class:

<258> <259> <260> <261> <262> <263> <264> <265> <266> <267> <268> <269> <270> <271>

yes, number one, ah, okay read altogether, number one, because, because, blood flow, blood low, sorry, sorry, because, because, blood, blood, pass through, pass through, heart, heart, twice, twice,

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Teachers Talking Time vs Students Talking Time Students and teachers of the investigated Science classrooms did not practice two way interactions. All classrooms talk were typically teacher centred. Teacher Talking Time (TTT) was longer than the Students Talking Time (STT). The teacher centredness was extremely clear in T2’s talk in Science Classroom 3. For example: <043>okay, are you sure? If you cannot remember okay (pause) okay you can refer okay, you follow exam, okay, okay please remember okay, the definition the the meaning, eh for several terms okay eh, that is used eh okay, in that chapter, <044>okay, so for this chapter okay, the meaning of food chain, food web, pyramid number okay, composer okay you must remember, okay simpan dalam kepala (keep in mind) so the word okay in Malay, I think eh, maybe eh, you don’t have eh, you don’t eh facing this any problem okay, <045>right on terms and but in English okay you must remember word for the meaning (not clear), okay refer your text eh, one seven six okay, a sequence of organism okay, during energy transfer okay, refer okay for the food chain given in your text, the definition okay the system, (a student reading from the text book-not heard) Teacher 2: <046>yes, okay, the feeding relationship okay, between living organism eh, in the ecosystem okay, interruption between living organization okay? So, living organism consist of, plant and animal okay, okay, eh the food chain, between relationship between organism, <047>okay but at the same time in the ecosystem aa, the also eh you get a relationship between living organism and the nun-living organism, okay eh, so the nun-living organism we call eh, aa the are-biotic component (not clear-asking a student) define the wild, bio component, okay the component of are-biotic component? (Pause-10-) Teacher 2: <048>the biotic component is the living organism okay, so the are-biotic component in the nun-living okay, the nun-living okay, the nun-living okay, the figure 3, Ma, ri, ni, Mariani, Mariani: (not clear) Teacher 2: <049>humadity, yes, humadity, the amount of vapour in the atmosphere, okay Farhah, Farhah: (not heard) Teacher 2: <050>okay, light intensity, okay what else, Tong? Tong: (not clear) Teacher 2: (not clear-teacher writing on the board) <051>okay, continue okay, the food chain, okay what is the food chain, the (not clear) between the living organism and the ecosystem, (Teacher writes on the board) Teacher 2: <052>today is very important for your exam, I am trying to help you eh, to master your exam, (pause) okay eh, explain (not clear) okay eh the word explain, so the answer eh, <053>when you are answer explain, it is different okay, with the state eh, dinyatakan eh, so you must state eh, name okay eh, the way (not clear) two ways, Hidayah, name energy loss in the food chain (not clear) Hidayah: (not heard)

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Pronunciation, Vocabulary, and Structure Due to the insufficient level of proficiency, both teachers’ talk was weak particularly in the pronunciation of English words, poor choice of vocabulary and grammatical structures. T2 in her talk was also confused over some of the terminologies like removal, removable, corrode, corrosion and corrosive. Consider T2’s choice of vocabulary in the following exchange: T2:

T1: T2:

<146>

Look at the land slide okay, when the okay aah trees okay in the forest become removal okay, the land okay, the ground okay eh, will be what? terdedah,(exposed) aah will be corrot, corrot, corrosion, corosive, ia akan dihakis (it will be washed away) okay by the rain okay, <025> artery carrying what type of blood?, we have two types of blood, last time we’ve learn is it? <024> okay, it means the producers, in the garden ecosystem, look at the word here, okay the word producers, it means okay, more than one okay, is it?,

Unnecessary Code Switching and Mixing In order to overcome the fear of making mistakes in their talk and to hopefully accommodate their students, T1 and T2 resorted to code switching and code mixing. However, if the code switch and mix patterns were looked into, they contradicted Brown’s (1994:105) suggestions; code switching should be done if the following advantages were gained: · · · · ·

Negotiation of disciplinary and other management factors Brief descriptions of how to carry out a technique Brief explanations of grammar points Quick pointers on meanings of words that remain confusing after students have had try at defining something themselves Cultural notes and comments

For example, in explaining how would temperature affect the process of drying up wet clothes outside the house, T2 simply switched code which could possibly confuse the students instead of making her explanation clearer; T2:

<055>

Voices: T2:

<056> <057>

okay yang ini (this one) the temperature, suhu bagi dia kering baju hari tu, kita sidai kat luar, kat luar yang mesti panas, tak boleh hujan betul? Ah, kalau hujan, basah (the temperature to dry up the clothes, we have to hang them outside and it must be a hot day not raining. If it rains, wet) basah (wet) basah, tak kering, kalau hujan, kalau tak hujan?(wet, not dried, if it rains, if there’s no rain),

The Questioning Techniques On the other hand, teachers’ questioning techniques in testing the students’ understanding of their input were rather projected. The questions were posted to the students with expected answers boxed in the pattern of ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ and correct answers were usually repeated by either teachers or the students. The students were left without the opportunities to explore and develop their thinking potentials. For example: Classroom 1: T1: <078> Voices: <079>

Helmi, which one is the most active one?, magnesium, or copper? [magnesium]

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Classroom 2: T2: <089> Voices: <90>

Do you know respiration? Class? yes…

Consciously or not, teachers seldom provided ample opportunities to their students with silent ‘thinking’ period in responding to their questions. During the teaching and learning processes Brown (1994: 112) warns that, teacher talk should not occupy the major proportion of a class hour; otherwise teachers are not giving students enough opportunity to talk. IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSION English language is not a second language which could be mastered overnight. As a matter of fact teachers of Science have already gone through the process of teaching and learning the English language but the policy switched to BM as the medium of instruction in Malaysian schools. Thus teachers were professionally required to become proficient in BM to keep pace with the change. The discourse in four selected Science classrooms in a rural secondary school, unfolded the struggle of the teachers and students. According to Mastura Othman and Pramela (2011), both teachers and students were not only cognitively but also linguistically challenged with the implementation of this policy. The sudden change which required the teachers to teach without proper foundation took the teachers by surprise. This problem was even more pronounced in the rural schools. The finding goes to show that a proper well-planned transformation is needed before implementation. The Science teachers’ linguistic deficiency was the most significant predicament in assuring the effective implementation of the EteMS policy. Thus a sound language support for the teachers should be offered by the Ministry of Education for the Science and possibly for all teachers for their professional self development. This investigation was carried out before the Ministry of Education decided to withdraw the policy. However, where and whenever changes in the education policy is made, it should not be an ad-hoc affair. Views and opinions from all parties and stakeholders especially teachers, who are the agents of implementation must be consulted. In fact any future planning and changing in the policy should be systematically and carefully acted upon (Mastura Othman and Pramela, 2011). This is because it is a tremendous loss if the students do not benefit from the implementation of any policy. The findings from this study could provide the realistic classroom situation faced by the teachers and students and could suggest new approaches of how to overcome such predicaments. NOTE *

I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for very helpful comments on the earlier draft

