MASYARAKAT LINGUISTIK INDONESIA

MASYARAKAT LINGUISTIK INDONESIA Didirikan pada tahun 1975, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia (MLI) merupakan organisasi profesi yang bertujuan untuk mengembangkan studi ilmiah mengenai bahasa. PENGURUS MASYARAKAT LINGUISTIK INDONESIA Ketua Wakil Ketua Sekretaris Bendahara

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Faizah Sari, Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya Rindu Parulian Simanjuntak, SIL Internasional Siti Wachidah, Universitas Negeri Jakarta Katharina Endriati Sukamto, Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya

DEWAN EDITOR Utama : Bambang Kaswanti Purwo, Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya Pendamping : Faizah Sari, Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya Anggota : Bernd Nothofer, Universitas Frankfurt, Jerman; Ellen Rafferty, University of Wisconsin, Amerika Serikat; Bernard Comrie, Max Planck Institute; Tim McKinnon, Jakarta Field Station MPI; A. Chaedar Alwasilah, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia; E. Aminudin Aziz, Universitas Pendidikan Indonesia; Siti Wachidah, Universitas Negeri Jakarta; Katharina Endriati Sukamto, Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya; D. Edi Subroto, Universitas Sebelas Maret; I Wayan Arka, Universitas Udayana; A. Effendi Kadarisman, Universitas Negeri Malang; Bahren Umar Siregar, Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya; Hasan Basri, Universitas Tadulako; Yassir Nasanius, Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya; Dwi Noverini Djenar, Sydney University, Australia; Mahyuni, Universitas Mataram; Patrisius Djiwandono, Universitas Ma Chung; Regina Yanti, Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya. JURNAL LINGUISTIK INDONESIA Linguistik Indonesia diterbitkan pertama kali pada tahun 1982 dan sejak tahun 2000 diterbitkan tiap bulan Februari dan Agustus. Linguistik Indonesia telah terakreditasi berdasarkan SK Dirjen Dikti No. 64a/DIKTI/Kep/2010, 1 November 2010. Jurnal ilmiah ini dibagikan secara cuma-cuma kepada para anggota MLI yang keanggotaannya umumnya melalui Cabang MLI di pelbagai Perguruan Tinggi, tetapi dapat juga secara perseorangan atau institusional. Iuran per tahun adalah Rp 125.000 (anggota dalam negeri) dan US$30 (anggota luar negeri). Keanggotaan institusional dalam negeri adalah Rp 150.000 dan luar negeri US$50 per tahun. Naskah dan resensi yang panduannya dapat dilihat di www.e-li.org dikirim ke Redaksi dengan mengikuti format Pedoman Penulisan Naskah di bagian belakang sampul jurnal. ALAMAT Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia Pusat Kajian Bahasa dan Budaya Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya JI. Jenderal Sudirman 51, Jakarta 12930, Indonesia e-mail: [email protected], Ph/Fax: +62 (0)21 571 9560

Daftar Isi Mapping Out Mentalism in Present-Day Linguistics and Other Related Disciplines A. Effendi Kadarisman ..................................................................

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Nominal Clause Constructions in Biak Suriel Mofu ................................................................................... 25 Pola Unsur Suprasegmental Nada Bahasa Tionghoa Orang Surabaya Ong Mia Farao Karsono .............................................................. 47 The Co-Occurrence of the Clitic -Nya and Demonstrative Itu in Spoken Indonesian Discourse Katharina Endriati Sukamto .......................................................... 69 Non-Topological Relations in Rongga, Balinese, Indonesian: Some Evidence from Linguistic and Non-Linguistic Tasks I Nyoman Aryawibawa ................................................................. 85 Resensi: Craig Hancock Meaning Centered Grammar Diresensi oleh Daniel Ginting ................................................................. 101 Jelajah Linguistik: Kata atau Sintaksis Terlebih Dahulu: Kasus “Jabberwocky” dan Bahasa Alay Yassir Nasanius ...................................................................................... 103 Bincang antara Kita dari Dunia Maya: “Diperingan”: Bagaimana Memaknainya? ................................... 105

Linguistik Indonesia, Februari 2012, 1-23 Copyright©2012, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia, ISSN: 0215-4846

Tahun ke-30, No. 1

MAPPING OUT MENTALISM IN PRESENT-DAY LINGUISTICS AND OTHER RELATED DISCIPLINES A. Effendi Kadarisman* Universitas Negeri Malang [email protected] Abstract Mentalism in linguistics is the belief that verbal behavior is best explained by referring to the workings of the human mind, and best captured by the term “competence”. First proposed by Chomsky (1965), the term “competence” has obtained much wider use in generative grammar, in context-bound linguistics, and in other related disciplines (i.e., Second Language Acquisition, Translation, and Poetics) – obviously showing the magnificent influence of mentalism. This is not because “competence” is a magic word, but because it is part of what Culler (1975) calls “a methodological statement of exemplary clarity”, set out to meet the external condition of explanatory adequacy. Key words: mentalism, competence, generative grammar, context-bound linguistics, explanatory adequacy. Mentalisme dalam linguistik adalah paham bahwa tindak kebahasaan kita seyogyanya dijelaskan dengan merujuk pada tata-kerja alam-pikiran kita, dan dibuhul-simpulkan dengan kata kunci “kompetensi”. Istilah “kompetensi”, yang semula dikemukakan oleh Chomsky (1965), telah digunakan secara luas dalam linguistik generatif, dalam studi bahasa terikat-konteks, dan dalam sejumlah cabang ilmu lainnya (yaitu, Pemerolehan Bahasa Kedua, Penerjemahan, dan Puitika); semuanya menunjukkan dengan jelas adanya pengaruh mentalisme yang meluas. Ini bukan karena “kompetensi” adalah sebuah kata bertuah, melainkan karena ia merupakan bagian dari “pola-ungkap metodologis yang jelas dan layak-tiru” (Culler 1975), yang dirancang untuk memenuhi tuntutan eksternal berupa ketuntasan penjelasan. Kata kunci: mentalisme, kompetensi, linguistik generatif, studi bahasa terikat-konteks, ketuntasan penjelasan.

INTRODUCTION MENTALISM IN GENERATIVE GRAMMAR The use of the term “mentalism” in this paper brings along some disadvantage and needs clarification. When we look it up in Google, most entries describe “mentalism” as mind reading and magic trick, and so do dictionaries. In Webster (1989:742) “mentalist” means mind reader, while in Longman (1978:679) “mental hospital” means a hospital where people whose minds are ill are treated and looked after. However, in a dictionary of philosophy (Mautner 1996:64, 348) “mentalism” is used in contrast with “behaviorism”; the former suggests that the causal explanation of human behavior is expressed with reference to the mind, whereas the latter suggests that the empirically observed behavior itself, consisting of stimuli and reactions, serves as the basis for causal explanation. It is in this sense that I use the term “mentalism” and, accordingly, refer to Chomsky as a “mentalist”. The justification is given by Smith (1999:143), who states that “Chomsky is a mentalist in the sense that he is attempting to understand the workings of the human mind within the framework of the natural sciences”. More operationally, Hanks (1996:71) observes, “Linguistics would be fundamentally mentalist. Its object would be

A. Effendi Kadarisman

the deep mental reality that underlies verbal performance” (emphasis in both quotations added). Thus keeping aside the meaning “mind reading” and referring specifically to “explaining linguistic behavior in terms of the workings of the human mind”, the term “mentalism” is picked out and used as a key-concept throughout this paper. How does mentalism shape up generative linguistics? In Aspects of the Theory of Syntax, Chomsky (1965:4) states that “linguistic theory is mentalistic, since it is concerned with discovering a mental reality underlying actual behavior” (emphasis added). This mental reality is termed “competence” (the speaker-hearer’s knowledge of his language), which is fundamentally different from performance (the actual use of language in concrete situations). It is this linguistic competence or mental grammar in the mind of the speaker that allows the “creative aspect of language use”—not in a poetic or literary sense but in an everyday manner (p. 6). In our everyday experience, every time we speak or write, we “create” utterances or sentences; and every time we listen or read, we “creatively make sense” of what we perceive. Structurally, this creative act of language use is referred to as “making infinite use of finite means” (p. 8). The “finite means” refers to the limited or definite number of words and grammatical rules in a language, and the “infinite use” refers to (the possibility of) producing unlimited numbers of sentences in language use (Lyons 1978:43). While in Aspects (1965) the creative use of language is noted only in passing, in the subsequent book, Cartesian Linguistics (1966), the first chapter is devoted to “Creative Aspect of Language Use”, arguing that linguistic creativity is the hallmark of human existence. Referring to Cartesian philosophy, Chomsky states that “the essential difference between man and animal is exhibited most clearly by human language, in particular, by man’s ability to form new statements which express new thoughts and which are appropriate to new situations” (p. 3). In this respect, man is a rational being, for he is free from the domination of instinct. In linguistic analysis, the logical consequence of the “competence vs. performance” dichotomy is the necessity of positing “deep structure vs. surface structure”. Whereas in explaining the nature of linguistic creativity Chomsky refers to Cartesian philosophy, in arguing for the necessity of positing “deep structure vs. surface structure”, as noted in Language and Mind (1972), he refers to Port-Royal Grammar, part of the 17th century rationalist philosophy in France which concerned logical explanation of human language. The well-known example cited from this school is the sentence Invisible God created the visible world. Lying under this “surface structure” are three propositions serving as “deep structures”: (a) God is invisible, (b) God created the world, and (c) The world is visible (pp. 16-17). From these examples, the necessity of positing “deep structure” should be obvious, without which explanation of “meaning” would remain obscure. The absence of “deep structure” in Bloomfieldian linguistics, Chomsky argues, is the very reason why this school failed to meet the condition of adequacy in linguistic description. In this context it is important to note that Chomsky’s most significant contribution to linguistics, according to Lyon (1978), is his formalization of syntactic theory. “Chomsky may be right or wrong about the speciesspecificity of language, but one thing is clear: What his theory of generative grammar seeks to formalize – rule-governed, structure-dependent creativity whose complexity is defined by the power of the grammar – is certainly an essential part of language” (p. 143). This is a very brief summary of mentalism in generative grammar, best captured by the postulate “language is a direct mirror of the mind.” During the mid 20th century, a period in the history of linguistics celebrated as the “Chomskyan revolution”, mentalism gained prominence in less than a decade and compellingly swept aside empiricism in the Bloomfieldian school, making obsolete the well-known postulate “language is a set of habits”. Now, five decades after

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Linguistik Indonesia, Tahun ke-30, No. 1, Februari 2012

the “revolution”, what does the portrait of mentalism look like? In response to this question, this paper, having outlined the emergence and early success of mentalism, looks critically at how mentalism spreads inside and outside generative grammar as well as in other disciplines related to linguistics. THE SPREAD OF MENTALISM THROUGH WIDER USE OF THE KEY-CONCEPT “COMPETENCE” During the last five decades of linguistic development, the key-concept “competence” which holds mentalism in linguistics, as revealed through the present library research, has been used more and more widely in three different domains: (a) in generative linguistics itself, (b) in context-bound linguistics, and (c) outside linguistics proper. Below is a brief account of the spread of the key-term “competence” in present-day linguistics and other related fields. The Expanded Use of “Competence” in the Sub-fields of Generative Linguistics With reference to (first) language acquisition, “linguistic competence” or “mental grammar” is considered to be the mature form of the language acquisition device (LAD) or the eventual manifestation of principles and parameters in Universal Grammar (UG). Either the LAD hypothesis or UG theory has been proposed to solve the “logical problem of language acquisition”. That is, considering the highly complex nature of language, it would be impossible for humans to master language in the first few years in their life if they were not equipped, biologically and psychologically, with a mental device specifically designed for language acquisition. This mental device is believed to be the LAD or UG. The former is the mental device seen as a “black-box”, and the latter is the mental device specified as consisting of innate principles and parameters. Thus the LAD hypothesis or UG theory is meant to be the logical explanation of how human language is possible (Kadarisman 2007). As for the organization of grammar, Chomsky (1965:15-18) proposes three inter-related components: syntactic, phonological, and semantic components. The syntactic component, which provides description of sentence generation, begins with the base rules producing deep structure, followed by transformation rules producing surface structure. The phonological component determines the phonetic form of a sentence at the surface structure; and the semantic component determines the meaning or semantic interpretation of a sentence, by referring mostly to the deep structure but occasionally also to the surface structure. Note that “morphology” is set aside in this theoretical framework, probably due to the fact that “generation” in generative grammar operates most obviously in syntax and then in phonology, but less obviously in morphology.1 In Aspects (1965) and also in Sound Pattern of English (1968),2 considered respectively the “holy bible” of generative syntax and generative phonology, Chomsky uses only the general term “linguistic competence” to refer to mental grammar. However, scholars in the generative school further specify that each component of grammar may stand as a modifier for “competence”, and hence phonetic, phonological, morphological, syntactic, and semantic competence (O’Grady et al. 2005:5-6). Our phonetic competence enables us to recognize dialectal variation and also foreign accent. A four-year-old niece of mine in Malang asked her mom, “Ma, itu orang mana?” (Mom, where is she from?), when her mother was having a conversation with a woman from Padang. The small girl seemed to be curious upon recognizing her Padangese accent in speaking Indonesian. The first time I met Professor James Collins in Hawaii, he said to me, “I know right away that you are from Java, because of your [b, d, g] in 3


speech.” Obviously, my Javanese [b, d, g] are very “heavy”, known phonetically as breathy voiced. On another occasion, an American friend asked me, “Pak Effendi, when you speak English, can you hear your own accent?” Definitely my English sounds “foreign” to him; and my reply was “When I speak English, that’s the best English I can produce with my mouth.” Shortly, dialectal variation implies producing phonetic features different from those in the local dialect; and foreign accent means the failure to produce the gross phonetic features as produced by native speakers. Other sub-types of competence enable speakers of any language, among other things, to distinguish between well-formed and ill-formed linguistic units. Our phonological competence tells us that the acronym menkeu sounds strange, but mendagri sounds good. The former, but not the latter, violates the phonotactic rule of Indonesian: there is no diphthong [«u] in the language. In English, brick is a real word; blick is a nonsense word but sounds good; and bnick is a nonsense word and sounds strange. This is because blick is an example of accidental gap; but bnick is an example of systematic gap.3 Our morphological competence tells us that mengepalai and menangani are wellformed, but *mematai and *memuluti are ill-formed. We know that pembeli means orang yang membeli, penggali means orang yang menggali, but pendapat does not mean *orang yang mendapat. Referring to tools, from pahat we can say memahatkan; but from palu we cannot say *memalukan. This allows the humor: Setiap kali memutuskan perkara, hakim itu selalu memalukan. In English, we know there is semantic contrast in the pairs agree >< disagree, believe >< disbelieve, and like >< dislike, but not in appoint >< disappoint. The last pair allows the humor: An office seeker is one who is either appointed or disappointed. Moving ahead, our syntactic competence enables us not only to distinguish between well-formed and ill-formed syntactic constructions, but also to recognize syntactic ambiguity. We know that the Indonesian sentence Anak itu menangis can have the inverted form Menangis anak itu – with the stress on the fronted VP predicate menangis. But we also know that the English sentence The child cried cannot be inverted into *Cried the child – even if the fronted predicate is given primary stress. In colloquial Indonesian, Saya kemarin sibuk is considered well-formed; but in colloquial English, *I yesterday was busy or *I was yesterday busy is considered ill-formed. In sum, our syntactic competence tells us that word order in Indonesian is more flexible than word order in English. As for syntactic ambiguity, examples are put in numbers. The NP predicate anak pedagang yang sombong in Indonesian sentence (1) has two possible interpretations: (a) [[anak pedagang] [yang sombong]], where yang sombong is a modifier for anak pedagang; or (b) [[anak] [pedagang yang sombong]], where yang sombong is a modifier for pedagang. 1.