REFERENCES Brown, H. D. 1994. Teaching by Principles. An Interactive approach to Language Pedagogy. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall. Crookes, G. and C. Chaudron. 2001. Guidelines for Language Classroom Instruction in CelceMurcia, M. 2001. Teaching English as a Second or Foreign Language. Third Edition. Boston: Heinle and Heinle. Effandi Zakaria and Zanaton Iksan. 2007. Promoting Cooperative Learning in Science and Mathematics Education: A Malaysian Perspective Eurasia Journal of Mathematics, Science & Technology Education, 3 (1), 35-39. ISSN: 1305-8223 Holmes, J. 2008. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Harlow: Longman. 198


Kauffman, J.M., P.M. Mostert, S.C. Trent and P.L. Pullen. 2006. Managing Classroom Behaviour. A Reflective Case-Based Approach. Fourth Edition. New York. Pearson. Koo, Y.L., 2006. Exploring Pluriliteracy as Theory and Practice in Multilingual/Cultural Contexts, Journal of Language Teaching Linguistics and Literature. Vol. XI, 2006. Mastura Othman. 2007. Teacher Talk in the Science Classroom. Unpublished MA Thesis. Bangi: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. Mastura Othman and Pramela, K. 2011. Teacher Talk in the Science Classroom. In Tengku Nor Rizan Tengku Mohd Maasum et al. (Eds), Classroom Practices in ESL & EFL Contexts. Insider Perspectives, pp. 24-49. Serdang: Universiti Putra Malaysia. Merino, B. and R. Scarcella. 2005. Teaching Science to English Learners. UC Linguistic Minority Research Institute Volume 14, Number 4. Ministry of Education. 2003. Integrated Curriculum for Secondary Schools. Curriculum Specifications. Mathematics Form 3. Curriculum Development Centre, Ministry of Education. Ministry of Education. 2002. Integrated Curriculum for Secondary Schools. Curriculum Specifications. Science Form 1. Curriculum Development Centre, Ministry of Education. Morley, J. 2001. Aural Comprehension Instruction: Principles and practices in Celce-Murcia, M. Teaching English as a Second or Foreign Language. Third Edition. Boston: Heinle and Heinle. Ahmad Zabidi Abdul Razak and Rahimi Md. Saad. 2007. The Professional Preparation of Malaysian Teachers in the Implementation of Teaching and Learning of Mathematics and Science in English, Eurasia Journal of Mathematics, Science & Technology Education, 2007, 3(2), 101-110. Nunan, D. 1995. Language Teaching Methodology. London: Prentice Hall. Ong, S.L. and M. Tan. 2008. Mathematics and Science in English: Teachers Experience inside the Classroom, Jurnal Pendidik dan Pendidikan 23, 141-150, 2008. Wardhaugh, R. 1986. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Basil Blackwell Ltd.

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Resensi Buku Judul: Introducing Functional Grammar (Second Edition) Penulis: Geoff Thomson Penerbit: London: Hodder Arnold. 2004 Tebal: 300 halaman Siti Wachidah

Universitas Negeri Jakarta [email protected] PENDAHULUAN Buku ini hampir sama dengan banyak buku yang bertujuan mengenalkan systemic functional grammar (tata bahasa fungsional sistemik) kepada pemula, seperti di antaranya buku An Introduction to Systemic Functional Linguistics (Eggins, 2004) dan Using Functional Grammar: An Explorer’s Guide (Butt, et al., 2000). Meminjam kata Butt et al., buku ini merupakan “an introduction to the Introduction” (Butt et al., 2000:iv, huruf miring dari aslinya). Penulisan buku ini didasari oleh empati penulis terhadap para pemula dalam disiplin ilmu bahasa fungsional, termasuk mahasiswa, guru, dan peneliti bahasa lainnya, yang kemungkinan besar akan mengalami banyak kesulitan memahami berbagai penjelasan yang panjang dan rinci tentang bagaimana bahasa berfungsi sebagai alat bagi manusia untuk melakukan berbagai tindakan serta penggunaan sekian banyak terminologi yang tidak lazim atau belum pernah sebelumnya (2004:ix). Edisi kedua ini diterbitkan sebagai revisi dari edisi pertama, sejalan dengan terbitnya buku Introduction to Functional Grammar edisi ketiga yang ditulis oleh Halliday bersama dengan Matthiessen (Halliday dan Matthiessen, 2004), yang memuat banyak revisi terhadap kedua edisi sebelumnya (Halliday, 1985; 1994). Berbeda dengan Butt et al. (2000) dan Eggins (2004), buku ini secara khusus dimaksudkan sebagai pengantar untuk dapat membaca buku Introduction to Functional Grammar (Halliday, 1985; Halliday, 1994; Halliday dan Matthiessen, 2004), yang sampai saat ini menjadi rujukan utama disiplin ilmu tersebut. Untuk itu penulis sengaja mengikuti sedekat mungkin model pemaparan dan landasan berpikir yang digunakan Halliday dan Mathhiessen, meskipun tidak harus dalam urutan dan perspektif yang sama. Sebagai pengantar, buku ini tentunya tidak selengkap buku Introduction to Functional Grammar. Misalnya, buku ini tidak memuat paparan tentang groups dan phrases, agar dapat lebih fokus pada pemaparan tata bahasa pada tataran klausa. Sebaliknya, buku ini memasukkan hal-hal lain untuk memudahkan pemahaman. Sesuai dengan sumbernya, bahasa Inggris digunakan sebagai landasan pembentukan teori bahasa fungsional yang dipaparkan dalam buku ini. FORMAT DAN GAYA PENULISAN Buku ini berisi 300 halaman yang terbagi ke dalam sepuluh bab yang rata-rata tidak terlalu panjang: tujuh bab berisi antara dua belas sampai dengan dua puluh satu halaman, dan tiga bab yang membahas ketiga metafungsi bahasa, yang merupakan inti dari tata bahasa fungsional, terdiri atas 39 halaman untuk metafungsi interpersonal, 34 untuk metafungsi textual, dan paling panjang 52 halaman untuk metafungsi experiential. Setiap bab diawali dengan pengantar umum (meskipun tidak semuanya diberi judul ‘Introduction’, diikuti oleh pemaparan materi disertai banyak contoh analisis teks otentik, dan diakhiri dengan latihan, ‘Exercise’, untuk menerapkan konsep atau teori yang dipaparkan dalam bab tersebut untuk menganalisis teks-teks yang diambil dari berbagai sumber otentik. Kunci jawaban diberikan di bagian belakang buku

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(halaman 253-282). Pada bagian ‘Futher Reading’ (halaman 283-287), buku ini mencatumkan beberapa sumber yang perlu dibaca jika pembaca ingin mendalami materi di setiap bab. Sumber-sumber yang disebutkanpun dipilih buku-buku yang dianggap mudah didapat dan dipahami oleh pemula dalam disiplin ilmu ini. Gaya bahasa yang digunakan penulis mirip dengan gaya bahasa yang digunakan guru dengan muridnya, dengan tata bahasa yang mudah dan kalimat yang pada umumnya tidak terlalu panjang dan kompleks. Pronomina I, you, we, dan us sangat sering digunakan sehingga pemaparan lebih terkesan sebagai penyampaian pesan secara personal, akrab, dan mudah diikuti. Terhadap istilah yang baru disebutkan, penjelasan atau definisi langsung segera diberikan, juga dengan menggunakan tata bahasa dan kosa kata yang mudah dipahami. Setiap pemaparan suatu fungsi hampir selalu diberikan contoh penerapannya untuk menganalisis teks, dan contoh inipun diberikan penjelasan secara bertahap dan rinci. Karena sasarannya juga mencakup pembaca yang mungkin masih sangat awam tentang analisi bahasa pada umumnya, dalam menjelaskan konsep penulis hampir selalu mengawalinya dengan menyebutkan hal-hal yang kongkrit dialami atau ditemui dalam hidup sehari-hari. Jika istilah linguistik perlu digunakan, penulis mengawali dengan menggunakan istilah yang telah lazim digunakan dalam pemaparan teori bahasa selama ini. ISI BUKU Untuk menjaga agar tidak terjadi salah penerjemahan atau penyebutan istilah, dalam pemparan isi buku ini semua peristilahan disebutkan tetap dalam bahasa aslinya, bahasa Inggris, dan jika perlu disertai dengan padanannya dalam bahasa Indonesia yang diletakan di dalam kurung. Buku ini diawali dengan memberikan rasional bahwa untuk menganalisis bahasa sebagai alat komunikasi pendekatan fungsional lebih tepat dibandingkan dengan pendekatan formal (berbasis bentuk), terutama pendekatan Transformational-Generative (TG) yang dikembangkan oleh Chomsky. Dengan beberapa contoh, penulis menunjukkan bahwa TG lebih tepat digunakan untuk menganalisis bahasa sebagai suatu struktur dan kurang mampu dalam menganalisis bahasa sebagai suatu sistem makna dan Keterkaitan antara bahasa, konteks dan fungsi juga mulai dibahas untuk menunjukanbetapa pentingnya pengaruh konteks dalam menentukan pilihan bentuk bahasa yang dianggap mampu mengungkapkan makna yang dimaksud dengan efektif. Untuk masuk ke dalam inti pembahasan, clause (klausa) adalah topik pertama yang disajikan karena klausa merupakan satuan bahasa yang menjadi dasar analisis gramatika fungsional. Buku ini menunjukkan cara mengidentifikasi klausa dan unsur klausa dengan menggunakan konsep rank scale. Konsep ini didasarkan pada asumsi bahwa setiap satuan makna pada setiap rank (level atau tingkatan) dapat diurai ke dalam satuan-satuan makna yang lebih kecil di bawahnya. Klausa, yaitu satuan bahasa yang dalam bahasa Inggris terpusat pada kelompok verba, merupakan satuan makna tertinggi. Satuan ini terbentuk oleh satuan-satuan makna yang lebih kecil di bawahnya, yaitu group (kelompok kata), yang terdiri atas word (kata). Di bawah kata adalah satuan makna terkecil, yaitu morpheme (morfem). Selain itu, ada satuan makna yang memiliki posisi setara dengan group, yaitu phrase (frasa), khususnya prepositional phrase. Penulis mengutip penjelasan Halliday dan Matthiessen (2004:311) tentang perbedaan kelompok kata yang disebut group, yaitu ‘an expansion of a word’ dan kelompok kata yang disebut phrase, yaitu ‘a contraction of a clause’. Satuan makna yang terbentuk oleh lebih dari satu klausa disebut clause complex (kompleks klausa). Tata bahasa fungsional tidak menggunakan istilah sentence (kalimat) untuk menyebut satuan makna di atas klausa, karena kalimat hanya dapat berlaku untuk bahasa tulis, dan terlalu sulit untuk bahasa lisan. Untuk mengawali pembahasan aspek fungsional, penulis memberikan pemaparan umum tentang apa yang dimaksudkan dengan konsep ‘fungsional’. Pertama dipaparkan tentang ketiga metafunction (fungsi besar) yang dikenal dalam teori tata bahasa fungsional, yaitu experiential (salah satu dari dua jenis metafungsi ideational (Halliday dan Matthiessen, 2004:309-310)),

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interpersonal, dan textual. Setiap klausa secara serentak memainkan ketiga fungsi tersebut secara serentak. Setiap metafungsi mencakup jaringan fungsi-fungsi yang lebih spesifik, yang secara keseluruhan menjadikan bahasa sebagai suatu jaringan sistem pilihan (system of choices). Berbeda dengan Halliday dan Matthiessen (2004), buku ini ‘seolah-olah’ menambahkan metafungsi keempat, yaitu metafungsi logical, yang sebenarnya adalah bagian dari metafungsi ideational. Metafungsi ini agak berbeda dengan metafungsi lainnya karena berfungsi pada tataran di atas klausa, yaitu pada clause complex. Setelah itu dipaparkan tentang dua konsep terkait dengan peran konteks dalam pemilihan unsur gramatika dalam pengungkapan makna, yaitu register dan genre. Dalam memaparkan konsep register, penulis mengutip definisi yang diberikan dalam Halliday dan Hasan (1985/89), yaitu ‘variation according to use’, yang mencakup tiga dimensi konteks yaitu field, tenor dan mode. Field terkait dengan metafungsi experiential, tenor dengan metafungsi interpersonal, dan mode dengan metafungsi textual. Genre didefinisikan dengan menggunakan bahasa yang mudah dipahami, yaitu ‘register plus purpose’, yang menunjukkan bahwa pemilihan makna, urutannya, serta unsur-unsur kebahasaan yang dipilih untuk membangun sebuah teks ditentukan oleh tujuan yang hendak dicapai. Pemaparan selanjutnya adalah tentang ketiga metafungsi. Masing-masing dipaparkan secara terpisah secara rinci dan mendalam. Pertama, metafungsi interpersonal. Pemaparan mencakup berbagai aspek kebahasaan yang dapat dipilih untuk berinteraksi dengan orang lain dan saling bertukar informasi, barang dan jasa, yaitu (1) Mood (dengan huruf besar) yang terdiri atas Subject dan Finite, (2) mood (dengan huruf kecil) atau tipe klausa (yang mencakup declarative, interogative dan imperative), (3) modality yang dikontraskan dengan polarity, dan (4) appraisal atau penilaian yang merefleksikan fungsi judgement dan appreciation. Kedua, metafungsi experiential. Pemaparan difokuskan pada aspek transitivity. Istilah transitivity dalam teori tata bahasa fungsional menggambarkan peran sentral verba dalam merepresentasikan pengalaman, karena menurut teori tata bahasa fungsional hanya ada satu jenis pengalaman yang dapat dinyatakan dalam satuan makna klausa, yaitu proses. Proses memiliki tiga ciri, yaitu (1) terjadinya atau adanya proses, (2) participant yang terlibat dalam proses, dan (3) circumstance yang melingkupi proses. Dari unsur verbalah dapat ditentukan jenis proses yang diungkapkan oleh suatu klausa (material, mental, relational, verbal, existential, atau behavioural), dan juga fungsi semua participant yang terlibat dalam setiap jenis proses (actor, senser, goal, phenomenon, sayer, dsb). Circumstance mencakup, antara lain, waktu, tempat, alasan, tujuan, cara, dsb. Pada akhir bab ini juga disinggung sedikit tentang analisis metafungsi experiential dari perspektif ergativity. Ketiga, metafungsi textualyaitu kemampuan bahasa untuk menyusun alur makna dalam penyampaian pesan, khususnya peran theme (tema). Dalam teori tata bahasa fungsional istilah theme mengacu pada unsur makna yang disebut pertama dalam klausa. Di sini dipaparkan empat hal yaitu (1) cara mengidentifikasi tema, (2) tema dalam clause complex, (3) multiple theme (tema ganda), dan (4) beberapa kesulitan dalam menganalisi tema. Terkait dengan metafungsi tekstual, buku ini menyoroti secara khusus fungsi cohesion (kohesi). Pemaparan tentang kohesi diawali dengan memperjelas fungsi kohesi, dengan cara dikontraskan dengan fungsi coherence (koherensi). Bab ini difokuskan pada pemaparan tiga alat kohesi, yaitu reference, ellipsis, dan conjunction. Pemaparan berikutnya adalah pada tataran di atas klausa, yaitu clause complex (gabungan klausa). Pada tataran ini yang bekerja adalah metafungsi logical. Dalam bab ini dipaparkan tentang dua tipe hubungan antar klausa, yaitu (1) hubungan ketergantungan logis, yang terdiri atas fungsi hypotaxis dan parataxis, dan (2) hubungan logiko-semantik, yang terdiri atas fungsi expansion (dalam bentuk elaboration, extension, dan enhancement) dan projection (berupa quote, report, dan fact). Fungsi expansion dan projection masing-masing dipaparkan secara lebih mendalam dalam bagian terpisah.