[[Dia] [anak pedagang yang sombong]]

Likewise, the subject complement NP a dirty street fighter in English sentence (2) has four possible interpretations. Label bracketed as [a [[dirty] [street fighter]]], the NP means (a) a street fighter who is physically dirty, or (b) a street fighter who fights in a dirty manner. But label bracketed as [a [[dirty street] [fighter]]], the NP means (c) a fighter in or from a dirty street, or (d) one who tries to fight or clean up dirty streets. The last interpretation may remind us of the NP a fire fighter, which means “one who fights against a blazing fire”.

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2.

[[Joe] [is [a dirty street fighter]]]

Sometimes, syntactic ambiguity is made possible by placing different pauses or junctures, as can be seen in two possible interpretations of the newspaper headline in (3). 3.

PRESIDEN SOROTI KORUPSI

Naturally, we know that this headline means ‘presiden menyoroti korupsi’, as analyzed in the label brackets [[PRESIDEN] [SOROTI KORUPSI]]. But the humorist Ucup Kelik twists the sentence into [[PRESIDEN SOROTI] [KORUPSI]], and hence asking the question, “Presiden Soroti itu dari negara mana ya, kok korupsi?” Consider another example in English. 4.

“Dear Sir,” a man wrote to the editor of a country paper. “Can you tell me how long cows should be milked?” His answer came back in the next mail. “Just the same as short cows, of course.”

The normal interpretation is derived from [ … [how long] [cows should be milked]]; but the humor is derived from [… [how [long cows] should be milked]]. I would refer to examples (3) and (4) as “pause-dependent syntactic ambiguity” and to examples (1) and (2) as “pauseindependent syntactic ambiguity”. Additional notes are necessary here. As can be seen from examples under morphological and syntactic competence, our ability to perceive – and also create – verbal humor partly depends on our ability to recognize linguistic ambiguity. In fact, many verbal humors are made possible by twisting ambiguity at any linguistic level. Pushing further, linguists in the Chomskyan tradition also shed light on the so-called “garden-path” sentences (see Pinker 1994:212-13), as in examples (4). 5.

a. Fat men eat accumulates. b. The man who hunts ducks out ever week.

In a glance, these two sentences sound ungrammatical. But through careful reading, they turn out to be grammatical, as label bracketed in (5). 6.

a. [ Fat [men eat] accumulates ] b. [The man [who hunts] ducks out every week ]

From the label bracketing, we learn that sentence (4.a) means “Fat that men consume accumulates (in their bodies)”, and sentence (4.b) means “The man who goes hunting turns out (from the jungles) every week.” They are called “garden path” sentences because, when we read them and figure out their syntactic structures, we mentally get stuck again and again at the end of a “path” in the “linguistic garden” – but eventually find a way out by taking a different turn. In the area of meaning, our semantic competence tells us the meanings of words and sentences. Just as syntax allows structural ambiguity, semantics also allows lexical ambiguity. Again, humor can take capital from semantic ambiguity. 7.

“Wilton Lackaye, the famous actor, will now give us his address,” said the host. Mr. Lackeye stood up briefly. “Toastmaster and gentlemen, my address is Lambs Club, New York. Thank you.”

It is clear that the word “address” in example (6) was intended to mean “speech” by the host, but twisted into “the place where he lives” by the actor – the humor playing with lexical ambiguity. At the sentential level, the well-known example is one given by Chomsky. 8.

Colorless green ideas sleep furiously.

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This sentence was first introduced in Syntactic Structures (1957:15) to argue that, in the extreme, syntax can exist without semantics. In terms of its internal structure, sentence (8) is the same as (9) – taken from Aspects (1965:149). 9.

Revolutionary new ideas appear infrequently.

Reading both sentences above, our syntactic-and-semantic competence tells us that, while sentence (9) is syntactically and semantically well-formed, sentence (8) is only syntactically well-formed but semantically ill-formed, for four reasons. Ideas are abstract; they cannot be green – this is the first nonsense. If something is green, it cannot be colorless – this is the second nonsense. Ideas are inanimate; they cannot sleep – this is the third nonsense. One who sleeps cannot get furious or angry – this is the fourth or last nonsense. Briefly, our semantic competence tells us that sentence (8) is a total nonsense; but our syntactic competence tells us that it reads well in English.4 If sentence (8) is read backward, as in (10), which is also taken from Syntactic Structures (1957:15), then the sentence is both semantically and syntactically ill-formed. 10.

Furiously sleep ideas green colorless.

A sentence is expressed through the formula S à NP VP; and this formula succeeds to operate in (8) but it fails in (10). Briefly, examples (8), (9), and (10) tell us that generative grammar, since its early period, has made the best use of intuitive grammaticality judgment as if it were to push our linguistic competence to the limits. To recapitulate, as the key-term “linguistic competence” is expanded and sub-divided into phonetic, phonological, morphological, syntactic, and semantic competence, these five subtypes of competence have proven useful for describing and explaining common as well as uncommon linguistic phenomena at all linguistic levels. Indeed, generative grammar is very powerful in providing description and explanation for any kind of language data. Puzzling problems in phonology and syntax in the Bloomfieldian school have all been well and neatly solved by generative scholars (see Chapters 1 and 2 of Linguistic Theory in America, by Newmeyer 1986). “Competence” Transported to the Study of Language in Context As the name indicates, generative grammar limits itself to “grammar” or “linguistic rules” in context-free linguistics. When “meaning” – a long neglected area in the American structuralism (see Bloomfield 1933:140) – was brought back to linguistics by Chomsky (1957:92-105; 1965:148-59), much hope was there beginning to soar up in the discipline. But for a long time “meaning” has remained peripheral; it never moves to the center. Moreover, all discussion of theories, principles, and parameters is devoted to explaining how producing and interpreting syntactically well-formed utterances is possible. In other words, the center of linguistic theory in generative grammar is syntactic theory. In fact, mentalism in generative grammar has lately become more and more abstract, moving farther away from actual language use. This can be seen from the introduction of the new term “I-language”, used in contrast with “E-language” (see Chomsky 1986: 22-24). I-language or “internal language” seems to be another name of “linguistic competence”, but with further specifications: “I” in “I-language” means “internal, intensional, and individual”. The major concern of generative grammar is I-language, not Elanguage or “external language”. Just as “performance” is seen as an appendix to “competence” in Aspects (1965), “E-language” is also seen as an appendix to “I-Language” in Knowledge of Language (1986). In short, language is an individual mental fact; there is nothing social in the generative theory of human language. There is nothing social in the theory of human language? This critical question was first raised by the American anthropologist and linguist Dell Hymes (1972). Chomsky’s notion

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of “competence”, according to Hymes, is problematic for at least three important reasons. First, the postulate that competence is a perfect linguistic knowledge of an ideal speaker-hearer in a homogeneous speech community stands against the social fact: sociolinguists (e.g., Albert 1964, Cazden 1966, Ferguson 1966, and Labov 1966 – cited in Hymes 1972) often find differential competence or “competence of different degrees” across speakers in heterogeneous speech communities in many parts of the world. Secondly, linguistic competence in the Chomskyan sense is equal and thus limited to grammatical competence, whereas in actual language use grammatical competence is only one aspect determining success in verbal communication. Third and finally, the separation of “competence” from “performance” implies isolating linguistic knowledge from language use in its context, hence omitting almost everything of sociocultural significance contained in actual performance (p. 280). Having pointed out the inadequacy of “linguistic competence” in Generative grammar, Hymes proposes the now well-known term “communicative competence”. Within this term, linguistic judgments are of two kinds: of grammaticality, with respect to competence, and of acceptability, with respect to performance. He further argues that an adequate theory of language is to be integrated with theory of communication and culture (p. 281). In effect it is obvious that, much like linguistic competence being the backbone of generative grammar, communicative competence is meant to be the backbone of sociolinguistics. In his book Foundations in Sociolinguistics, Hymes (1974:195-7) states that the term “sociolinguistics” may be interpreted in three different ways. First, the social as well as the linguistic suggests the application of linguistic principles or methods for social purposes, such as the use of Bloomfield’s work for teaching reading. This now belongs to Applied Linguistics. Second, socially realistic linguistics means extending formal linguistic rules so as to account, for example, for dialectal variation, as can be seen in the works of Labov. Third, socially constituted linguistics means that “social function gives form to the ways in which linguistic features are encountered in actual life”. Accordingly, for Hymes, sociolinguistics “is concerned with social as well as referential meaning, and with language as part of communicative conduct and social action” (pp. 196-7). One best example for the third definition, I venture to point out, is how “politeness” in interpersonal communication is incorporated into “speech levels” in multi-level languages such as Balinese, Javanese, Madurese, and Sundanese. The point here is not to compare Chomsky’s theory with Hymes’s and evaluate which one is better, but rather to describe and explain how mentalism creeps out from context-free linguistics and gives shape to context-bound linguistics. Evidently not much has changed in sociolinguistics with the introduction of the term “communicative competence”. However, this term makes us aware that verbal communication is made possible owing to the communicative competence existing in the mind of each member of a speech community. Therefore, each of them is capable of producing utterances which are grammatically correct (often in the sense of ‘semantically comprehensible’), pragmatically as well as sociolinguistically appropriate, and culturally acceptable. Briefly, individualistic mentalism in generative grammar has moved out to produce collectivistic mentalism in sociolinguistics. As noted by Lavandera (1988), Chomsky is indirectly held responsible for the proliferation of sociolinguistics and ethnolinguistics at the end of the 1960s and for the propagation of pragmatics and discourse analysis in the mid 1970s. This is because scholars in context-bound linguistics were unhappy with individualistic mentalism in generative grammar, where linguistic theory is predominantly syntactic theory. Interestingly, while “linguistics” as a whole, in the structural but not functional sense, obtains the term “linguistic competence” (see O’Grady et al. 2005:5) and “communication” obtains the term “communicative competence” (Hymes 1972, 1974), the four sub-fields of Linguistics noted earlier do not obtain the terms “sociolinguistic, ethnolinguistic, pragmatic, and discourse competence” respectively (see, e.g., Hudson 1980 and Mesthrie et al. 2000 for sociolinguistics; Becker 1995 and Gumperzs &

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Levinson 1996 for ethnolinguistics; Levinson 1983 and Grundy 2000 for pragmatics; and Brown & Yule 1983 and Thornbury 2005 for discourse analysis). However, for the sake of clarity, I will be using each of the phrasal terms above together with illustrative examples in Indonesian. Now let’s start with examples showing how our sociolinguistic competence operates on given data. 11.

a. Bapak dimohon menemani Pak Dirjen bersantap malam. b. *Kamu aku mohon menemani anakku bersantap malam.

Upon reading both examples in (11), our sociolinguistic competence tells us right away that, while both utterances are syntactically and semantically well-formed, only utterance (11.a) is sociolinguistically appropriate; it observes the “rules of co-occurrence” (Evin-Trip 1972:23339). The [+deference] forms Bapak, dimohon, Pak Dirjen, and bersantap are used consistently throughout the utterance. Note also that the word Bapak, meaning ‘father’ literally but referring to ‘you’ socio-pragmatically, is an Indonesian-specific 2nd pronoun substitute suggesting “politeness” or [+deference]. In contrast, in (11.b) the [-deference] forms kamu, aku, and anakkku are juxtaposed with [+deference] forms mohon and bersantap along the syntagmatic plane, making the utterance sociolinguistically deviant and thus unacceptable. Next, our ethnolinguistic competence in Indonesian should have no problem recognizing language-specific expressions in (12). 12.

a. Ah, Kakak ini, kura-kura dalam perahu … b. *Ah, Kakak ini, penyu dalam perahu …

Owing to our ethnolinguistic or sociocultural competence, we know right away that the sampiran (lead) in (12.a) is right since it uses the fixed expression available, leading to the deleted but well-known isi (content): pura-pura tidak tahu. On the other hand, (12.b) can no longer stand as a sampiran since the word kura-kura (turtle) is replaced by its synonym penyu (porpoise), destroying the inner rhyme of the pantun – pura-pura: kura-kura. Moreover, we also know that the sampiran, being culture- and hence language-specific, is untranslatable: *the turtle on the boat in English would convey nothing. If the whole pantun is to be translated into English, then only the isi (content) is translatable: pura-pura tidak tahu ‘you just pretend that you don’t know’. The dialogue in (13), typically portraying the bad habit of making noise among some Indonesian students along the corridor outside the classroom, should be a good test for our pragmatic competence. Imagine a lecturer saying something to a group of noisy students, followed by a reply given by one of them: 13.

Dosen : Maaf, Dik, saya sedang mengajar. Mahasiswa : *Tidak perlu minta maaf, Pak, silakan terus mengajar.

On the “surface” both utterances in the dialogue seem to be semantically related; but in the “deep” they are not, hence making it pragmatically incoherent. Whenever I give this hypothetical example to the class, my students burst into laughter, indicating that they recognize the incoherent “text” right away and find it “foolish”. The student in the anecdote fails to catch the “implicature” in the first utterance. If the “gaps” were made explicit, by referring to the Gricean maxim of relevance the utterance “Sorry, Dik, I’m teaching” would explicitly and thus literally mean the following: “The noise you’re making right outside my classroom is disturbing. So, sorry, Dik, please be quiet because I’m teaching.” In implicature, what is said is not what is meant – implying that human language can be contextually symbolic. And yet, through inference from a given interpersonal context, the hearer usually has no problem understanding what the speaker means. In syntax, there is syntactic ambiguity; and in pragmatics, there is also pragmatic ambiguity or, more accurately,

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pragmatic indeterminacy. Syntactic ambiguity, as resolved by means of different tree structures or label brackets, usually has two, three, or at most four possible interpretations (see, e.g., example (2) above); but pragmatic indeterminacy has many more possible interpretations, as determined by a much bigger number of possible interpersonal contexts. The earlier mention of “incoherence” pertaining to dialogue (13) suggests an important feature in discourse analysis, which primarily concerns “coherence” and “cohesion” of a text or discourse. Moreover, in a discourse textual and contextual meanings go together, as illustrated by the occasionally seen public notice in (14). 14.

Dilarang kencing di sini kecuali anjing!