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Paparan berikutnya adalah tentang fungsi yang bekerja di luar (beyond) klausa, yaitu fungsi metafora. Istilah metaphor digunakan secara khusus dalam teori tata bahasa fungsional untuk membedakan fungsi pengungkapan makna yang dilakukan secara congruent. Dengan kata lain, metaphor artinya tidak congruent. Setara dengan ketiga metafungsi yang dikenal dalam tata bahasa fungsional, ada tiga jenis metaphor, yaitu experiential/logical metaphor, interpersonal metaphor, dan textual metaphor, yang masing-masing dipaparkan dalam satu bab terpisah. Terakhir diberikan contoh analisis teks dalam ketiga dimensi analisis: interpersonal, experiential, dan textual. Objek analisis adalah dua teks yang berbeda bentuk: percakapan yang terjadi dalam ruang operasi dan petikan dari sebuah buku teks kedokteran. Di sini juga disebutkan tiga kegunaan pendekatan tata bahasa fungsional, yaitu untuk (1) melaksanakan analisis wacana (discourse analysis), (2) menentukan materi ajar berbagai program pendidikan bahasa, dan (3) melaksanakan analisis wacana kritis (critical discourse analysis). KOMENTAR Secara keseluruhan buku ini telah memenuhi cita-cita penulisnya untuk dapat dibaca oleh pemula dalam disiplin ilmu bahasa fungsional. Kemudahan bukan hanya terpancar dari bahasa yang digunakan tetapi juga dari penjelasan dan contoh-contoh yang digunakan, yang dipaparkan secara rinci dan bertahap. Jika pembaca mengikuti sistematika penyampaian dalam buku ini serta mengejakan latihan menganalisis teks yang diberikan di setiap akhir bab dengan sunguhsungguh, dia akan terlibat secara konseptual dan parktis sekaligus, yang menjadi syarat untuk dapat memahami cara menganalisis teks dengan pendekatan fungsional. Materi yang telah dipilih penulis dalam setiap bab dapat dianggap cukup membekali pemula sebagai dasar untuk dapat memahami dan mendalami teori tata bahasa fungsional dimaksud dengan membaca sumber-sumber yang ditulis oleh Halliday dan koleganya. Perspektif lain yang dimasukkan penulis untuk menjelaskan berbagai konsep ternyata bukan hanya cukup efektif untuk memudahkan pemahaman, tetapi juga memperkaya pemahaman bahkan bagi pembaca yang sudah lama berkecimpung dalam disiplin ilmu ini. Latihan yang diberikan di akhir setiap bab juga bukan hanya perlu bagi pemula, tetapi juga dapat digunakan oleh pembaca lainnya yang lebih mahir untuk meningkatkan kemampuan menganalisis teks dengan pendekatan fungsional. Hal ini terutama karena adanya kunci jawaban dari setiap soal yang diberikan di bagian belakang buku ini. Oleh karena itu, buku ini layak direkomendasikan sebagai rujukan utama bagi pemula dalam disiplin ilmu ini, terutama bagi mahasiswa dalam mata kuliah Introduction to Functional Grammar dan sejenisnya. Tentunya buku ini tidak dapat diandalkan sebagai satu-satunya solusi untuk dapat memahami teori bahasa fungsional dengan mudah, karena dalam upaya memberikan penjelasan fungsi bahasa secara global dan kontekstual teori linguistik fungsional memang memerlukan pemaparan dan penjelasan yang panjang dan rumit serta berbagai istilah dan jargon yang belum pernah dikenal dalam disiplin ilmu bahasa yang atelah lama dikenal selama ini yang memang perlu untuk menjelaskan sistematika fungsi bahasa. Jikapun digunakan istilah yang sudah lama dikenal (misalnya theme, metaphor, sentence) sangat mungkin mengacu pada konsep yang tidak persis sama atau bahkan berbeda sama sekali. Kesulitan dalam memahami buku ini kemungkinan juga disebabkan karena adanya interferensi atau pengaruh dari penguasaan teori linguistik yang sudah tertanam sebelumnya (yang kemungkinan juga justru memudahkan).

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RUJUKAN Butt, D, Fahey, R., Feez, S., Spinks, S., dan Yallop, C. (2000) Using functional grammar: an explorer’s guide (edisi kedua). Sydney: NCELTR, Macquarie University Eggins, S. (2004) An introduction to systemic functional linguistics (edisi kedua). New York: Continuum. Halliday, M.A.K. (1985) Introduction to functional grammar (edisi pertama). London: Edward Arnold. Halliday, M.A.K. (1994) Introduction to functional grammar (edisi kedua). London: Edward Arnold. Halliday, M.A.K. dan Matthiessen, C. M. I. M. (2004) Introduction to functional grammar (edisi ketiga). London: Edward Arnold.

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JELAJAH LINGUISTIK Rubrik ini membuka peluang untuk saling berbagi di antara kita tentang beberapa kemungkinan topik ini: a. pencanangan metode penelitian linguistik yang belum lazim digunakan b. daur-ulang metodologi penelitian linguistik c. persoalan data yang – meskipun barangkali belum ditemukan pemecahannya – penelusurannya berpeluang membuka sesuatu yang baru yang belum pernah menjadi perhatian peneliti terdahulu d. penerapan teori linguistik tertentu untuk menjelaskan data bahasa seperti bahasa Indonesia yang membuat peneliti mempersoalkan teori yang bersangkutan

METODE: DARI SINTAKSIS KE PRAGMATIK Bambang Kaswanti Purwo Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya [email protected] Pernahkah Anda menemukan kesulitan ketika mencoba menjelaskan tentang bahasa Indonesia? Saya alami itu ketika berhadapan dengan kata sudah dan jadi. Kalau kita buka KUBI, makna sudah adalah ‘telah’. Kalau kita buka telah, maknanya ‘sudah’. Ini tentunya bukan urusan kamus, melainkan tata bahasa. Namun, kalau kita buka buku tata bahasa Indonesia, tidak juga tertera penjelasan yang memadai. Kata jadi, di dalam kamus Inggris-Indonesia John Echols, bermakna ‘end up doing something”: <saya jadi lihat film>. Namun, bagaimana menerapkan makna jadi ini pada kalimat <jadi rapat siang ini?>, yang jawabannya dapat berupa kalimat singkat <jadi> atau ? Kalimatnya tidak hanya tak bersubjek, melainkan juga mengandung sesuatu yang tersiratkan sebab penutur dan petutur sama-ama tahu apa yang dimaksudkan. Samalah halnya dengan sudah, yang juga dapat dituturkan dalam kalimat tak bersubjek <sudah tadi di jalan>, misalnya, sebagai jawaban penolakan terhadap ajakan . Bagaimana menjelaskan ini, termasuk yang tersirat itu? Dengan cara apa? Sintaksis – persisnya “sintaksis mandiri” (autonomous syntax), yang tidak memperhitungkan konteks – tidak dapat dipakai untuk menjelastuntaskan kalimat tak bersubjek itu, kalimat khas dalam bahasa seperti bahasa Indonesia. Berbeda halnya dengan bahasa seperti bahasa Inggris yang sintaksisnya secara lebih ketat mewajibkan adanya subjek secara eksplisit (kecuali pada beberapa konstruksi tertentu). Bahkan, kalau tidak ada subjek pun, subjek diada-adakan, seperti < It rained > vs. ; vs. <Panas hari ini>. Upaya menjelaskan tata bahasa dengan memperhitungkan konteks ini saya sebut “membangun tata bahasa baru”. Ini terlahir ketika saya menyiapkan makalah untuk “State of Indonesian Studies Conference”, memenuhi undangan Southeast Asian Program, Cornell University, 28–30 April 2011. Kelahiran topik ini disulut oleh fokus konferensi itu, yang dibuat sama untuk setiap enam panel (anthropology, art history, history, language, government, dan ethno-musicology): kajian Indonesia ditinjau dari masa lalu, ke masa sekarang, dan menuju masa depan. Di masa lalu hingga kini tata bahasa Indonesia sarat dengan hasil penjelasan berdasarkan sintaksis (“mandiri”). Karena mengabaikan yang tersiratkan itu tadi, ada yang tak terkuak. Ke masa depan, untuk membuka tabir misteri bahasa seperti bahasa Indonesia, perlu dibangun tata bahasa baru, bukan dengan mengandalkan sintaksis saja, melainkan juga pragmatik. Maksudnya, analisis kalimat dengan menelusuri konteks pemakaiannya: menguak mengapa sampai dituturkan kalimat seperti (1a), dan bukan yang lain.

Diskusi Ilmiah

(1) a. Pertunjukan sudah mulai ketika kami sampai. b. The performance had already started when we arrived. Bukannya tidak mungkin menganalisis sudah dengan “sintaksis mandiri”, tanpa konteks. Mungkin saja itu dilakukan, tetapi hanya sebagian kecil saja mengenai seluk-beluknya yang tersingkap dengan cara seperti itu (periksa uraian mengenai contoh (2)). Tanpa mempertimbangkan konteks – hanya dengan mengamati yang kasat mata saja – makna perfektif pada sudah dapat dijelaskan dengan rangka pikir “sistem kala” (tense system), sebagaimana yang dipakai dalam menjelaskan kalimat Inggris (1b) itu. Apabila ada dua peristiwa atau perbuatan yang berurutan (start dan arrive), apa yang berlangsung lebih dahulu (start), dalam bahasa Inggris, diutarakan dengan perfektif dan dalam bahasa Indonesia dengan sudah. Akan tetapi, bagaimana dengan sudah pada (2)? (2) a. Saya sudah di parkiran sekarang. Ruang kerjamu di mana? b. I’m in the parking lot now. Where is your room? Apakah hanya itu saja makna sudah, yaitu makna yang disepadankan dengan perfektif, berdasarkan penjelasan dengan rangka “sistem kala” itu? Camkanlah makna sudah pada (2), yang tidak tertampung dalam rangka itu. Berbeda dengan sudah (1), sudah (2) tidak berpadanan dengan perfektif pada bahasa Inggris. Pada konteks itu kalimat dengan perfektif tidak berterima: <*I have been in the parking lot now>. Masih ada lagi pemakaian sudah yang tak terjelaskan dengan rangka pikir sistem kala itu: baik yang temporal maupun yang tidak <sudah kaya, cantik lagi> (Kaswanti 2011b). Samalah halnya dengan makna jadi pada dua kalimat “bersinonim” ( dan ) ini, yang mustahil terjelaskan dengan pendekatan sintaksis “mandiri” tadi. Penjelasannya – tidak dapat tidak – menuntut pemerhitungan konteks pemakaian di dalam komunikasi. Yang mengasyikkan di sini ialah – sebagaimana yang dapat diikuti pada Kaswanti (2011a–d) – rangka pragmatik yang dipakai untuk menjelaskan makna sudah pada pelbagai konteks itu dapat juga diterapkan untuk menjelaskan pemakaian kata seperti jadi (dan juga sampai (Kaswanti 2011c)). RUJUKAN Kaswanti Purwo, Bambang. 2011a. “Constructing a New Grammar of Indonesian: A Trip from Expectation to Reality”, Conference on “The State of Indonesian Studies”, Cornell University, 29–30 April 2011. --------. 2011b. “Sudah in Contemporary Indonesian”, ISMIL 15, Universitas Islam Negeri Malang, 24–26 Juni 2011. --------. 2011c. “The Indonesian sampai: From Space to the Deictics (of Time and Person) and to the Pragmatics (of Precipitation)”, Workshop on Deixis and Spatial Expression in Indonesian Languages, Osaka, 22–23 Juli, 2011. --------. 2011d. “Membangun Tata Bahasa Baru Bahasa Indonesia: Lajur Pragmatik”, KIMLI 2011, Bandung, 9–12 Oktober 2011.