As a text, example (14) is complete in itself. Referring to Thornbury (2005:19), this public notice meets 6 out of the 7 “distinctive characteristics” of a text: it is (a) (b) (c) (d)

textually self-contained or sufficient, syntactically well-formed, fully coherent and thus easy to understand, clear in its communicative purpose (i.e., forbidding anyone not to urinate in that designated place), (e) recognizable as a text type (i.e., a public notice), and (f) appropriate in its context of use (i.e., located in the appropriate place). Logically, a shorter text Dilarang kencing di sini (No urinating here/Urinating here is forbidden [by law]) should be adequate. However, the addition kecuali anjing (except for dogs) does not make the text redundant, but sarcastic. In effect, the notice has a stronger force of forbidding, since anyone (capable of reading the text) would make himself a dog, and hence morally degraded, if ever he ignored the notice and did urinating. Undoubtedly, any normal adult Indonesian has discourse competence which allows him to recognize the public notice in (14) not only as a coherent but also a sarcastic text. In sum, the key-concept “linguistic competence” in generative grammar has been picked up by Hymes (1972) and modified into “communicative competence”, comprising four sub-types of competence: sociolinguistic, ethnolinguistic or sociocultural, pragmatic, and discourse competence. The illustrative examples above lead us to conclude that native speakers (of any language) are psycholinguistically well equipped with communicative competence, allowing them to get engaged naturally in verbal communication and, simultaneously, to distinguish between socially well-formed and socially ill-formed utterances. From outlining mentalism in context-bound linguistics, let’s move ahead to seeing how mentalism leaps out from linguistics proper and shapes other related disciplines. The Increasingly Wider Use of “Competence” outside Linguistics Proper Outside linguistics, the key-term “competence” has obtained popularity in at least three different fields of specialization: (a) Second Language Acquisition, (b) Translation, and (c) Poetics. Brief accounts of how mentalism gives shape to each of these three disciplines are presented in order. The Massive Use of “Competence” in Second Language Acquisition (SLA) To obtain a full understanding of SLA as a relatively new discipline, it would be helpful to start with making explicit the meaning of “acquisition” in the sense of Krashen (1982). The reference to Krashen here is primarily motivated by his obvious mentalistic approach in 9


explaining L2 acquisition. In his well-known Monitor Theory, “acquisition” occurs if, during meaningful verbal interaction, the LAD (language acquisition device, a term borrowed from Chomsky 1965) processes comprehensible input not blocked or hindered by the psychological filter in the mind. That is, L2 acquisition occurs in a psychologically conducive atmosphere. Successful acquisition produces acquired competence in the second language; it is much like the exposure of LAD to primary language data that eventually produces “mental grammar” or “linguistic competence” in L1. Notice the similarity between L1 acquisition and L2 acquisition here: the mental grammar in L1 and the acquired competence in L2 grow out naturally from the LAD being exposed to linguistic input. In other words, the key-term “acquisition”, whether in L1 or L2, implies strong mentalism or the inner workings of the mind. However, the eventual results of L1 and L2 acquisition are strikingly different from each other. According to Saville-Troike (2006:17), the former eventually yields native competence whereas the latter finally produces multilingual competence. In L1 acquisition, “innate capacity” or the LAD grows into “child grammar”; next it obtains “maturation” through input and reciprocal interaction; and finally it becomes “native competence”. On the other hand, in L2 acquisition, the “innate capacity” of the LAD is debatable. Obviously, at the initial state, “L1 knowledge, world knowledge, and interaction skills” are already there in the mind and then they grow together into “learner language”, inevitably experiencing “transfer” while processing the input. Unlike L1 acquisition, L2 acquisition is considerably influenced by at least four factors: the learner’s linguistic aptitude and personal motivation, the quality of formal instruction, and feedback from the teacher and/or peers – before it eventually yields “multilingual competence” at the final stage. In sum, L2 competence is qualitatively different from L1 competence. Referring to L1 as the starting point and L2 as the end point, Selinker (1972 [1974]) proposes the term “interlanguage”. As the name indicates, it suggests the “learner language” in the process of becoming, moving – at it were – from L1 as a point of departure toward L2 as a point of destination. In this respect, systematic “errors” occurring in the interlanguage at one point of time along its course of development may be seen as reflection of the current state of interlanguage competence (Corder 1967 [1974]). Viewed from the point of final destination, “interlanguage competence” is another name of “L2 competence in the making” or “imperfect L2 competence”. What we have discussed so far concerning L2 “acquisition” boils down to the following points. In a narrow sense, SLA, which literally means acquiring any language after one has acquired L1, refers to a mental process where the language faculty in the mind grows along its course of development so as to eventually become L2 competence. Thus the business of SLA is to occupy itself with what is going on in the learner’s mind while s/he is acquiring an L2. However, in a broader sense, SLA is concerned with the what, how, and why of L2 acquisition (Saville-Troike 2006:2): (a) What exactly does the L2 learner come to know? (b) How does the learner acquire this knowledge? (c) Why are some learners more successful than others? Answers to these questions are far beyond the scope of this paper. Briefly, referring to SavilleTroike (2006:174-8) again, (a) the answer to what is L2 linguistic knowledge; (b) the answer to how is a psychological, or more specifically, a psycholinguistic process; (c) the answer to why is the difference pertaining to (i) the learner’s personal traits, (ii) L1 and L2 relationship, and (iii) social context. 10


Notice that most aspects contained in the three answers (i.e., L2 linguistic knowledge, the psycholinguistic process, and the learner’s personal traits) suggest strong influence from mentalism in linguistics. Interestingly, as it comes down to “L2 linguistic knowledge”, Saville-Troike (2006:175) states that it is equal to communicative competence – Hymes’s term showing up prominently on the scene here. The relevant question is: what does “L2 communicative competence” consist of? The answer provided by Savignon (1997) in her book Communicative Competence: Theory and Classroom Practice, in my opinion, sounds comprehensive enough. Referring to Canale and Swain (1980), Savignon outlines their theoretical framework applied to the bilingual program of teaching French as a second language in the province of Ontario, Canada. In their framework, “communicative competence” is broken down into (a) (b) (c) (d)

grammatical competence, sociolinguistic competence, discourse competence, and strategic competence.

The following is a brief description of each sub-type of competence together with illustrative examples, mostly errors made by EFL learners in Indonesian context. Table 1. Errors across Different Linguistic Categories No. 1 2 3 4

Linguistic Categories lexical error morphological error syntactic error phonological error

Example After that we back to our home … because went to mountain is my first experience In second day I go to the beach Tony lost his bag – pronounced [bEk] instead of [bæg]

First, grammatical competence is defined by Savignon as “mastery of the linguistic code, the ability to recognize the lexical, morphological, syntactic, and phonological features of a language and to manipulate these features to form words and sentences. … A person demonstrates grammatical competence by using a rule, not by stating a rule” (p. 41). The complexity of an L2 grammar shows up prominently when we learn an L2 and when we closely observe errors occurring in L2. To illustrate, presented in Table 1 are examples of four grammatical errors in English made respectively by four different Indonesian high school students in writing and speaking. The errors in Table 1 tell us that the learners are still struggling with the mastery of basic linguistic forms. First, with respect to the lexical error, the wrong choice of back in *we back to our home instead of using the correct form we went home reveals that the learner is still confused between the use of the adverbial particle back and the verb go – jokingly referred to as “pocket dictionary” error. Moreover, we also see an instance of “translationese” in *back to our home, echoing the Indonesian equivalent pulang ke rumah. Secondly, as for the morphological error, the wrong use of the past tense went in place of the gerund going seems to reveal a developmental error: the activity occurs in the past, and hence the use of past tense. The learner is unaware yet of the rule: when an activity occurs without a subject, the verb takes a gerundial form: V-ing. However, the use of went instead of simply go tells us that the learner has made some progress in acquiring English morphology, but still inadequate for the current purpose of writing. Thirdly, the first syntactic error (i.e., In second day instead of On the second day) is probably due to the difference between L1 and L2 with respect to “preposition” systems. This is part of the well-known Contrastive Analysis (CA) hypothesis: features which are different in L1 and L2 will probably be difficult to learn (Lado 1964:11-22). English has specific prepositions:

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at 9 a.m., on Monday, on August 3, in November, in 2009, etc. But in Indonesian, all of these prepositions have only one equivalent: pada. In this respect, Indonesian learners have to deal with the “problem of lexical divergence”. That is, one word in Indonesian has three specific equivalents in English. Furthermore, colloquial Indonesian allows saying either pada hari kedua or di hari kedua, showing flexibility of Indonesian syntax. Thus the wrong phrase in second day (instead of the correct form on the second day) reveals two things. First, the wrong use of in is probably due to the problem of lexical divergence and “syntactic rigidity” in English; and secondly, the absence of the, known as error of omission, is probably due to the transfer of “zero form” from L1 to L2. Similarly, the second syntactic error (I go to the beach instead of I went to the beach) is probably due CA hypothesis too: features which are there in L2 but not there in L1 will also be difficult to learn. Any sentence in English contains a finite verb; and every finite verb contains a particular tense. The revised form On the second day I went to the beach tells us the following: the specific time adverb on the second day requires that the verb must be in past tense, went. Here we see the interaction between syntax and morphology, known as morphosyntactic phenomenon. The occurrence of a temporal adverb on the syntactic plane determines the morphological form of the verb. Psycholinguistically, the learner must be aware of this morpho-syntactic phenomenon. Fourth and finally, the phonemic errors in [bEk] in place of [bæg] are instances of “transfer errors”, that is, carrying over features of L1 into L2. Again, they are predictable through CA hypothesis. More specifically, the English vowel [æ] is not only absent in Indonesian but it is also a “marked” vowel in English. That is, because of its difficult articulation, English children acquire [æ] very late in the course of their phonological development (Kent 1992). Naturally, this vowel is also difficult to pronounce for Indonesian EFL learners. As for replacing the word-final [g] in [bæg] with [k] in [bEk] is known as “final devoicing”, i.e., voiced stops [b, d, g] occurring word-finally (as in lab, bag, and lag) become voiceless stops [p, t, k]. This is a universal tendency in phonology, making English (which keeps [b, d, b] voiced word-finally) an exception. Thus the difficulty in producing the wordfinal [g] in bag is also natural part of the learner’s English phonological acquisition. This rather elaborate explanation of the nature of lexical, morphological, syntactic, and phonological errors listed in Table 1 is intended to show that the seemingly simple L2 errors are in fact very complex psycho-physiologically. It should be obvious too that the given explanation is both structural and mentalistic, the latter highlighting psycholinguistic problems going on in the L2 learners’ minds. In other words, mentalism is useful in accounting for the nature of errors pertaining to L2 “grammatical competence”. In fact, as partly mentioned earlier, errors in Error Analysis can be regarded as reflection of the current state of the learner’s interlanguage competence (Corder 1967 [1974]). The second component of L2 communicative competence is sociolinguistic competence. Unlike grammatical competence which concerns correct linguistic forms, sociolinguistic competence concerns appropriate linguistic behavior, and hence appropriate utterances in verbal communication. In sociolinguistics, the phatic function of language, for example, is meant to keep interpersonal relationship, where producing an utterance is meant to convey the implicit message “I care about you”. When we Indonesians say Dari mana, Pak? or Mau ke mana, Mbak?, we do not really want to know where you were from or where you are going. This is simply our sociolinguistic way of conveying the message “I know you, I am aware of your presence, and I care about you”. However, this social message or phatic function is expressed differently in English, informally through Hi! or What’s up? or How’re you doing? and formally through Hello, how are you? or Good morning, nice seeing again. Thus, sociolinguistically, the phatic function may take up different forms across languages. The problem arises when the linguistic form is translated from L1 to L2. Indonesian

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EFL learners may say, “Where are you going?” to an English speaker with the intention of “I care about you”, obtaining not a friendly response but a facial expression of annoyance. In English, the question sounds intrusive (i.e., where I am going is none of your business) and has no phatic function. Similarly, when an English speaker learning Indonesian says, “Halo, apa kabar?” every time s/he meets an Indonesian acquaintance, it also results in confusion. While this question has some phatic function, it also has a value of its own: I want to know how you have been getting along since we haven’t met for long. Briefly, the seemingly trivial everyday utterances in any language have their own sociolinguistic values. L2 learners need to be aware of these values so as to avoid doing “negative sociolinguistic transfer” which may cause annoyance or confusion in L2 verbal communication. The third component is discourse competence. Since in the area of Discourse analysis language is realized in everyday communication as “text” (Thornbury 2005:6), discourse competence in L2 means the ability to recognize and understand texts in given contexts, and also to produce appropriate texts as required by contexts. Note that the term “text” here refers to any piece of spoken or written language that is complete in itself, such as a very brief or lengthy dialogue, a formal or informal talk, a public notice, a letter, a manual, a joke, a poem, etc. Much like the phatic function of language in sociolinguistics, texts are often language-specific as seen from the perspective of discourse analysis. For the sake of brevity, the discussion of language-specific texts is confined to public notices in English and Indonesian. The public notice HELP YOURSELF in English has no literal translation in Indonesian; the closest equivalent is probably “Silakan Ambil”. As I recall from my everyday experience in Hawaii, this notice is usually placed next to food, usually left over, in a dormitory kitchen, or next to given-away old books in a library. Another Englishspecific public notice is SLIPPERY WHEN WET, which means ‘Be careful; the newly rubbed floor is a bit wet and may be slippery’. This notice has something to do with the legal system in English-speaking countries. If there were no such notice and someone slipped and had a broken bone, s/he had the right to sue the owner of the building. Additionally, besides NO SMOKING, there is the notice usually placed inside an elevator with stronger forbidding force: SMOKING IS FORBIDDEN BY LAW. This clearly tells us that a smoker in an elevator runs the risk of meeting serious legal consequences. Similarly, there are also Indonesian-specific public notices. For example, the notice typically Indonesian—socially motivated by Indonesian-specific university context. Similarly, the notice DILARANG PARKIR DI DEPAN PINTU shows up only in Indonesia. This reveals to us that people’s parking behavior in public places is often reckless and inconsiderate. Likewise, the Indonesian-specific notice DILARANG BERJUALAN DI SINI showing up along a sidewalk tells us that the government tries to do two things: forbidding “small vendors” not to take away the civil rights of passers-by, and cleaning up the city from “dirty scenes”. The reader may also recall example (13): DILARANG KENCING DI SINI—with or without KECUALI ANJING, which further portrays ugly public behavior which still prevails in Indonesian society. As related to Second Language Acquisition, in dealing with L2 “texts” the learners should be aware of the underlying sociocultural differences. Even when the same message is intended, Indonesian and English often have different ways of putting it in a public notice. Whenever I ask my students, how would you translate into English HATI-HATI. JALAN DIPERBAIKI? Most of them will answer, BE CAREFUL. THE ROAD IS BEING REPAIRED. Of course the translation is grammatically correct and readily comprehensible. But that is not the way they put it in English; instead the notice in English reads CAUTION! ROAD CONSTRUCTION AHEAD. Comparing between the Indonesian and English versions, we find out that by using “nominal constructions” the English version sounds “more public” than the Indonesian version, which uses “adjectival and verbal constructions”. But that is how each language specifically conveys the same message. Next, when I ask my students, what about

13


DILARANG MENGELUARKAN ANGGOTA BADAN? They would simply get puzzled, and could never imagine the English equivalent: KEEP HEAD AND ARMS IN. Notice that the Indonesian version sounds more general, whereas the English version sounds more specific— “head” and “arms” are specific parts of the body. Briefly, even in dealing with “small texts” such as public notices, L2 learners should be well equipped with good discourse competence. The fourth and last component of L2 communicative competence is strategic competence, i.e., the ability to use various strategies used to compensate for imperfect knowledge of rules in L2 (Savignon 1997:45). These strategies include, among other things, repetition, taking a given option, and use of gestures. The following three anecdotes may serve as illustrative examples. A group of Indonesian teachers visiting American high schools in Ohio with limited knowledge of English were standing in line in a fast-food restaurant. To avoid difficulty in verbal communication, the leader, who speaks English well, told them to order the same package of food. Thus after the leader placed an order and took the package away, the next person stepped ahead and simply said, “The same”. All the other persons standing behind did the same thing. The following day, one of these people went back to the same restaurant. When asked what he wanted to order, he replied, “The same.” Of course, this “strategy” did not work as it did on the previous day. Another anecdote is told of an Indonesian student who barely speaks English, returning from a visit to his brother who works in Hong Kong and taking a flight by himself back to Indonesia. When it was time for dinner, he, being a moslem, said to the flight attendant, “No pig, no pig.” As he recalls, “pig” means ‘babi’. The flight attendant, who did not understand him, said, “No pork?” He replied, “No, no pig, no pig.” “Okay, no pork? Fish?” “Yes, yes, fish.” He knows that “fish” means ‘ikan’ and it is halal food. The last is an anecdote of an Indonesian lecturer from Malang taking an English intensive course in Bandung seven years ago, which set up the rule that “everyone joining the course must speak English; those who speak Indonesian are to be fined and have to pay a certain amount of money”. One day, when he could not attend the class because his wife gave a birth back home in Malang, he said to the instructor, “I’m sorry I cannot … attend the class because my wife is …”—being unable to continue expressing himself in English, he took the last resort by giving hand gestures showing pregnancy, giving a birth, and holding a baby with both hands—saying “Eeeek” [«:::/] with every gesture. He managed to convey the message and saved himself from being fined. To summarize, each sub-type of L2 communicative competence (i.e., grammatical, sociolinguistic, discourse, and strategic competence as outlined in the Savignon model (1997)) is itself a complex sub-system of mental ability. Thus learning an L2 is psycholinguistically an up-hill task of trying to acquire at the same time all sub-types of communicative competence so as to be able to carry on social affairs using L2 correctly and appropriately. It should be noted in passing, however, that other scholars in SLA have also proposed different models of “communicative competence” (see, for example, Archibald 2005, Bachman 1990, and CelceMurcia et al. 1995). They include other sub-types of competence, such as sociocultural competence, actional competence, organizational competence, and pragmatic competence. In fact, as further noted by Magnan (2008), there are also multi-competence, intercultural competence, and metaphorical competence. To me, these scholarly attempts to provide more and more sub-types of competence under “L2 communicative competence” indicate that, upon closer examination, the success in doing verbal communication in L2 depends upon a huge number of sub-systems of mental ability that, ideally, should operate rightfully and simultaneously in the mind of the L2 learner.