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Tahun ke-29, No. 2

BINCANG ANTARA KITA DARI DUNIA MAYA TERIMA KASIH: KAPAN KITA MENGUCAPKANNYA? From: Bambang Kaswanti Purwo To: [email protected] Sent: Monday, February 21, 2011 2:15 PM Subject: [mlindo]

Sejawat, para pencinta bahasa Indonesia: Timothy Hassall, dosen bahasa Indonesia di ANU, Canberra, merasa prihatin terhadap perkembangan bahasa kita. Bagaimana dengan kita? Ada yang bisa membantu menjelaskan kapan orang Indonesia mengucapkan terima kasih? Para pemelajar bahasa Indonesia yang bertutur dalam bahasa lain sungguh menantikan jawaban ini. Ada yang tertarik untuk melakukan penelitian tentang ini? Link: http://bahasakita.com/2011/05/03/to-thank-or-not-to-thank-in-indonesian/ Salam, bambang From: rina marnita To: [email protected] Sent: Tuesday, February 22, 2011 4:41 PM Subject: Re: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Pak Bambang dan 'rekan2' di mlindo, Menurut pendapat saya yang masih belajar ini, dalam menjawab pertanyaan Pak Bambang ini mungkin perlu kita pertimbangkan aspek budaya penutur bahasa Indonesia. Dalam menggunakan bahasa Indonesia, orang Indonesia mungkin tidak bisa lepas seutuhnya dari pengaruh budaya lokal mereka. Kemungkinan besar mengucapkan terimakasih sifatnya juga 'cultural specific'. Sebagai contoh: dalam masyarakat Minang tradisional, maupun generasi tua dan orang-orang yang tinggal di pedesaan di masa sekarang ini, terima kasih diungkapkan dengan cara yang khas, yaitu secara tidak langsung. Sering ungkapan terima kasih dinyatakan dalam bentuk pertanyaan yang tidak memerlukan jawaban. Seseorang yang diberi benda biasanya akan berkata 'Eh, baa dek baagiah pulo ambo baju' (Eh, kenapa saya dikasih pula baju? atau Lho, kok saya dikasih baju?). Adakalanya respon mereka berupa pernyataan, yang mungkin kedengaran ekstrim bagi orang luar, seperti 'ndeh, jan diagaih-agiah pulo ambo baju lai' (Duh, jangan dikasih pula saya baju' / Wah, saya gak usah dikasih baju '). Kadang2 respon itu dalam bentuk kalimat pujian yang diiringi dengan eskpresi wajah atau gerak tubuh yang menunjukkan rasa senang, seperti: 'I, rancaknyo lai(Wah, bagusnya). Respon jenis ini kadang2 diikuti oleh kata 'mokasih yo' (terima kasih ya). Hal ini juga mungkin terkait dengan nilai budaya masyarakat Minang. Orang tua, misalnya, menganggap tidak perlu mengucapkan terimakasih kepada orang yang lebih muda yang memberikan bantuan (meskipun bantuan itu atas permintaan orang tua) karena membantu orang tua (lebih tua) dianggap sudah merupakan kewajiban. Hal ini juga tercermin di antaranya dari bentuk kalimat yang digunakan dalam meminta pertolongan yang umumnya dalam bentuk imperatif, tanpa kata tolong, dan dalam bentuk pertanyaan yang tidak membutuhkan jawaban,

Diskusi Ilmiah

Contoh: 1) Ambiaklah kain lai, Na. Ari ka ujan. (Angkatlah jemuran, Na. Hari mau hujan). 2) Baa dek indak baambiak kain Na? Ari ka ujan. (Mengapa jemuran belum diangkat Na? Hari mau hujan) 3) Indak ka baambiak kain na. Ari ka ujan. (Apakah jemuran tidak akan diangkat, hari (kan) mau hujan) Biasanya respon terhadap ketiga tuturan ini adalah berupa perbuatan 'mengangkat jemuran' yang diiringi, atau tidak, dengan ucapan 'yo mak (ya Mak), atau alasan. Dan, jarang sekali ada komunikasi ataupun interaksi sesudahnya yang memberi kesempatan yang memberi perintah untuk mengucapkan terimakasih (kalau ini dianggap perlu oleh si pemberi perintah). Rina Marnita AS From: Agus Santoso To: [email protected] Sent: Tuesday, February 22, 2011 10:34 PM Subject: Re: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Menarik sekali bahwa budaya lokal ikut serta dalam memberikan pengaruh dalam berterimakasih. Pertanyaan saya, bu Rina, apakah ketika orang Minang berbahasa Indonesia, mereka tetap mempertahankan tatacara mengucapkan terima kasih itu ataukah mereka meleburkan diri kepada ciri bahasa Indonesia yang bersifat nasional? Sebagai orang yang berbahasa Indonesia, saya mengucapkan terima kasih ketika (tidak berdasarkan urutan apapun): 1) Saya menerima bantuan dari orang lain. 2) Saya mendapatkan hadiah. 3) Orang memberikan perhatian kepada saya. 4) Orang melakukan sesuatu yang harus saya lakukan. 5) Orang memberikan nasehat. 6) Orang memberikan uang kembalian ketika saya berbelanja. 7) Orang memberikan pelayanan yang bagus. 8) Menolak ajakan dengan halus. 9) Memberikan penghargaan kepada orang lain setelah mereka mendengarkan saya, misalnya. 10) Mungkin bisa ditambahkan oleh yang lainnya? Salam, Agus Santoso http://agus-santoso.com/buku/ From: Bambang Kaswanti Purwo To: [email protected] Sent: Wednesday, February 23, 2011 12:51 PM Subject: RE: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Saya tertarik untuk mengamati yagn no. 8 lebih jauh. Di situ “terima kasih” = “tidak”, dan tidak terbatas pada “menolak ajakan halus”, termasuk juga menolak “tawaran” (minum, makan, dsb.). Untuk penolakan seperti ini tidak pernah kita katakan “Tidak/Nggak, terima kasih.”, sebagai padanan dari “No, thanks.”. Pertanyaan: bagaimana kita mengatakan “yes, thank you”. Benarkah tidak bisa kita katakan “ya, terima kasih”? [terima kasih dengan “ya”] Atau, bisakah “terima kasih” kita pakai sebagai jawaban “menerima tawaran”, meskipun tidak terucap kata “ya”. [terima kasih tanpa “ya”]

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Atau, kalau kita menerima tawaran, jawabannya cenderung “tanpa kata”? Misalnya, ditawari mengambil kue, langsung mengambil kue, tanpa kata? Atau, kalau dengan kata, apa yang kita ucapkan? Terucap “Terima kasih”-kah? Atau, apa? bk From: Yassir Nasanius To: [email protected] Sent: Wednesday, February 23, 2011 2:33 PM Subject: RE: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Dear all, Apakah terjemahan 'thank you for not smoking', yaitu 'terima kasih Anda tidak merokok', bisa masuk kategori no. 10 yang dibuat Pak Agus? Salam, Yassir From: Agus Santoso To: [email protected] Sent: Wednesday, February 23, 2011 9:27 PM Subject: Re: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Pak Bambang yth, Saya rasa kita hanya mengucapkan terima kasih saja ya. Kalau tidak ada kelanjutannya, berarti no, thanks. Kalau dilanjutkan dengan mengerjakan sesuatu yang dimintakan, berarti yes, thanks. Oleh sebab itu, banyak pembelajar bahasa Inggris yang terjebak dalam masalah ini ketika mereka harus membedakan yes/no, thanks. Kita cenderung hanya mengatakan thanks dan hal ini membuat penutur berbahasa Inggris menjadi kebingungan karena mereka mengharapkan yes/no..:) Mungkin ada ide lain dari teman-teman lain yang ingin menambahkannya? Salam, GAS http://agus-santoso.com/buku/ From: rina marnita To: [email protected] Sent: Wednesday, February 23, 2011 10:25 PM Subject: Re: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Terima kasih atas responnya pak (berarti kita juga mengucapkan terima kasih ketika pendapat kita direspon seseorang terlepas apakah kita setuju atau tidak dengan respon tersebut) Ya, sebaiknya kita memang 'melebur' dalam budaya/ciri kebahasaan secara nasional ketika menggunakan bahasa Indonesia. Namun, selama ini umumnya kita mengajarkan'bagaimana dan kapan mengucapakan terima kasih' ketika mengajarkan tata krama pada anak2 kita, yang mungkin saja kita (sangat) dipengaruhi oleh nilai2 budaya dan kebiasaan yang kita anut (atau mungkin kita sudah punya panduan tertulis nasional tentang aturan berterimakasih ini?). Mungkin faktor latar belakang pendidikan seseorang juga mempengaruhi pak; makin tinggi tingkat pendidikan seseorang makin 'standar' perilaku berbahasanya. Terima kasih (kenapa berterimakasih lagi ya?)