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The Limited Use of “Competence” in the Field of Translation While SLA scholars, as made clear from the previous discussion, seem to be preoccupied with charting out “L2 communicative competence” and hence producing various models comprising many sub-types of competence, experts in Translation are concerned very little with “translation competence”. In well-known references in the field of Translation (see, e.g., Catford 1969, Larson 1984, Newmark 1988, and Nida & Taber 1982), there is no chapter or specific section devoted to discussing translation competence. Before proceeding further, let me distinguish between “Translation” and “translation”; the former is an academic field whereas the latter is a profession, i.e., “line of work, vocation, occupation, job, or career” (Microsoft Thesaurus 2007). In this respect, translation is more interested in making the job of translating successful by explicating the “how to” rather than looking into the underlying ability or competence. More clearly, “what is going on in the mind of the translator” is a matter of little significance. Note, however, that the “how to” is never simple. In the field of Translation, also known presently as “Translation Studies” (see, e.g., Munday 2001 and Riccardi 2002), scholars in the field – following the progress in linguistics, cultural studies, and computer technology, particularly the so-called machine translation – have come up with sophisticated theories which may best guide the practice of translation. Notice the use of key-terms “theory” and “practice” here. The sophistication of theories may include not only different approaches, methods, or specific techniques (including linguistic and cultural adjustments) of doing translation, but may even go further so as to include “philosophical theories of translation” (Munday 2001:162-70). However, no matter how sophisticated the theory is, the primary goal is always to make it serve as a guide to doing effective and good translation. Thus, the “how to” is not to be seen simply as “technicality” in the profession but as an “attempt to bridge the gap” between the theory and practice in translation. Interestingly, or strangely, there has been an attempt lately to outline the nature of translation competence. European scholars who call themselves PACTE GROUP (2005) have proposed a model of translation competence. This model consists of one center (strategic subcompetence) surrounded by and connected to four other components (i.e., bilingual subcompetence, extralinguistic sub-competence, instrumental sub-competence, and knowledgeabout-translation sub-competence). The model operates as follows. The bilingual sub-competence enables the translator to understand the source language (SL) text and reproduce it in the target language (TL). The extralinguistic sub-competence enables the translator to understand the nature of the subject matter making up the text. The instrumental sub-competence enables the translator to proceed doing translation in the right way. The knowledge-about-translation sub-competence enables the translator to choose the appropriate approach, method, and/or technique of doing the translation. Notice, however, that these four sub-competences operate simultaneously and get focused on strategic sub-competence, which enables the translator to make the best possible decision while carrying out the task of translating. The fact that the “strategic sub-competence” stands at the “center of translation competence” tells us that eventually it is the “how to” that is the most prominent factor in translation. Just as L2 language performance occasionally shows problem in using language forms or functions, hence revealing the imperfect IL competence, the translated texts in TL may also contain message distortion, indicating inadequacy in translation competence – as shown in the examples below. 5 14.

JAUHI NARKOBA! HIDE DRUG!

Example (14) is a public notice on a billboard put up beside a main road in one kabupaten in West Java. Imagine a drug dealer passing along the road! He would be very grateful to the

15


local government, hiding his drugs accordingly. In this context, the Indonesian version JAUHI NARKOBA! or alternatively TOLAK NARKOBA! is in fact a better version than the widely spread version: BILANG TIDAK PADA NARKOBA! This is definitely the literal translation of the original slogan in English: SAY NO TO DRUG! Thus, to help correct (14), the English original should be put back under JAUHI NARKOBA! Some schools want to make English a language for daily communication among students, and therefore enthusiastically put up signs in Indonesian with English translations. 15.

AKU MALU DATANG TERLAMBAT I am ashamed come is overdue

16.

TIADA HARI TANPA BELAJAR No learning no day

In (15), we see not only grammatical errors in the English translation but also a cultural problem here. In English-speaking countries no school puts up this kind of educational slogan. Even if correcting grammatical errors would produce “I will be ashamed if I come late”, this grammatically correct slogan sounds culturally negative in English. “I am proud to be on time” is a better alternative I can think of. As for (16), the wrong English version can simply be corrected and changed into “No day without learning”. Unlike that in (15), this English version sounds culturally neutral. Errors in translation are not Indonesian-specific; they are universal phenomena. Larson (1984:5-6) noted a brochure used to advertize tourism in Belem, Brazil that says, “We glad to you an unforgettable trip by fantastic Marajo Island.” The intended message is “We offer you an unforgettable trip to fantastic Marajo Island.” As cited by Mansoor & Sundah (2009:197), there is a similar notice in a hotel elevator in Paris: PLEASE LEAVE YOUR VALUES AT THE FRONT DESK. Hotel customers would smile at this notice, knowing that “values” are wrongly used for “valuables”. Likewise, this notice, THE FLATTENING OF UNDERWEAR WITH PLEASURE IS THE JOB OF THE CHAMBERMAID, is found in a hotel in Yugoslavia. A better version could be PRESSING UNDERWEAR IS PART OF OUR SERVICE. Briefly, while there is no translation data available, a tentative conclusion may be drawn: the errors in the translation are probably due to transfer, i.e., carrying over the lexical choice and/or syntactic structures in the SL text into the TL text, which – in the last three examples – happens to be English. The translation problems presented in this section reveal (a) lack of linguistic competence in reproducing in the TL the closest natural equivalent of the SL text, and also (b) lack of cultural awareness related to the TL. The fact that only the PACTE GROUP is concerned with “translation competence” and hence provides a “model of translation competence” is attributable to the nature of translation itself; it is more of a profession than a theoretical field. As a result, the procedural “how to” is more important than the underlying competence for translation. The Helpful Use of “Competence” in Poetics Linguistics uses the term “poetics” in two different ways. In a narrow sense, it means the application of linguistic methods in the study of poetry (Crystal 1991:267). In a broader sense, primarily in the sense of Jakobson (1960), poetics refers to one linguistic function. Language functions poetically when its form is foregrounded or made prominent for aesthetic purposes, as best shown in poetry. In this respect, I would propose that the term “poetic competence” may be used to refer to either

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(a) the “general ability” of language users to recognize a particular text as being poetical or literary or (b) the “specific ability” of a limited number of language users to produce poetic or literary texts. Thus in a receptive or appreciative sense, “poetic competence” applies more widely (to a speech community) than it does in a productive or creative sense. In this context, “poetic performance” is closer to the “specific ability” and hence refers to the oral display of verbal artistry by poetically-gifted individuals before an audience (Bauman 1986:3), as can be seen in poetry reading, poetry singing, or verbal art performance in general. Referring to the sub-heading of this section, by “The Helpful Use of ‘Competence’ in Poetics” (emphasis added) I mean that “poetic/literary competence” is a helpful term, especially in referring to the general ability of language users to distinguish between literary and non-literary texts. To illustrate, consider the following examples. 17.

UNDANGAN (1) kembali, kembalilah padaKu domba yang sesat kembalilah padaKu wajah yang kelam dan duka datanglah padaKu tangis yang sedu dan tersendat ‘kan Kuseka deritamu dengan mahakasih yang baka

18.

UNDANGAN (2) Kepada Yth. Bapak/Ibu Dosen Jurusan Sastra Inggris Fakultas Sastra Universitas Negeri Malang Mengharap dengan hormat kehadiran Bapak/Ibu pada rapat Jurusan …

Using “texts” in (17) and (18), I have done the same experiment repeatedly with many different classes of students: reading both texts in a poetic manner. Usually the students listen attentively to the poetic reading of text 1, but they burst into laughter on text 2. What does this tell us? Their (receptive) “poetic competence” tells them that only “poetic texts” deserve poetic reading, but non-poetic or everyday texts do not. In other words, intuitively they recognize right away the difference between poetic and non-poetic texts. Pushing further, let’s go back to example (8), re-presented here as example (19).6 19.

Colorless green ideas sleep furiously.

As noted earlier, this sentence is syntactically well-formed but semantically ill-formed; it is nonsense linguistically. However, this linguistic nonsense seemed to have been of special interest to the American poet John Hollander (born in 1924), and gave him inspiration to write the poem in (20), followed by my translation in (21) – to help clarify the meaning. 20.

COILED ALIZARINE for Noam Chomsky Curiously deep, the slumber of crimson thought While breathless, in stodgy viridian, Colorless green ideas sleep furiously.

21.

LENGKUR ALIZARIN buat Noam Chomsky Terlelap aneh, dengkur pikiran ungu Tiada bernapas, dalam kilauan memberat, Gagasan hijau tanpa-warna tertidur dengan murka

17


In On Noam Chomsky: Critical Essays, edited by Harman (1982), Hollander’s poem – the only poem included in the book – is given prominence as a “lead article”. This means that the poem is admitted as a literary work by the editor and all the contributors (linguists and philosophers) to this book. The relevant question is: What does this signify? When “linguistic nonsense” is placed in an appropriate context (i.e., Hollander’s poem [minus Chomsky’s sentence]) in the area of poetics, it becomes “meaningful” poetically. In other words, linguistics lies in the domain of “sense”, but poetics lies in the domain of “sense & nonsense”. Referring to Culler (1975:114; 1981: x), linguistic signs belong to the first-order semiotic system (i.e., they refer to ‘objects’ in the real world) whereas poetic signs belong to the second-order semiotic system (i.e., they often refer to ‘themselves’ and reveal their meanings only through specific interpretation). Thus Hollander’s poem as a literary work is “meaningful” in its own way, even though linguistically, or to be more specific semantically, it is a total nonsense. As noted in footnote 5, the argument presented so far should lead to the following point: since we, as native or near-native speakers, are able to recognize poetic and non-poetic texts and also to distinguish between them right away, it is safe to conclude that our poetic competence is probably part of our linguistic competence – not in a narrow Chomskyan sense but in a broad linguistic sense. Along this line of argument, it seems necessary to include the use of “poetics” in literature. Referring specifically to Structuralist Poetics by Culler (1975), the term “poetics” is proposed as one kind of literary theory, i.e., a theory of reading and interpreting literary works. It should be noted immediately that poetics as a literary theory is far beyond the scope of this paper. My concern here is chiefly motivated by Culler’s use of the term “literary competence”. One chapter of the book, namely chapter 6, is given the title “Literary Competence” and argues convincingly for the necessity of positing “poetic grammar” underlying the general theory of reading and interpreting (and implicitly also writing or creating) literary texts (p. 128). While in this book Culler points out both the strengths and weaknesses in Jakobson’s poetic theory (chapter 3) and hence cannot accept ‘linguistic imperialism’ in literary domains, he admits that he is considerably influenced by Chomsky. Generative grammar plays no role in the development of structuralism in literature, but it offers “a methodological statement of exemplary clarity” (p. 7). The major concern with “linguistic competence” in generative grammar leads to making explicit the hidden rules of language in the mind of the speaker. Analogically, the major concern with “literary competence” in structuralist poetics leads to making explicit the hidden conventions underlying the theory of reading literary works (p. 122). The chapter on “Literary Competence” seems to be of great significance in structuralist poetics. For more than thirty years later, this chapter is reprinted in Structuralism: Critical Concepts in Literary and Cultural Studies (pp. 25 –41), a book edited by Culler (2006). This indicates that, after three decades have passed, Culler still believes that literary competence remains a key-concept in literary studies that adequately accounts for several possible readings and interpretations of a literary work – but all within the confines of the existing conventions. Culler’s literary competence, in my opinion, is much like a combination between de Saussure’s collectivistic langue and Chomsky’s individualistic competence. The former allows the theory of reading to be a general poetic theory expectedly agreeable to students of literature; the latter allows individual readers to personally interpret literary works according to the existing literary conventions. Nevertheless, the key-term “competence” in “literary competence” shows that mentalism, albeit collectivistic mentalism, gains greater influence. To sum up, poetic competence, as part of general linguistic competence, allows language users to distinguish between poetic and non-poetic texts, and also helps them to assign poetic meaning even when a particular poem lies in the area of nonsense. In structuralist poetics,

18


literary competence has been proposed as collectivistic grammar for the theory of reading, following methodological excellence in generative linguistics. CONCLUSION: THE MAGNITUDE OF EXPLANATORY ADEQUACY The key-concept “competence”, first used by Chomsky in 1965 to refer to the specific mental faculty underlying verbal behavior, was then a sign of abrupt move in American linguistics from behaviorism to mentalism. Since then mentalism has gained much wider influence. The expanded use of “competence” in generative grammar reveals that at the phonetic level native speakers are perceptive to dialectal variation and foreign accent, and at the phonological, morphological, syntactic, and semantic levels they are perceptive to the presence or absence of well-formedness and ambiguity in linguistic forms. As the key-concept was transported to the study of language in context, the term “communicative competence” was first introduced by Hymes in 1972 and has become popular ever since. Alhough the term “competence” is used implicitly in pragmatics, discourse analysis, sociolinguistics, and ethnolinguistics, it nevertheless tells us that members of a speech community are in general concerned more with appropriateness than grammaticality of the utterances used in actual verbal communication. Outside linguistics proper, the massive use of the term “competence” in Second Language Acquisition indicates that scholars in this field have been occupied with ever more serious attempts and deeper investigation to find out what is there in the L2 learners’ minds while acquiring a second language. On the other hand, in the field of Translation the limited use of the term “competence” reveals that the experts are more interested in unraveling the “how to” in the profession rather than looking into what is mentally going on in the mind of the translator. Finally, our everyday experience with poetic texts subconsciously leads to the natural growth of poetic competence in us, making us aware of the distinction between literary and non-literary texts. Overall, this paper has pointed out that linguistics and other related disciplines have been under the shadow of mentalism – with some critical notes. The magnificent shadow of mentalism can be seen as direct or indirect influence of Chomsky’s basic ideas in linguistics. In my long and hard efforts to read and understand Chomsky, I have come to the conclusion that his macro-philosophical view of language is very comprehensive and convincing; but his micro-linguistic theory, best known as UG (Universal Grammar) Theory, is seriously beset by some flaws and weaknesses (Kadarisman 2004 and 2007). At the macro-theoretical level, as noted earlier, I agree with Culler (1975:7) who states that Chomsky has come up with “a methodological statement of exemplary clarity”. His insistence that a linguistic theory must meet the internal conditions of simplicity and elegance and the external conditions of descriptive and explanatory adequacy has been supported by strong, persuasive arguments; and, as admitted by his allies and opponents alike, this has brought about considerable influence inside and outside linguistics. As noted by Smith (1999:2), who sings heroic praises for him, “Apart from his major influence on linguistics, philosophy, and psychology, Chomsky has had a minor but not insignificant effect on a range of disciplines from anthropology to mathematics, from education to literary criticism”. Moreover, in less than three decades after the publication of Aspects (1965), his biographer John Lyons (1978:1-2) notes, “Right or wrong, Chomsky’s theory of grammar is undoubtedly the most dynamic and influential, and no linguist who wishes to keep abreast of current developments in his subject can afford to ignore Chomsky’s pronouncements”. Briefly, “His arguments may be accepted or rejected; they cannot be ignored” (p. 7). Even Hymes (1972:273), who is severely critical of the limitations of generative theory, has come to admit that, “No modern linguistic theory has spoken more profoundly of either the internal structure or the intrinsic human significance”. Most significantly, Chomsky’ work “has done more than simply produce a revolution in linguistics,” observes Searle (1972 [1981]:31). “In the long run, his greatest contribution will be

19


that he has taken a major step toward restoring the traditional conception of the dignity and uniqueness of man.” Finally, mentalism must be placed in the right perspective. As I have proven in this paper, mentalism or linguistic competence in a very broad sense is intrinsically there in the minds of native speakers, making them (and us) survive linguistically as individual, social, and even literary beings. The best thing we can learn from Chomsky is that, in every academic endeavor, it is absolutely necessary to accomplish descriptive and explanatory adequacy – if we want others to take our scholarly works seriously. NOTE 1

To the best of my knowledge, the first book in generative morphology did not appear until 1976. It was written by Mark Aronoff, following arguments in an important paper by Chomsky (1970), “Remarks on English Nominalization”. 2 Sound Pattern in English, often abbreviated SPE, is the first book outlining phonological theory in generative grammar, written by Chomsky and Halle (1968). 3 The term “accidental gap” means that the word is not there in the given language but observes its phonotactics (i.e., rules for constructing syllables), whereas “systematic gap” means that the word is not there in the language and violates its phonotactics (see O’Grady et al. 1989:56) 4 I have used example (8) in a previous paper (Kadarisman 2009), pointing out that this sentence is syntactically well-formed but semantically ill-formed. Such is the analytic judgment in the linguistic domain; but in the literary domain, as the sentence becomes part of modern poetry, it sounds “poetically meaningful”. See also footnote 6 of this paper. 5 I am grateful to Yudi Setyaningsih, M.Pd. for providing me with photographs of public notices I use as illustrative examples in (14), (15), and (16). 6 I have used examples (19), (20) and (21) in a previous paper (Kadarisman 2009) to show Chomsky’s influence on the development of poetics. Now I repeat using these examples as evidence in support of the argument that our “poetic competence” is in fact part of our general “linguistic competence”. * I would like to thank Nurenzia Yannuar, M.A., a prospective linguist and a colleague at the English Department, State University of Malang, for proofreading and suggesting corrections for the earlier draft of this paper. Any shortcomings remaining, however, are my responsibility alone. ** I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for very helpful comments on the earlier draft.

REFERENCES Archibald, John. 2005. Second Language Acquisition. In O’Grady, W., Archibald, J., Aronoff, M., & Rees-Miller, J. Contemporary Linguistics: An Introduction (Fifth Edition), 399– 434. Boston/New York: Bedford/St. Martins. Aronoff, Mark 1976. Word Formation in Generative Grammar. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Bachman, Lyle. 1990. Fundamental Considerations in Language Testing. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Bauman, Richard. 1986. Story, Performance, and Event: Contextual Studies of Oral Narrative. Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press. Becker, Alton L. 1995. Beyond Translation: Essays toward a Modern Philology. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press. Bloomfield, Leonard. 1933. Language. Chicago/London: The University of Chicago Press. Brown, Gillian & George Yule. 1983. Discourse Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Brown, Penelope & Stephen C. Levinson. 1987. Politeness: Some Universals in Language Use. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 20


Canale, Michael. & M. Swain. 1980. Theoretical Bases of Communicative Approaches to Second Language Teaching and Testing. Applied Linguistics 1:1–47. Catford, John C. 1980. A Linguistic Theory of Translation. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Celce-Murcia, Marianne, D. Zoltan, & S. Thurrel, 1995. Communicative Competence: A Pedagogically Motivated Model with Content Specifications. Issues in Applied Linguistics 6: 5-35. Chomsky, Noam. 1957. Syntactic Structures. The Hague: Mouton. Chomsky, Noam. 1965. Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press. Chomsky, Noam. 1966. Cartesian Linguistics: A Chapter in the History of Rationalist Thought. Lanham/New York/London: University Press of America Chomsky, Noam. 1970. Remarks on Nominalization. In Noam Chomsky's Studies on Semantics in Generative Grammar (1972). The Hague: Mouton. Chomsky, Noam. 1972. Language and Mind (Enlarged Edition). San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich Publishers. Chomsky, Noam. 1986. Knowledge of Language: Its Nature, Origin, and Use. New York: Praeger Publishers. Chomsky, Noam & Halle, Morris. 1968. Massachusetts: The MIT Press.

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Corder, S. Piet. 1967 [1974]. The Significance of Learner’s Errors. In Richards, Jack C. (ed.). Error Analysis: Perspectives on Second Language Acquisition, pp. 19–30. London: Longman. Crystal, David. 1991. A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Basil Blackwell. Culler, Jonathan. 1975. Structuralist Poetics: Structuralism, Linguistics, and the Study of Literature. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. Culler, Jonathan. 1981. The Pursuit of Signs: Semiotics, Literature, Deconstruction. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. Ervin-Tripp, Susan. 1972. On Sociolinguistic Rules: Alternation and Co-occurrence. In Gumperz, John J. & Hymes, Dell (eds.). Directions in Sociolinguistics: Ethnography of Communications, pp. 213-50. New York: Holt, Reinhart and Winston, Inc. Gillian Brown & George Yule. 1983. Discourse Analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Grundy, Peter. 2000. Doing Pragmatics (Second Edition). London/New York: Arnold. Gumperz, John J. & Levinson, Stephen C. 1996. Rethinking Linguistic Relativity. Cambridge University Press Hanks, William F. 1996. Language and Communicative Practices. Westview Press.

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Harman, Gilbert (ed.). 1982. On Noam Chomsky: Critical Essays. Amherst: The University of Massachusetts Press. Hudson, R. A. 1980. Sociolinguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Hymes, Dell. 1972. On Communicative Competence. In Prides, J. B. & Holmes, J.(eds.). Sociolinguistics (pp. 269–85). Harmondsworth: Pinguin. Hymes, Dell. 1974. Foundations in Sociolinguistics: An Ethnographic Approach. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Jakobson, Roman. 1960 [1987]. Linguistics and Poetics. In Pomorska, K. & Rudy, S. Roman Jakobson, Language in Literature, pp. 62–94. Cambridge, Mass., London, England: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Kadarisman, A. Effendi. 2004. Keterbatasan Teori Minimalis Chomsky. Linguistik Indonesia, Tahun 22, No. 2: 185-207. Kadarisman, A. Effendi. 2007. Chomsky's Universal Grammar: A Chronological and Critical Overview, in S. Chin, K. Harun & Y. Alas (Eds.). Reflections in Borneo Rivers: Essays in Honor of Professor James T. Collins, pp. 203–224. Pontianak: STAIN Pontianak Press. Kadarisman, A. Effendi. 2009. Puitika Linguistik Pasca Jakobson: Sebuah Tantangan Menjaring Makna Simbolik. PELBBA 19: 111–54. Jakarta: PKBB Unika Atma Jaya. Kent, Ray D. 1992. The Biology of Phonological Development. In Ferguson, C., Menn, Lise, and Stoel-Gammon, C. (eds.). Phonological Development: Models, Research, Implications. Timonium, Maryland: York Press. Krashen, Steven D. 1982. Principles and Practice in Second Language Acquisition. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Lado, Robert. 1964. Language Teaching: A Scientific Approach. New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc. Lavandera, Beatriz R. 1988. The Study of Language in its Sociocultural Context. In Newmeyer, Frederick J. (ed.). Linguistics: The Cambridge Survey, vol. IV: Language: The Socio-cultural Context, pp. 1–13. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Levinson, Stephen C. 1983. Pragmatics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English. 1978. Burntmill, England: Longman. Lyons, John. 1978. Noam Chomsky. (Revised Edition). Penguin Modern Masters. New York: Penguin Books. Magnan, Sally Sieloff. 2008. The Unfulfilled Promise of Teaching for Communicative Competence: Insight from Sociocultural Studies. In Lantoff, J. P. & Poehner, M. E. (eds.). Sociocultural Theory and the Teaching of Second Language, pp. 349-79. London/Oakville: Equinox. Manssor, Sofia F. & Sundah, Maria E. 2009. Alih Bahasa: Tersesat Membawa Nikmat. Bandung: Penerbit ITB. Mautner, Thomas. 1996. The Penguin Dictionary of Philosophy. London/New York: Penguin Books. Mesthrie, R., Swann, J. Deumert, A. & Leap, W. L. 2000. Introducing Sociolinguistics. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Munday, Jeremy. 2001. Introducing Translation Studies: Theories and Application. London and New York: Routledge. Newmark, Peter. 1988. Textbook of Translation. Oxford: Pegamon Press.

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Newmeyer, Frederick J. 1986. Linguistic Theory in America (second edition). San Diego: Academic Press, Inc. Nida, Eugene A. & Taber, Charles R. The Theory and Practice of Translation. Leiden: E. J. Brill. O’Grady, W., Archibald, J., Aronoff, M. & Rees-Miller, J. 2005. Contemporary Linguistics: An Introduction (Fifth Edition). Boston/New York: Bedford/St. Martins. PACTE GROUP. 2005. Investigating Translation Competence: Conceptual and Methodological Issues. Meta: Translators’ Journal, vol. 50, no. 2, pp. 609–19. Pinker, Steven. 1994. The Language Instinct: How the Mind Creates Language. New York: Harper Perennial. Reccardi, Alessandra (ed.). Translation Studies: Perpectives on an Emerging Discipline, pp. 120-32. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sampson, Geoffrey. 1980. Schools of Linguistics. Standford: Stanfrod University Press. Savignon, Sandra. 1997. Communicative Competence: Theory and Classroom Practice. New York: The McGraw-Hill Company, Inc. Saville-Troike, Muriel. 2006. Introducing Second Language Acquisition. Cambridge University Press.

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Searle, John. 1972 [1982]. Chomsky’s Revolution in Linguistics. In Harman, Gilbert (ed.). On Noam Chomsky: Critical Essays, pp. 2–33. Amherst: The University of Massachusetts Press. Selinker, Larry. 1972 [1974]. Interlanguage. In Richards, Jack C. (ed.) Error Analysis: Perspectives on Second Language Acquisition, pp. 31–54. London: Longman. Smith, Neil. 1999. Chomsky: Ideas and Ideals. Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press. Thornbury, Scott. 2005. Macmillan.

Beyond the Sentence: Introducing Discourse Analysis. Oxford:

Webster's Ninth Collegiate Dictionary. 1989. Springfield, Massachusetts: Merriem Webster Inc. Publishers.

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Tahun ke-30, No. 1

NOMINAL CLAUSE CONSTRUCTIONS IN BIAK Suriel Mofu* Universitas Negeri Papua [email protected] Abstract This paper presents two kinds of nominal clause constructions in Biak: 1. Constructions containing the copular verbs –iri and is(o) 2. Constructions containing the copular clitics such as –ri, -s-, as well as free pronominal clitics. It is argued that these two kinds of nominal clause constructions show different syntactic behaviour. The first construction with copular verbs iri and is(o) follows nominal Biak verbal inflections. The second construction with copular clitics involves a nominal stem plus a copular clitic which is attached to a clause final determiner form. Data show that one copular form of the third person predicate nominal clauses can have two different meanings. By assuming that the copular form in question has two different constructions (copular verb construction and copular clitic construction), we will correctly predict that the nominal clause is ambiguous. Key words: Austronesian language, Biak morphosyntax, nominal predicate constructions. Makalah ini menyajikan dua tipe konstruksi nominal dalam bahasa Biak: 1. Verba kopula –iri dan is(o) 2. Klitika kopula (klitik–ri, -s-, dan klitika pronominal bebas). Makalah ini berargumentasi bahwa kedua konstruksi nominal ini memiliki ciri sintaksis yang berbeda. Konstruksi pertama mengikuti pola-pola infleksi normal verba bahasa Biak. Konstruksi kedua terdiri atas kata dasar nominal yang disusul klitika kopula yang melekat pada kata sandang tentu di akhir konstruksi. Data menunjukkan bahwa sebuah bentuk konstruksi nominal yang sama dari pronomina persona ketiga dapat memiliki dua pengertian yang berbeda. Dengan mempertimbangkan bahwa konstruksi nominal tersebut memiliki dua tipe konstruksi yang berbeda (konstruksi verba kopula dan konstruksi klitika kopula), kita secara tepat dapat memprediksikan bahwa konstruksi nominal tersebut bermakna ganda. Kata-kata kunci: Bahasa Austronesia, morfosintaksis bahasa Biak, konstruksi klausa nominal

INTRODUCTION The Biak language belongs to the West New Guinea subgroup of the Austronesian language family and is spoken in Papua (Papua and West Papua provinces), Indonesia, in the northern part of the Geelvink Bay. The two provinces were formerly known as Irian Jaya. Biak has around 50,000 to 70,000 speakers, which makes it the language with the largest number of speakers in Papua. Silzer’s (1984) and Voorhove’s (1975) bibliographies list a number of previous studies on the Biak language. The first studies began in the 1800s when a few scholars such as Gabelenttz and A.B. Meyer produced a comparative study of Biak (Numfor dialect) in German. J.L. Van Hasselt and F.J.F. Van Hasselt were also very productive during the period of 1868 to 1947. J.L. Van Hasselt (1876), for instance wrote a Biak – Dutch, and Dutch – Biak dictionary. F.J.F. Van Hasselt (1908 – 1932) wrote a few new testaments in Biak and a Biak-Dutch dictionary. Van Hasselt and Van Hasselt’s texts were based on Numfor dialect. Since 1975, Soeparno, an Indonesian lexicographer, has continued work on the Biak language, producing a bilingual Biak-Indonesian dictionary.

Suriel Mofu

The three most recent works on the Biak language are Steinhauer (2005), Van den Heuvel (2006), and Mofu (2009). These works appear to be the most comprehensive and detailed description of the Biak language. Despite the high quality of previous descriptions of Biak, there remain a number of phenomena that have not yet been discussed in any depth. The formal distinction between verbal and nominal clauses in Biak, for instance, is not studied yet. Here I discuss two constructions in particular: i) nominal clauses constructions; and ii) copular verb/copular clitic constructions. Both of these constructions exhibit interesting phenomenon to be described here. The copular verbs and the copular clitics in question are as follows: 1. Copular verbs –iri and is(o)which have inflections similar to normal Biak verbs. 2. Copular clitics –ri, -s- and free pronoun clitics. Observe the following data: 1.