211

Diskusi Ilmiah

From: E. Aminudin Aziz To: [email protected] Sent: Thursday, February 24, 2011 1:39 PM Subject: Re: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Nimbrung dikit nih. Kalau saya pikir sih, sesuai dengan hakikatnya, seseorang akan berterima kasih manakala telah ada pihak lain (dalam hal ini khususnya mitra tuturnya) yang telah berbuat baik kepada penutur. Artinya, si penutur memang ingin menunjukkan 'penerimaan' terhadap rasa 'kasih' yang telah diberikan mitra tuturnya itu. Nah, kalau justru ada seseorang yang telah diberi 'kasih' itu tidak 'diterimakan', maka kita bisa katakan bahwa orang tersebut tidak tahu terima kasih. Lalu, kalau pada akhirnya ada ungkapan terima kasih yang di luar konteks di atas, seperti misalnya setelah dipecat gituh (?), maka ungkapan terima kasih tadi tidak boleh/tidak bisa dipandang sebagai ungkapan terima kasih yang tulus, yang --seperti kita banyak baca dari tulisan Brown&Levinson dan para peneliti lain ttg Kesantunan Berbahasa-- memang berterima kasih itu bisa mengancam wajah alias face-threatening act. Artinya, memang tidak selalu mudah untuk berterima kasih secara ikhlas itu. Oh ya, terima kasih kepada yang telah membaca komentar ini (dengan ikhlas)....(smile...!!!) Salam, eaa From: Agus Santoso To: [email protected] Sent: Thursday, February 24, 2011 2:25 PM Subject: Re: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Terima kasih, pak, untuk inputnya. Saya rasa semua aspek harus kita amati/jelajahi supaya kita memiliki perspektif yang menyeluruh karena hakikat riset adalah mendokumentasi segala aspek yang terkait di dalamnya dan pastinya ada sedikit gesekan-gesekan juga yang merupakan kekecualian yang daripadanya kita justru mendapatkan keutuhannya, dalam hal ini, misalnya penggunaan ujaran 'terima kasih' dalam setiap aspeknya. Salam, GAS From: su santo <[email protected]> To: [email protected] Sent: Thursday, February 24, 2011 2:48 PM Subject: Re: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Salam bahagia dari India... Mungkin pembahasan aspek intonasi ujaran 'terima kasih' juga tak kalah menariknya untuk dilibatkan. Dengan mencermati tonic syllable, yang pada gilirannya tonic foot, kita mendapat latar fonetik untuk menentukan alur nada ujaran 'terimakasih' tersebut. Hal ini tentunya dilakukan dengan sangat memperhatikan pengaturan advanced pitch range pada instrumen yang digunakan (misalnya PRAAT) yang mungkin berbeda dari satu konteks ke konteks yang lain, dari satu bahasa ke bahasa yang lain ataupun dari satu penutur ke penutur yang lain. Susanto www.mrsusanto.blogspot.com

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From: Yassir Nasanius To: [email protected] Sent: Thursday, February 24, 2011 4:05 PM Subject: RE: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Dear all, Kalau tidak salah, diskusi mengenai 'cara berterima kasih' ini dipicu oleh artikel Tim Hasall yang mengemukakan kebingungannya ketika mencoba memakai 'terima kasih'. Tampaknya Tim dan mahasiswanya memakai kerangka tindak tutur 'thank you/thanks' dalam bahasa Inggris ketika mencoba memakai 'terima kasih' dalam bahasa Indonesia. Jadi, masalahnya apakah tindak tutur 'thank you/thanks' dalam bahasa Inggris itu sama dengan tindak tutur 'terima kasih' dalam bahasa Indonesia? Menurut Pak Amin, seseorang akan berterima kasih manakala telah ada pihak lain (dalam hal ini khususnya mitra tuturnya) yang telah berbuat baik kepada penutur, sehingga tindak tutur ini dimanifestasikan melalui 'thank you/thanks' dalam bahasa Inggris dan 'terima kasih' dalam bahasa Indonesia? Akan tetapi, seperti ditulis rekan-rekan yang lain, tindak tutur yang termaktub dalam 'thank you/thanks' sangat dipengaruhi budaya masyarakat berbahasa Inggris dan tindak tutur yang termaktub dalam 'terima kasih' sangat dipengaruhi budaya masyarakat pemakai bahasa Indonesia? How do we reconcile these two facts? Salam, Yassir From: Yassir Nasanius To: [email protected] Sent: Thursday, February 24, 2011 4:20 PM Subject: RE: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Di samping unsur fonologi, saya rasa kajian tindak tutur (seperti berterima kasih atau meminta sesuatu) yang bersifat lintas budaya merupakan kajian yang sangat menarik. Di dalam literatur pengajaran tahun 50-an, Contrastive Linguistics, saya kira, belum banyak berkutat dengan tindak tutur (paling-paling hanya sampai pada tataran kalimat). Mungkin Contrastive Lingustics ditambah pragmatics perlu direvitalisasi untuk mengkaji topik seperti speech acts across cultures (tindak tutur dalam pelbagai bahasa) atau implicatures across cultures (implikatur dalam pelbagai budaya). Salam, Yassir From: E. Aminudin Aziz To: [email protected] Sent: Thursday, February 24, 2011 4:24 PM Subject: RE: [mlindo] terima kasih: kapan kita mengucapkannya?