2.

binamber suiri bin – amber sui-ri woman – foreign Det.3DU-be ‘The two are foreign women’ binamber suiri bin – amber su –iri woman – foreign 3DU -be ‘It’s the foreign woman and someone else’

The form binamber suiri above shows a copular clitic construction in (1) and a copular verb construction in (2). The paper argues that the two kinds of nominal predicate constructions exhibit different syntactic behaviour. Specifically, it is argued that one copular form (a nominal clause which is formed by third person determiners prefixed to copular clitic ri) can be syntactically ambiguous (See examples (1) and (2)). The spoken and written data treated in this paper were collected during 2004 – 2006 in Saba village (East Biak), Orwer Village (East Biak), Biak Town, Samber (South Biak) and Sopen (West Biak). References were made to Steinhauer (1985 and 2005), Mofu (2009) and Van den Heuvel (2006). Some of their data have been consulted to support this paper. In order to the reader a clear understanding of copular verb constructions in the Biak language and how they are different from constructions containing normal Biak verbs, the next two sections will discuss verbal morphology and copular verb. Then, the following three sections will discuss the syntactic differences between the two aforementioned nominal clauses. VERBAL MORPHOLOGY OF BIAK Inflectional affixes occur on verbal and prepositional predicates, demonstratives, directionals, possessives, and nominal predicates. In the examples below, I provide data that show the inflectional affixes on verbs, demonstratives, directionals, and possessives. Verb: 3. ifrar fasau i-frar fasau 3SG-run quick ‘He ran quickly’ Demonstratives: 4. snon suiwa suba snon su-iwa su-ba man 3DU-that 3DU-big ‘Those two men are very big’

kaku kaku very

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Directionals: 5. roma siponne sibiser roma si-pon-ne si-biser child 3PL.AN-front-this 3PL.AN-hungry ‘The children in front (of this house) are hungry’ Possessives: 6. inai byesui inai be-ysui daughter POSS- -3SG- Det.DU ‘His two daughters’ Each of the verbal inflectional affixes will be discussed in order to give the reader a clearer understanding of the distinction between the paradigm for normal Biak verbs versus the paradigm for copular verbs. Verbal and Prepositional Predicates Steinhauer (1985:471 and 2005:798) groups verbal subject agreement prefixes (and infixes) into three categories based on their phonological properties. These include syllabic (vocalic) prefixes, non-syllabic (non-vocalic) prefixes, as well as a third category of ‘mixed’ prefixes. Mofu (2009) adopts Steinhauer’s description, but suggests that affixes can be collapsed into two main sets: consonantal affixes and vocalic affixes. The vocalic affix set contains only prefixes, whereas the consonantal affix set shows 2 subsets: the first subset contains only prefixes, which can be attached to verb roots/stems beginning with consonant-vowel (CV) and to verb roots/stems beginning with consonant clusters (CC). The second subset has prefixes, infixes, and a zero morphemes, which can only attach to the CV initial verb roots/stems. In order to distinguish which CV initial verb roots/stems appears with which subset of agreement affixes, the first consonantal pattern is referred to as the Consonantal Pattern Type 1 (CP Type 1) andthe second consonantal pattern as the Consonantal Pattern Type 2 (CP Type 2). The distinction between these two types of the consonantal patterns will be explained later. Table 1 lists subject agreement affixes for each of the inflectional patterns in the Biak language. The list contains free pronouns and the two sets of patterns for the inflectional paradigm of affixes in the Biak language. Table 1. Subject Agreement Affixes Pronouns

Free

1 sg 2sg 3sg 1du.incl 1du .excl 2du 3du 3pcl 1pl.incl 1pl.excl 2pl 3pl.an 3pl.inan

aya au i ku nu mu su sko ko inko mko si na

Agreement Affixes CONSONANTAL PATTERN VOCAL PATTERN Type 1 Type 2 CV-initial stem CV-initial stem V-initial stem CC-initial stem prefix and infix Prefix prefix yaywa-w- / Ø wi-ydkukuynunuymumuysusuyskoskkok(i)nko(i)nkmkomksi-/ ssna- /nn-

27

Suriel Mofu

THE CONSONANTAL PATTERN The Consonantal Pattern Type 1 (CP Type 1) The form of the pronominal prefixes is very similar to that of free pronouns in the CP Type 1 set. Table 2 lists examples of CV initial roots/stems while table 3 lists CC initial verb roots/stems. Tabel 2. The Consonantal Pattern Type 1 (CV initial roots/stems) Pronouns


Prefix

yawaikunumususkoko(i)nkomkosina-

Roots ba ‘big’ ya-ba wa-ba i-ba ku-ba nu-ba mu-ba su-ba sko-ba ko-ba (i)nko-ba mko-ba si-ba na-ba

fuken ‘ask’ ya-fuken wa-fuken i-fuken ku-fuken nu-fuken mu-fuken su-fuken sko-fuken ko-fuken (i)nko-fuken mko-fuken si-fuken na-fuken

kandor ‘surprise’ ya-kandor wa-kandor i-kandor ku-kandor nu-kandor mu-kandor su-kandor sko-kandor ko-kandor (i)nko-kandor mko-kandor si-kandor na-kandor

marisen ‘happy’ ya-marisen wa-marisen i-marisen ku-marisen nu-marisen mu-marisen su-marisen sko-marisen ko-marisen (i)nko-marisen mko-marisen si-marisen na-marisen

Tabel 3. The Consonantal Pattern Type 1 (CC initial roots/stems) Pronouns


Prefix

yawaikunumususkoko(i)nkomkosina-

Roots fnak ‘play’ ya-fnak wa- fnak i- fnak ku- fnak nu- fnak mu- fnak su- fnak sko- fnak ko- fnak (i)nko- fnak mko- fnak si- fnak na-fnak

mbran ‘walk’ ya- mbran wa- mbran i- mbran ku- mbran nu- mbran mu- mbran su- mbran sko- mbran ko- mbran (i)nko- mbran mko- mbran si- mbran na-mbran

pdef ‘go straight’ ya-pdef wa- pdef i- pdef ku- pdef nu- pdef mu- pdef su- pdef sko- pdef ko- pdef (i)nko- pdef mko- pdef si- pdef na- pdef

swarepen ‘remember’ ya-swarepen wa- swarepen i-swarepen ku-swarepen nu-swarepen mu-swarepen su-swarepen sko-swarepen ko-swarepen (i)nko-swarepen mko-swarepen si-swarepen na-swarepen

The Consonantal Pattern Type 2 (CP Type 2) The prefixes belonging to Consonantal Pattern Type 2 are similar to those belonging to Consonantal Pattern Type 1. The difference is that, within the Type 2 paradigm, infixes mark second person and third person singular. The second person and third person singular infixes are –w- and –y-, respectively. The second person singular infix (-w-) and the third person singular infix (–y-) appear with verb roots/stems beginning with a consonant-vowel (CV) sequence, but not verb roots/stems beginning with consonant clusters (CC) (see table 1). These infixes are inserted immediately after the first consonant of the root or stem.

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It is important to note that the second person singular infix (-w-) occurs in verbs such as barek ‘stay’, bay ‘dig’, bores ‘row’, farkor ‘teach’, fas ‘write’, mam ‘look’, mun ‘kill’. These verbs that begin with bilabial consonants when inflected for the second person singular infix /w-/, will retain their pure root/stem forms. Mofu (2009:24) states that in this situation the second person subject agreement infix (-w-) has been fused with the initial bilabial consonant of the verbs to give a single, unsegmentable morph. Observe the following examples. 7.

8.

*bwores fasau be pam b-w-ores fasau be pam row- -2SGquick to fish net ‘You row quickly to that fish net’ bores fasau be pam bores- -w-1 fasau be pam row- -2SGquickly to fish net ‘You row quickly to that fish net’

iwa iwa that.SG iwa(EB) iwa that.SG

Both the second person singular infix (-w-) and the third person singular infix (-y-) apply to roots or stems beginning with / k, n, r, s, b (β,v), p, f, m/. In order to give a complete picture of this paradigm, table 4 lists words belonging to the Consonantal Type 2 class. The examples of the infixes are given in boldface (for a list of verbs belonging to each affix class, see Mofu (2009)). Table 4. The Consonantal Pattern Type 2 with Infix for the 2nd and 3rd Person Singular (CV initial roots/stems). Pronouns

1 sg 2SG 3SG 1du.incl 1du .excl 2du 3du 3pcl 1pl.incl 1pl.excl 2pl 3pl.an 3pl.inan

Prefix/ Infix / Zero Affix ya-w- / Ø -ykunumususkoko(i)nkomkosn-

Roots kaber ‘return’

ro ‘be at’

ra ‘go’

mam ‘see’

baber ‘naked’

ya-kaber k-w-aber k-y-aber ku-kaber nu-kaber mu-kaber su-kaber sko-kaber ko-kaber (i)nko-kaber mko-kaber s-kaber n-kaber

ya-ro r-w-o r-y-o ku-ro nu-ro mu-ro su-ro sko-ro ko-ro (i)nko-ro mko-ro s-ro n-ro

ya-ra r-w-a r-y-a ku-ra nu-ra mu-ra su-ra sko-ra ko-ra (i)nko-ra mko-ra s-ra n-ra

ya-mam mam m-y-am ku-mam nu-mam mu-mam su-mam sko-mam ko-mam (i)nko-mam mko-mam s-mam n-mam

ya-baber baber b-y-aber ku-baber nu-baber mu-baber su-baber sko-baber ko-baber (i)nko-baber mko-baber s-baber n-baber

VOCAL PATTERN The vocal pattern applies to roots or stems that begin with a vowel (V). Vowel deletion occurs with most prefixes, with the exception of dual forms, with which u is retained and the glide [y] is inserted at the juncture of the prefix and root/stem. In addition, the third person singular takes prefix /d/ instead of /i/.

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Tabel 5. The Vocal Pattern Pronouns


Prefix Roots an ‘eat’ yy-an ww-an dd-an kuykuy-an nuynuy-an muy- muy-an suysuy-an sksk-an kk-an (i)nk- (i)nk-an mkmk-an ss-an nn-an

enef ‘sleep’ y- enef w- enef d- enef kuy- enef nuy- enef muy- enef suy- enef sk- enef k- enef (i)nk- enef mk- enef s- enef n- enef

ores ‘stand’ y- ores w- ores d- ores kuy- ores nuy- ores muy- ores suy- ores sk- ores k- ores (i)nk- ores mk- ores s- ores n- ores

uf ‘hold’ y- uf w- uf d- uf kuy- uf nuy- uf muy- uf suy-uf sk- uf k- uf (i)nk- uf mk- uf s- uf n- uf

Variation Having described the overall pattern of agreement marking, I would now like to mention some variability in the inflection of verbal, adjectival and prepositional predicates. The verb rires ‘to dry (something) under the sun’, for instance, exhibits variability in the way it is marked for second person singular and the third person singular agreement. In particular, this verb can follow either the CP Type 1 or CP Type 2 pattern, as shown in examples in (9-12). 9.

10.

11.

12.

warirs sansun wa-rires sansun 2SG-dry (under the sun) clothes ‘You dried clothes (under the sun)’ rwirs sansun rires- -wsansun dry (under the sun) -2SGclothes ‘You dried clothes (under the sun)’ irirs sansun i-rires sansun 3SG-dry (under the sun) clothes ‘He dried clothes (under the sun)’ ryirs sansun rires- -ysansun dry (under the sun)- -3SGclothes ‘He dried clothes (under the sun)’

CP Type 1

CP Type 2

CP Type 1

CP Type 2

Some forms marked with the third person plural animate and inanimate also show variability. The verb kaber ‘return’ may take either of the third person plural inanimate prefixes na- or n-, as illustrated by the sentences na-kaber and n-kaber ‘they return’. Similarly, the verb bar ‘carry something on one’s shoulder’ can appear with either of the third person plural animate prefixes si- or s-, as illustrated by the sentences s-bar aina and si-bar aina ‘they carry the wood’.

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According to Steinhauer (1985:471), this variation is partly conditioned by the phonological shape of the stem, but is partly unpredictable (especially for the second and third person singular and the third person plural (animate and inanimate)). It seems that the choice between prefixes for certain verbs is determined lexically (Van den Heuvel 2006:158). Evidence for this claim comes from the obstervation that phonologically identical roots, such as so ’throw’ and so ‘follow,’ take different CP type inflections. The root so ‘follow’, follows CP type 1, whereas the root so ‘throw’ follows CP type 2. See table 6 for similar examples: Table 6. Minimal pairs Pronouns

Agreement Affix Prefix, Infix 2SG wa-, -w3SG i-, -y3PL AN si-, s3PL INAN na-, n-

Roots so‘follow’ wa-so i-so si-so na-so

so‘throw’ s-w-o s-y-o s-so n-so

DEMONSTRATIVES AND DIRECTIONALS Demonstratives Demonstratives are inflected with regard to number, gender and syntactic position. Demonstratives also indicate whether the entity is being pointed out is already known to the hearer. The semantic ‘multi-dimensionality’ of demonstratives was observed by Steinhauer in his preliminary sketch of the language: “The entity designated may be defined exclusively with regard to the position of the speaker (in marked usage the interpretation “invisible to the hearer” may be appropriate): “this”; this meaning is opposed to the pair “relatively close to the speaker and hearer” vs “relatively remote”; this triple opposition is semantically neutralized in forms that may be qualified as definite articles (1985:475). Steinhauer (2005:814) proposes that the formation of Biak demonstratives and directional constructions involves a combination of the following formatives: 1. Third person personal pronouns (namely articles in their clause final shape 2), which indicate the number, gender and definiteness of the entity whose location is to be specified. 2. Those expressing position relative to the position of the speaker (S): ‘in front of the speaker’ (-pon). ‘behind the speaker’ –pur); ‘above the speaker’ (i-yas), ‘below the speaker’ (-bab), or relative to the position of the speaker and some area of orientation: ‘between the speaker and the sea’ (-ra); after –n-: -da) ‘between the speaker and the inland’ (re-de), ‘outside the place where the speaker is’ (-ri/-di); Two other formatives which should be included in this list: –rum ‘inside’(as in example 9 17) and bun ‘in the middle of (the sea).’ 3. Formatives expressing relative distance from the speaker: ‘here (PRX)’ (-ne), ‘there (MED)’ (-i, clause medially –ya), and ‘yonder (DIST)’ (-wa). The distance necessary for an entitity to be considered PRX etc. depends on its volume. At a distance of 5 meters, a house would be considered PRX, whereas a scorpion would be considered DIST. 4. Formatives which indicate the direction in which an entity is moving with regard to the position of interlocutors, with the possible meanings ‘towards the speaker (VEN)’ (ma), ‘away from the speaker/towards the hearer (AND)’ (-fa), and ‘not related to the speech situation (GO)’ (-ra). (Steinhauer 2005:814-815).

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According to Stienhauer, the following combinations occur: (1) + (3), (1) + (2) + (3), (1) + (3) + (4). Below, I provide examples illustrating each of these combinations. (1) + (3); 13. ine i-ne 3SG.Det-this ‘This’ 14. iya i-ya 3SG.Det-that ‘That’ 15. iwa i-wa 3SG.Det-that .over.there ‘That over there’ (1) + (2) + (3); 16. iponne i-pon-ne 3SG.Det-front-this ‘The one (at the) front here’ 17. irumwa i-rum-wa 3SG.Det-inside-that .over.there ‘The one inside overthere’ (1) + (3) + (4); 18. iyama i-ya-ma 3SG.Det-that-moving towards me ‘That moving towards me’ Steinhauer notes that the combination of (1) and (3) is obligatory. Building on this proposal, Mofu (2009) suggests that additionally there are two other possible combinations of demonstratives and directionals: a) (1) + (3) + (4) + (2) b) (1) + (2) + (3) + (4) Examples: (1) + (3) + (4) + (2) 19. iyamre i-ya-m-re 3SG.Det-that-moving towards me-landward ‘That moving landwards (to where I am)’ (1) + (2) + (3) + (4) 20. iyaswara i-yas-wa-ra 3SG.Det-above-that.over.there-moving to there ‘That over there above moving to there (remote)’

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For the sake of simplicity, i-ne (3SG.DET-this), i-ya (3SG.DET-that), and i-wa (3SG.DET-that.overthere) will be written as single words glossed as follows: ine (this.SG), iya (that.SG) and iwa (that.over.there.SG). For first and second person singular and non-singular forms, the glossing will indicate both number and person, e.g. sko-ine (3PCL-this), mu-ine (2DU-this), s-ine (3PL.AN-this), etc. The paradigm for basic and complex demonstratives in the Biak language is provided below. In this table, a hyphen (-) indicates that a form is not possible. Basic Demonstratives Table 7. Basic Sets of Demonstratives Number

Free Pronouns

1 sg 2sg 3sg 1du.incl 1du excl 2du 3du 3pcl 1pl.incl 1pl.excl 2pl 3pl.an 3pl.inan

aya au i ku nu mu su sko ko inko mko si na

ine ‘this’ close to speaker ayaine auine ine kuine nuine muine suine skoine koine inkoine mkoine sine naine

iya ‘that’ relatively close to hearer (and speaker) auiya iya muiya suiya skoiya mkoiya siya naiya

iwa that remote/far away from speaker and hearer auiwa iwa muiwa suiwa skoiwa mkoiwa siwa naiwa

i ‘the’ neutral i/ya sui/suya skoi/skoya si/sya na

According to Van den Heuvel (2006:333), the formatives –ya and -yi are used to refer to entities considered close to speaker (and addressee) but not closer to speaker than to addressee. The demonstrative ya ‘the’ is the sentence medial form. Its variant form i is

the sentence final form. The demonstrative pronouns consist of a free pronoun cliticised with one of the basic demonstrative elements as shown in table 6. The basic sets of demonstratives (ine ‘this close to speaker’, iya ‘that relatively close to hearer and speaker’, iwa ‘that far away from speaker and hearer’ and i ‘the (neutral)’ can be expressed with no affixation. The inflection of the demonstratives ine ‘this’ (close to the speaker (and hearer)), iya‘that (close to the hearer)’, and iwa ‘that’ (remoted from the speaker (and from the hearer)), take prefixes which are similar to verbal inflections. Example: 21. snon suiwa sukaki kaku snon su-iwa su-kaki kaku man 3DU-that 3DU-high very ‘Those two men are very tall’ The combination of the second person singular (au-), second person dual (mu-), and second person plural (mko-) with demonstrative iwa ‘that (remote/far away from speaker (and hearer)) is attested in Biak. However, such forms can only be used in certain contexts: e.g. when there are many people present at the time of speaking, and the speaker would like to get the attention of the hearer(s) who is situated relatively far away from the speaker. For example: 22. auiwa nido waso ke barek? (pc) au-iwa nido wa-so ke barek- -w2SG-that FOC 2SG-follow or stay - -2SG‘You over there, are you coming (with us) or staying (over there) ?’

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Complex Demonstratives The basic demonstratives in table 7 can combine with positional, directional and motional markers. The positional and directional markers are pon ‘front’, pur ‘back/behind’, bab ‘below’, yas ‘above’, re ‘landward’, ra ‘seaward’, bun ‘in the middle (of the sea)’, ri ‘outside’, and rum ‘inside’. The motion markers are –ma/-m- ‘moving towards the speaker’, -fa/ -f‘moving away from the speaker/ towards the hearer’, –ra/-r- ‘moving (not related to the speech situation)’. Ma, ra and fa are the phrase final forms. Formatives –m-, -r-, and –f- are the phrase medial forms. Demonstratives, positional, motional and directional markers combine to form complex demonstratives. There is a distinction in the morpheme order of complex demonstratives that indicates whether an entity is moving or is at rest. When an entity is at rest, the positional or directional formatives are placed before the demonstrative marker, as in the following examples. 23.

roma iponne ibiser(EB) roma i-pon-ne i-biser child 3SG-front-this 3SG-hungry ‘The child in front (of this house) is hungry’

In (23), the positional marker (which indicates relative position with respect to the position of the speaker) is pon ‘front’ and it appears to be infixed to the demonstrative word ine ( this.3SG). When an entity is moving, the placement of motion markers (or combination of motion and directional markers) will occur after the demonstrative: 24.

25.

iyama iya-ma 3SG.that-moving towards me ‘That moving towards me’ iwamrum iwa-m-rum 3SG.that.over there-moving towards me- inside ‘That over there moving towards me inside’

The placement of positional markers after the demonstrative is ill-formed as the following examples illustrate: 26.

27.

*inepon ine-pon 3SG.this-front ‘This in front’ *iwarum iwa-rum 3SG.that-inside ‘This inside

These patterns show that Biak exhibits speaker-centered utterances. In complex demonstrative constructions, an entity can move away from the speaker in any direction (close or remote in distance) or from any direction towards the speaker. However, the movement of the entity is not allowed from a remote area to the hearer. The possible combinations of demonstratives and motional and directional markers are shown in table 8 below:

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Table 8. Possible Formation of Complex Demonstratives with Motional Markers (the symbol ‘√’ indicates a combination is possible, whereas a hyphen indicates that a combination is not possible). There are four possible combinations of complex demonstratives: Motional marker ma ‘moving towards the speaker (and hearer)’ fa ‘moving away from the speaker towards the hearer or other target’ ra ‘moving away not towards the speaker or hearer’

Demonstratives + Motional Marker ine iya iwa √ √ √ √ √ √ √

1. Demonstrative + Positional/Directional Markers Table 9 below shows the combination of demonstrative words and all positional/directional markers. All forms in table 9 are used when the relevant entity is at rest. Table 9. Basic Demonstratives (ine, iya, iwa) in Combination with Positional Markers Positional/ Directional pon pur bab yas re ra bun ri rum

Demonstrative + Directionals ne ya wa iponne iponya iponwa ipurne ipurya ipurwa ibabne ibabya ibabwa iyasne iyasya iyaswa ireine ireiya ireiwa iraine iraiya iraiwa ibunne ibunya ibunwa irine iriya iriwa irumne irumya irumwa

Meaning viewed from the perspective of Speaker this / that / that.over.there in front this / that / that.over.there at the back this / that / that.over.there below this / that / that.over.there above this / that / that.over.there at the landside this / that / that.over.there at the seaside this / that / that.over.there in the middle of something this / that / that.over.there outside this / that / that.over.there inside of something

2. Demonstrative + Motional Markers Tables 10, 11, and 12 show demonstratives combined with motion markers; –ma ‘moving towards the speaker (and hearer)’, -fa ‘ moving away from the speaker (towards another target)’, –ra ‘moving away from both the speaker and hearer’. Table 10. Dem + Motion Marker –ma ‘Moving towards the Speaker (and Hearer)’ DEM ine iya iwa

DEM + Motion marker -ma ine-ma iya-ma iwa-ma

Meaning this moving towards me that moving towards me that.over there moving towards me

Table 11. Dem + Motion Marker –fa ‘Moving Away from the Speaker towards the Hearer or other Target. DEM ine iya iwa

Dem + Motion marker -fa ine-fa Iya-fa *iwa-fa

Meaning this moving away from me to you’ that moving away from me to you’ *that.over.there moving away from me to you’

Table 12. Dem + Motion Marker –ra ‘Moving Away from the Speaker or Hearer’ DEM ine

Dem + Motion marker -ra ine-ra

iya iwa

*iya-ra iwa-ra

Meaning this moving away to over there (Somewhere far away or remote from speaker’s view point) that close to you moving away to over there that over there moving to over there

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For a discussion of complex demonstratives which are judged ungrammatical, see the discussion that follows table 16. 3. Demonstrative + Motional+ Positional/Directional Markers The list of complex demonstratives in tables 10 to 12 can be expanded with the addition of positional or directional markers (see table 9). These complex demonstratives indicate whether an entity is moving towards or away from, as well as the direction of the entity. 28.

kawasa siyamra kawasa si-ya-m-ra people 3PL.AN - that - towards here - seaward ‘Those people coming here, seawards’

In (28) the motion marker –m- and directional marker –ra both occur after the demonstrative word siya (3PL.AN-that). Tables 13, 14, and 15 illustrate demonstratives in combination with motion markers (which includes –m- ‘moving towards the speaker’, -f- ‘moving away from the speaker and towards the hearer’, –r- ‘moving away (not related to the speech situation)’ and directional markers (which includes -pon‘in front of S’, -pur‘behind S’, -yas ‘above’, -bab ‘below’, or relative to the position of the speaker and some area of orientation: ‘-ra; after –n: -da ‘between S and the sea’,-re/-de ‘between S and the inland’, -ri/-di ‘outside the place where S is located. Table 13. Dem + Motion Marker –m- ‘Moving towards the Speaker (and Hearer)’ + Position/Directional Marker DEM ine iya iwa

Dem + Motion marker –m- + Directional marker –ra. ine-m-ra iya-m-ra iwa-m-ra

Meaning this moving seawards towards me that moving seawards towards me that over there moving seawards towards me

Table 14. Dem + Motion Marker –f- ‘Moving Away (towards other Target) from the Speaker + Directionals DEM ine iya iwa

Dem + Motion marker –f+ Directional marker –pur. ine-f-pur iya-f-pur *iwa-f-pur

Meaning this moving in your direction backward that moving in your direction backward *that.over there moving in your direction backwards

Table 15. Dem + Motion Marker –r- ‘Moving Away not towards the Speaker or other Target’ DEM ine iya iwa

Dem + Motion marker –r+ Directional marker –pon. ine-r-pon *iya-r-pon iwa-r-pon

Meaning this moving to over there, frontwards that moving to over there, frontwards that over there moving to over there, frontwards

4. Demostrative + Positional/Directional marker and Motional markers. Table 16 lists complex demonstratives combined with positional/directional markers and motional markers.

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Table 16. Demonstrative + Position Markers + Motion Adverbs –ra, -ma, -fa DEM Dem + Motion marker –r- Meaning + Directional marker –pon. iwa i-pon-wa-ra that over there frontward moving to over there iya i-yas-ya-fa that above close to you moving in your direction *i-yas-wa-fa *that above over there moving in your direction ine i-rum-ne-ma this inside moving towards me All the basic and complex demonstratives can take the prefix an-(GIV), which indicates whether an entity being pointed out is already known to the hearer. Examples: 29.

30.

anine dobe ibiser(EB) an-ine d-obe i-biser GIV- 3SG.this 3SG-say 3SG-hungry ‘This one here said (that) he is hungry’ ansipurne sobe sibiser(EB) an-si-pur-ne s-obe si-biser GIV- 3PL.AN-backwards-this 3SG-say 3SG-hungry ‘The ones here at the back said (that) they are hungry’ Table.17 Basic Demonstratives in Combination with Giveness3 Marker anNumber 3sg 3du 3pcl 3pl.an 3pl.inan

Free Pronouns (Third person) i su sko si na

ine ‘this’ close to speaker anine ansuine anskoine ansine annaine

Meaning this (SG) these two of them these three (or more) of them these (PL.AN) these (PL.INAN)

All the basic demonstratives and their complex variants can take the giveness marker. Example: 31. anirumya dobe ibiser(EB) an-i-rum-ya d-obe i-biser GIV- 3SG.that- -inward3SG-say 3SG-hungry ‘That one inside (the house) said (that) he is hungry’ The rules for formation of demonstratives and motional markers presented in table 8 predict the ungrammaticality of some unattested complex demonstratives such as iwafa ‘that.over.there (remote) moving to you’ (see table 11), iyara ‘that close to you moving away to over there’ (see table 12), and iyaswafa ‘that above over there moving in your direction’ (see table 16). First, the formative –ya ‘that’ cannot combine with motional marker –ra because the formative –ya expresses relative distance between the speaker and the hearer, whereas the formative –ra indicates movement of an entity which is remote and not related to the speaker or the hearer. Secondly, the formative –wa expresses an entity which situated far away from both the speaker and the hearer. Therefore, –wa cannot combine with formative –fa which indicates movement of an entity away from the speaker/towards the hearer. POSSESSIVE VERBS Inflections on Alienable Possessive Pronouns Possessive pronouns are inflected with regard to the person, number and gender properties of the possessor. Moreover, possessive pronouns always “comprise a combination of an element denoting the relations of possession with a demonstrative indicating the position of the entity possessed” (Steinhauer, 1985:477). The entity possessed is marked by the the possessive pronoun. Observe the following examples:

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32.

roma byesui (EB) roma be-ysui son POSS- -3SG- Det.DU ‘His two sons’ 33. roma byedi (EB) roma be-y-di son POSS- -3SG- Det.SG ‘His son’ As illustrated in (32) and (33), the basic possessive pronoun has two parts. The first part is the possessive verb root be, which receives inflection reflecting the number and person properties of the possessor. The inflection of the possessive verb be follows the CP type 2 pattern, with the infix (y-) for the third person singular. The second part is the determiner phrase, which marks the number and gender (for plural only) of the possessed noun and which closes the possessive pronoun. Surprisingly, b- is deleted in first person singular forms. There is no clear explanation for deletion, and the form is judged to be ill-formed if b- is retained, as the following examples illustrate: 34. * roma ayabedi (EB) roma aya-be-di son 1SG-POSS- Det.SG ‘My son’ 35. roma ayedi (EB) roma ay-e-di son 1SG-POSS- Det.SG ‘My son’ This phenomenon is superficially similar to a process of b- deletion which affects the relativizing prefix be-, which can also be realized as e- However, unlike the examples above, in the case of the relativizing prefix, b- and Ø are truly in free variation, as illustrated by the examples below. 36. kawasa befur rumyansya kawasa be-fur rum-ya-n-sya people REL-make house-DET.SG-GIV-Det.PL.AN ‘The people who built the house’ 37. kawasa efur rumyansya kawasa e-fur rum-ya-n-sya people REL-make house-DET.SG-GIV-Det.PL.AN ‘The people who built the house’ The basic possessive pronouns in the Biak language are provided in table 18. Table 18. Basic Possessive Pronouns POSSESSOR 1 sg 2sg 3sg 1du.incl 1du .excl 2du 3du 3pcl 1pl. incl 1pl. excl 2pl 3pl.an 3pl.inan

Possessor agreement ay-, y-ikunumususkokonkomkossn-

Possessor root

POSSESSED NUMBER SG DU PCL PL.AN

PL.INAN

be

di

na

38

su-i

sko-i

si


All the forms in table 18 end with clause-final determiner –i, except for the third person plural inanimate form. These forms can also appear with the clause medial determiner –ya. In addition, the possessive pronouns can be combined with givenness marker an- in singular, dual, paucal and plural forms. Table 19 shows singular, dual, paucal and plural possessive pronouns combined with the marker of givenness marker an-. Table 19. Possessive Pronouns Combined with Marker of Givenness an with Singular, Dual, Paucal and Plural. POSSESSOR

Poss. AGR

1 sg 2sg 3sg 1du.incl 1du .excl 2du 3du 3pcl 1pl. incl 1pl. excl 2pl

ay-, y-ikunumususkokonkomkossn-

3pl.an 3pl.inan

Poss. Root

Given.Mrkr

be

an

SG

i

POSSESSED NUMBER DU PCL PL.AN PL. INAN

su-i

sko-i

si

na

Inflection on Inalienable Possessive Pronouns Inalienable nouns are distinguished from alienable nouns by the presence of a special possessive marker, which refers to the possessor. Observe examples (38) and (39). Examples: 38. snari (el) sna-ri mother-POSS.3SG.Det.SG ‘His/her mother’ 39. Yohanes swari (el) Yohanes swa-ri John wife-POSS.3SG.Det.SG ‘John’s wife’ One can test whether a noun is alienably or inalienably possessed by seeing whether the noun in question can be inflected for the number and person of the possessor. If a noun’s can be inflected to mark the number or person of the possessor and number and gender of the possessed entity, it is an inalienably possessed noun. On the other hand, if inflection of this sort is not possible, the noun is question is alienable. This diagnostic should, however, be qualified, since not all nouns that are semantically inalienable behave in this fashion; thus, in Biak, inalienably possessed nouns behave as a syntactic class which is not entirely isomorphic with the class of entities which are inalienably possessed in semantic terms. COPULAR VERBS Overview of Two Recent Descriptions of the Biak Nominal Clauses Steinhauer (2005) and Van den Heuvel (2006) have recently provided descriptions to account for the properties of the Biak inflectional paradigm within nominal clauses. Steinhauer provides a very brief description of the nominal clause constructions, stating that: 39

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“Nominal clauses have a nominal predicate which is formed by a nominal stem plus two clitics, the clause-final form of the article (with –ri-di for the singular, however), plus a copula which is formally identical to the free pronoun forms (with s preceding the 1s and 2s forms, and with –(i)ri for the third person),(Steinhauer, 2005:804)”. Table 20 shows Steinhauer’s (2005: 804) paradigm for ‘I am a teacher’ – ‘they are teachers’, etc. Steinhauer adds the third person form for ‘it is a house’ in order to provide an example of an inanimate noun. Table 20. Inflection on Nominal Predicates (e.g. ‘be a Teacher’) Person 1IN 1EX 2 3AN 3INAN

SG

DU TR PL kuru-si-ku kuru-si-ko kuru-ri-saya kuru-si-nu kuru-si-nko kuru-ri-saw kuru-si-mu kuru-si-mko kuru-ri-ri kuru-sui-ri- kuru-skoi-ri kuru-si-ri rum di-ri rum-sui-ri- rum-skoi-ri rum-na-iri

Steinhauer’s paradigm in table 20 is arranged in such a way that it shows differences in the expression of number for third person and non-third person subjects. The two examples from Steinhauer (2005: 804-5) below show how the forms in table 20 can be preceded by a noun phrase. 40.