Rekan-rekan, Yang saya percayai adalah bahwa dalam bahasa (dan budaya) apapun, tindak tutur berterima kasih itu PASTI ADA. Hanya, yang mungkin berbeda adalah realisasinya. Ingatlah misalnya dalam studi yang dilakukan dalam projek CCSARP oleh Blum-Kulka dkk, kita menemukan kenyataan betapa beragamnya realisasi pertuturan MEMINTA (Requesting) dan MEMOHON MAAF (Apologies). Keragaman tsb dibuktikan lebih lanjut dalam beberapa riset berikutnya. Dengan demikian, sudah pasti bahwa realisasi tuturan (termasuk di dalamnya unsur fonologis) akan sangat khas sesuai dengan budaya tempat bahasa itu hidup. Bahkan, bukankah kita akan menyatakan terima kasih atau tuturan lainnya secara berbeda 'hanya' karena situasi lingkungan (konteks) berbeda? Dan itulah kekayaan bahasa dalam budayanya, saya pikir. Salam, eaa 213


INDEKS atelic 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164 Buginese dialect 69 blurring (the) boundaries 167 code-switching 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146 communication 19, 33, 34 comparable particle 53, 56, 61, 62, 65 conversation analysis 1, 2, 5, 13, 14, 101 covert voice alternation 111, 115 cultural scripts 19, 23, 33 difficult translation 85, 86 ethnography of communication 185 forms of greeting 69 (funny) control 111 I-grammar 167, 168, 169 I-morality 167, 169, 170 impossible translation 85, 86 Indonesian 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176 intentionality 167, 169, 170 kena 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126 language extinction 35 language vitality 35 language revival and revitalization 35 linguistic and poetic iconicity 85, 97 linguistic challenges 185 linguistic corruption 167, 171, 173, 174, 176 Manado Malay 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 142, 144 moral character 167, 168, 169, 170, 175, 176 morality 167, 168, 169, 170, 175, 176, 177 multicultural 19 multilingual 133, 134, 136, 137, 138, 140, 144, 146 Natural Semantic Metalanguage 19, 21, 22 pragmatics 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 13, 14, 15, 16, 101 pragmatic particle 53, 54, 55, 56, 62, 63, 65, 66 poetry translation 85, 86, 87, 90, 91, 93, 94, 97 politeness 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 10, 12, 13, 15, 16, 101 representations 167, 169, 170, 176 rules 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 174, 175 Sidrap 69, 70, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 80, 81, 82 situations 151, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163 subtle translation 85, 86, 97 taken for granted knowledge 167, 169 Teaching Science 185 telic 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 159, 160, 162, 163, 164 terminal/natural end points 151 type of situations 151

INDEKS PENULIS Kasper

1

Darmojuwono

19

Ibrahim

35

Sari

53

Amir

69

Kadarisman

85

Omar

101

Nomoto dan Wahab

111

Pangalila

133

Nurhayati

151

Kalidjernih

167

Krish and Othman

185

216

Terima Kasih

Redaksi Linguistik Indonesia mengucapkan terima kasih kepada para mitra bebestari yang telah berkenan mereview artikel-artikel yang diterbitkan dalam Linguistik Indonesia edisi Februari dan Agustus 2011, yaitu: 1. Patrisius Istiarto Djiwandono

Universitas Ma Chung

2. M. Umar Muslim

Universitas Indonesia

3. Hasan Basri

Universitas Tadulako

4. E. Aminudin Aziz

Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia

5. Siti Wachidah

Universitas Negeri Jakarta

6. A. Effendi Kadarisman

Universitas Negeri Malang

7. Mahyuni

Universitas Mataram

8. Dwi Noverini Djenar

University of Sydney, Australia

9. Bahren Umar Siregar

Unika Atma Jaya

10. Katharina Endriati Sukamto

Unika Atma Jaya

11. Faizah Sari

Unika Atma Jaya

12. Bambang Kaswanti Purwo

Unika Atma Jaya

13. Yassir Nasanius

Unika Atma Jaya

Jakarta, Agustus 2011 Redaksi Linguistik Indonesia

FORMAT PENULISAN NASKAH Naskah diketik dengan menggunakan MS Word dikirimkan ke Redaksi melalui e-mail [email protected] atau dalam bentuk disket dan satu printout. Panjang naskah, termasuk daftar pustaka, adalah minimal 15 halaman dan maksimal 30 halaman, dengan spasi tunggal dan jenis huruf Times New Roman 11 point. Naskah disertai dengan abstrak sekitar 150 kata dan kata kunci (key words) maksimal tiga kata. Abstrak dan kata kunci ditulis dalam dua bahasa: bahasa Indonesia dan bahasa Inggris, diletakkan setelah judul naskah dan afiliasi penulis. Kutipan hendaknya dipadukan dalam kalimat penulis, kecuali bila panjangnya lebih dari tiga baris. Dalam hal ini, kutipan diketik dengan spasi tunggal, menjorok ke dalam (indented) sepuluh karakter, letak tengah (centered), dan tanpa tanda petik. Nama penulis yang dirujuk hendaknya ditulis dengan urutan berikut: nama akhir penulis, tahun penerbitan, dan nomor halaman (bila diperlukan); misalnya, (Radford 1997), (Radford 1997:215). Catatan ditulis pada akhir naskah (endnote), tidak pada bagian bawah halaman (footnote). Setiap rujukan baik artikel maupun buku tanpa dipilah-pilah jenisnya, diurutkan menurut abjad berdasarkan nama akhir, tanpa diberi nomor urut. · Untuk buku: (1) nama akhir, (2) koma, (3) nama pertama, (4) titik, (5) tahun penerbitan, (6) titik, (7) judul buku cetak miring, (8) titik, (9) kota penerbitan, (10) titik dua (colon), (11) nama penerbit, dan (12) titik, seperti pada contoh berikut: Gass, S.M. dan J. Schachter. 1990. Linguistic Perspectives on Second Language Acquisition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hutabarat, S. 1995. Pemerolehan Fonem Bahasa Batak Karo pada Anak-anak Usia Tiga Tahun. Jakarta: Gramedia. · Untuk artikel dalam jurnal: (1) nama akhir, (2) koma, (3) nama pertama, (4) titik, (5) tahun penerbitan, (6) titik, (7) tanda petik buka, (8) judul artikel, (9) titik, (10) tanda petik tutup, (11) nama jurnal cetak miring, (12) volume, (13) titik, (14) nomor (kalau ada), (15) koma, (16) spasi, (17) halaman, (18) titik, seperti pada contoh berikut: Chung, S. 1976. “An Object-Creating Rule in Bahasa Indonesia.” Linguistic Inquiry 7.1, 41-87. Zwicky, A.M. 1985. “Heads.” Journal of Linguistics 21, 1-30. · Untuk artikel dalam buku: (1) nama akhir, (2) koma, (3) nama pertama, (4) titik, (5) tahun penerbitan, (6) titik, (7) tanda petik buka, (8) judul artikel, (9) titik, (10) tanda petik tutup, (11) berilah kata "Dalam", (12) titik dua, (13) nama editor disusul (ed.), (14) koma, (15) halaman, (16) titik. Buku ini harus pula dirujuk secara lengkap dalam lema tersendiri, seperti pada contoh berikut: Dardjowidjojo, S. 2007. “Derajat Keuniversalan dalam Pemerolehan Bahasa.” Dalam: Nasanius (ed.), 233-261. Nasanius, Y. (ed.). 2007. PELBBA 18. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia. · Jika ada lebih dari satu artikel oleh pengarang yang sama, nama pengarangnya ditulis ulang secara lengkap, dimulai dengan tahun terbitan yang lebih dulu, mengikuti contoh ini: Shibatani, M. 1977. “Grammatical Relations and Surface Cases.” Language 53, 789809. Shibatani, M. 1985. “Passives and Related Constructions: A Prototype Analysis.” Language 61, 821-848.

MASYARAKAT LINGUISTIK INDONESIA

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