41.

bin sui-wa kuru woman 3d.DEF-DIST teacher ‘Those two women are teachers.’ mov na-ya rum place 3p.INAN.DEF-MED house ‘Those spots are houses.’

sui 3d.DEF

Ri 3.COP

na Iri 3d.INAN.DEF 3.COP

The glossing in examples (40) and (41) follows Steinhauer’s glossing conventions, which are different from my own glossing in this paper. According to Steinhauer, “the copula can also be used after independent personal pronouns and after noun phrases, which are already definite, such as an inalienable noun or a noun followed by a possessive pronoun, e.g. aya-iri ‘it’s me’, i-ri ‘it’s him/her’, mam-i-s-aw ‘you (SG) are my father’, rum b-e-di-ri ‘it is your house’(ibid, p.804)”. In addition, Steinhauer mentions two more equative constructions. The first construction involves juxtaposition4, and is less frequent and perhaps restricted to constructions involving a name such as sno-ri Vien ‘her name is Vien’, aya Hein-i ‘I am Hein’. The second construction involves the copula iso. Steinhauer argues that this kind of copula is used to emphasize equation and is typical of cleft sentences, which are followed by a relative clause. Example (42) is taken from Steinhauer (ibid. p. 805). 42. snon i-wa i-so ve-duf-i man 3s.DEF-DIST COP-EMPH REF-ill-3s.DEF ‘That man over there is the one who is ill.’ Steinhauer’s description is correct yet incomplete. Van den Heuvel (2006) presents a slightly different analysis of Biak nominal clauses. Van den Heuvel argues that all nominal clauses containing is follow the pattern (NP) + pron + predicative pronoun (is-i + pron). Within this pattern, an NP is followed by the pronoun i, which in turn is followed by the predicator is-i.(Van den Heuvel, 2006:306). Some examples

40


based on Van den Heuvel’s analysis are shown in (43) to (46), (See also Van den Heuvel 2006: 299-322). 43. guru risaya guru ri – i – is – aya guru GEN.SG - 3SG – PRED-1SG ‘I am a teacher’ 44. guru riri guru ri – i – i – ri guru GEN.SG - 3SG – PRED –ANAPH ‘He is a teacher’ 45. guru sinu guru si – i – nu guru 3PL.AN - PRED -1DU.EX ‘We two (excl) are teachers’ 46. guru suiri guru su – i – ri guru 3DU - PRED-ANAPH ‘The two of them are teachers’ According to Van den Heuvel, the form is and i are allomorphs (Van den Heuvel, 2006: 300 and 312). Thus, in (43) through (46) he glosses both is and i as PRED, with each example following pattern: (NP) + pron + is – i + pron. If we adopt the generalization that is and i are both predicate (e.g. ‘copular’ forms) , this analysis is problematic when we consider sentences which are ambiguous. Example (46), for instance can either mean ‘the two of them are teachers’ or ‘it’s the teacher (and someone else)’. I argue that the i (PRED) in (44), (45), and (46) is not the copula i nor is it the morpheme is, but rather it is part of a determiner which precedes the copular clitic form. The copular clitic forms can be –ri, -s-, or the free pronoun clitics (nu, ku, mu, mko, etc). By assuming that –ri as a copular clitic and iri as a copular verb, we correctly predict that sentence (46) will be ambiguous. Although they do not specifically discuss the distinction between copular clitics and copular verbs, both Steinhauer (2005) and Van den Heuvel (2006) provide data which is sufficient to illustrate a contrast between the two types of nominal clause constructions that this paper discusses. My approach follows Steinhauer (2005). I support Steinhauer’s proposition that the copula can be used after independent personal pronouns and after noun phrases, which are already definite (See table 20 and examples 40 and 41). The difference between my work and Steinhauer’s is in the division of copular clitics and free pronominal clitics. Steinhauer states that a nominal predicate is formed by a nominal stem plus two clitics: (1) the clause final form of the article (with –ri, -di for the singular) plus (2) a copula which is formally identical to a free pronoun form (with s preceding first person and second person singular forms), and with –(i)ri for the third person. Data I present in this paper, however, suggests that the s preceding first and second person singular forms is the copular clitic –s-. The clitic –s- not only precedes the first and the second person singular forms, but also it precedes demonstratives and directional verbs. Thus, the first and the second person singular forms are not copulas as Steinhauer suggests. Rather, I argue that free pronouns that function as a copula are in fact the same as the free pronoun clitics which are suffixed to plural animate determiners. Based on the arguments above, I propose two types of copular forms in the Biak language:

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Suriel Mofu

1. Copular verbs –iri and is(o) which are used after agreement forms which are homophonous with the corresponding pronominal forms and; 2. Copular clitics ( nominal clauses that are formed by: · Clitic –ri suffixed to the third person determiners, and; · Clitic -s-, which is inserted between determiners and free pronouns or demonstratives and directional nouns); · Free pronoun clitics (nominal clauses that are formed by free pronoun clitics suffixed to the plural animate determiner si). Copular Verbs The copular verbs iri and iso behave like normal Biak verbs, though their agreement forms are homophonous with corresponding pronominal forms. The paradigms for the copular verbs iri and iso are presented in table 21 and 22 below. Table 21. Copular Verb iri Number 1 sg 2sg 3sg 1du.incl 1du .excl 2du 3du 3pcl 1pl.incl 1pl.excl 2pl 3pl.an 3pl.inan

Free Pronouns aya au i ku nu mu su sko ko inko mko si na

“to be …..”

Free Pronouns + iri aya-iri au-irya i-iri ku-iri nu-iri mu-iri su-iri sko-iri ko-iri inko-iri mko-iri si-iri nai-iri

Meaning It is me It is you It is him It is the two of us INCL It is the two of us EXCL It is the two of you It is the two of them It is the three of them It is us INCL It is us EXCL It is you PL It is them AN It is them INAN

Table 22. Copular Verb iso “to be …..” Number 1 sg 2sg 3sg 1du.incl 1du .excl 2du 3du 3pcl 1pl.incl 1pl.excl 2pl 3pl.an 3pl.inan

Free Pronouns aya au i ku nu mu su sko ko inko mko si na

Free Pronouns + iso aya-iso au-iso i-iso ku-iso nu-iso mu-iso sui-iso sko-iso ko-iso inko-iso mko-iso si-iso na-iso

Meaning I am (the one who) You are (the one who) He/She is (the one who) We (two) are (the ones who) We (two) are (the ones who) You (two) are (the ones who) They (two) are (the ones who) They (three) are (the ones who) We are (the ones who) We are (the ones who) You are (the ones who) They are (the ones who) They are (the ones who)

Copular Clitic Paradigm There are three copular clitics in the Biak language. The three copular clitics are –ri, -s-, and free pronoun clitics (–ku, -nu, -mu, -su, -sko, -ko, -nko, -mko) each of which is described in detail in nominal clause construction section. The paradigm of copular clitics is shown in table 21, where the paradigm is exemplified using the predicate ‘be a teacher.’ 42


Table 23. Copular Clitics Paradigm. Clitics

Number

–s-

1 sg 2sg 3sg 3du 3pcl 3pl.an 3pl.inan 1du.incl 1du .excl 1pl.incl 1pl.excl 2du 2pl

-ri

Free pronouns

Free Pronouns aya au i su sko si na ku nu ko inko mu mko

Det + COP.clitic guru ri-s-aya guru ri-s-au guru ri-ri guru sui-ri guru skoi-ri guru si-ri rum nai-ri guru si-ku guru si-nu guru si-ko guru si-nko guru si-mu guru si-mko

Meaning I am a teacher You (SG) are a teacher He is a teacher The two of them are teachers The three of them are teachers They (PL.AN) are teachers They (PL.INAN) are houses The two of us (INCL) are teachers The two of us (EXCL) are teachers We (PL.INCL) are teachers We (PL.EXCL) are teachers You (DU) are teachers You (PL) are teachers

Directional Verbs Directional verbs are formed by inflecting the motion and positional verbs ra ‘go’ and ro ‘be at’. The inflection of these verbs follows consonantal pattern type 2. Steinhauer (2005) introduces two sets of directional verbs. The first set consists of directional verbs formed using the verb roots ra and ro (mentioned above). The second set consists of directional verbs formed using the root –is- ‘EXIST, be there (on one’s way to/from….). In the later case, “the relative distance from the speaker has to be expressed, resulting in the derived stems –is-ne ‘EXIST-PRX’, -is-ya ‘EXIST-MED’, and –is-wa ‘EXISTDIST” (Steinhauer, 2005:817). In this paper I argue that the directional verb root –is-, which Steinhauer (2005) discusses, is actually a copular verb is-, which is similar (in terms of it’s syntactic behavior) to the copular verb is(o), but which can be distinguished from the copular clitic –s-. I, therefore, suggest that there are two kinds of directional verbs formed by combining copular forms with demonstratives and directionals: This first type is formed using the copular verb is- along with demonstratives and directionals. Example (47) illustrates a directional verb with the copular verb base is- and the demonstrative –ne which gives the derived stem –isne ‘be here’. Directional verb is-ne ‘be here’ 47. isne i-is-ne 3SG-be-this ‘He/she/it is here’ The second type involves a combination of the copular clitic –s- with demonstratives and directionals. Example (48) illustrates a directional verb formed by combining the copular clitic – s- with the determiner marker i- preceding it and the demonstrative ine following it, giving the word isine ‘here is/are….,here (something) exists’ Directional verb isine ‘here is/are….’ 48. isine i-s-ine DET.SG-be-this ‘Here is him/her/it’

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Suriel Mofu

The directional verbs isne and isine can both be inflected for person, number and gender. They can take all personal pronouns as subject agreement. Observe (49) and (50): Copular verb is-ne ‘be here’ 49. sko-is-ne sko-is-ne 3PCL-be-this ‘They are here’ Copular verb isine ‘here is/are…..’ 50. skoisine skoi-s-ine 3PCL.DET-be-this ‘Here they are’ In (49) the directional verb is-ne exhibits the third person paucal subject agreement marker. In (50) the copular clitic occurs between the determiner skoi (3PCL.DET) and the demonstrative ine ‘this’. Directional verbs formed on the basis of the copular verb is-and the clitic–s- can also combine with complex demonstratives, as the following examples illustrate: 51. inempur i-ne-m-pur Det.SG-this-towards me-back ‘The one (passing) here moving towards my back’ 52. isinempur i-s-i-ne-m-pur Det.SG-be-Det.SG-this-towards me-back ‘The one (passing) here moving towards my back is him’ 53. isnempur i-is-ne-m-pur 3SG-be-this-towards me-back ‘He/She/It is moving towards my back’ Table 24 and 25 show the paradigms for directional verbs formed by combining the demonstrative marker –ne ‘here’ with the copular verb is- (24) and copular clitic –s- (25). Table 24. Directional Verb is-ne Number 1 sg 2sg 3sg 1du.incl 1du excl 2du 3du 3pcl 1pl.incl 1pl.excl 2pl 3pl.an 3pl.inan

Basic Demonstrative ayaine auine ine kuine nuine muine suine skoine koine inkoine mkoine sine naine

Verb is- + demonstrative ayaisne auisne isne kuisne nuisne muisne suisne skoisne koisne inkoisne mkoisne sisne naisne

44

Meaning I am here you are here he/she/it is here the two of us (INCL) are here the two of us (EXCL) are here the two of you are here the two of them are here the three (or more) of them are here we (PL.INCL) are here we (PL.EXCL) are here you (PL) are here they (PL.AN) are here they (PL.INAN) are here


Table 25. Directional Verb Clitic i–s-ine Number 1 sg 2sg 3sg 1du.incl 1du excl 2du 3du 3pcl 1pl.incl 1pl.excl 2pl 3pl.an 3pl.inan

Basic Demonstratives ayaine auine ine kuine nuine muine suine skoine koine inkoine mkoine sine naine

Clitic + Demonstratives ayaisine auisine isine cuisine nuisine muisine suisine skoisine koisine inkoisine mkoisine sisine naisine

Meaning Here is me Here is you Here is him/her/it Here are the two of us (INCL) Here are the two of us (EXCL) Here are the two of you Here are the two of them Here the three (or more) of them Here are we (PL.INCL) Here are we (PL.EXCL) Here are you (PL) Here are they (PL.AN) Here are they (PL.INAN)

The formal distinction between directional verbs formed with the copular verb is- and copular clitic –s- will be discussed later. NOTE 1

Infix –w- is not realised in (16), however, for glossing purposes, it is glossed here. Steinhauer (2005) has introduced clause final definite marker i and clause medial definite marker ya. 3 Information is known to or recoverable by an addressee, etc. 4 A free pronoun is followed by a noun phrase or a noun phrase is followed by another noun phrase in a sequence. For example: aya Heini (1SG Hein) ‘I am Hein’. Snori vien (Name.Det.SG. Vien) ‘Her name is Vien’. * I would like to thank Mary Dalrymple for her constructive criticism and suggestions for the improvement of the paper. Thanks also to the participants of the Fourteenth Austronesian Formal Linguistic Association (AFLA XIV) conference andThe UK Austronesian Research Group (UKARG) ALL 4 (The Fourth Austronesian Languages and Linguistics Conference) for their input, suggestions and recommendations. ** I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for very helpful comments on the earlier draft. 2

REFERENCES Adelaar, Alexander and Nikolaus P. Himmelmann (eds). 2005. The Austronesian Languages of Asia and Madagascar. London: Routledge. Hasselt, Johannes Lodewijk van. 1868. Allereerschte beginselen de Papoesch-Mefoorsche taal. Utrecht: Kemink & Zoon. Hasselt, Johannes Lodewijk van. 1876a. Hollandsch-Noefoorsch en Noefoorsch-Hollandsch woordenboek. Utrecht: Kemink & Zoon. Hasselt, Johannes Lodewijk van. 1893. Noefoorsch-Hollandsch woordenboek tweede verbeterde en vermeerderde uitgaaf. Utrecht: Kemink & Zoon. Hasselt, Frans Johannes Frederik van. 1932. Fafaja ro refo bekwar ia. Amsterdam: Nederlandsch Bijbel-genootschap. Hasselt, Johannes Lodewijk van. and F.J.F. van Hasselt. 1947. Noemfoorsch woordenboek. Amsterdam: De Bussy.

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Mofu, Suriel. 2009. Biak Morphosyntax. D.Phil. thesis, University of Oxford. SIL International. 2004. Language Family Trees [Online: web]. Cited 2 Sept 2004. URL: http://www.ethnologue.com/show_family.asp?subid=1523 Steinhauer, Hein. 1985. “Number in Biak. Counterevidence to Two Alleged Language Universals.” Bijdragen Tot De Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde,141.4, 462-485. Steinhauer, Hein. 2005. “Biak” In Adelaar, A. and N. P. Himmelmann (eds.), 793-823. Suparno. 1975. Kamus Bahasa Biak – Indonesia: sebuah laporan hasil penelitian Leksikografi Proyek Pengembangan Bahasa dan Sastra Indonesia dan Daerah. Jayapura: Fakultas Keguruan, Universitas Cenderawasih. Heuvel, Wilco van den. 2006. Biak, Description of an Austronesian Language of Papua. The Netherlands: LOT Janskerkhof 13 3512 BL Utrecht.

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Linguistik Indonesia, Februari 2012, 47- 67 Copyright©2012, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia, ISSN: 0215-4846

Tahun ke-30, No. 1

POLA UNSUR SUPRASEGMENTAL NADA BAHASA TIONGHOA ORANG SURABAYA Ong Mia Farao Karsono* Universitas Kristen Petra

[email protected] Abstrak Berdasarkan latar belakang bahwa unsur suprasegmental nada bahasa Tionghoa bersifat distingtif, makalah ini bertujuan mengungkap pola unsur suprasegmental nada bahasa Tionghoa orang Surabaya dalam kalimat berita, beserta penyebab terjadinya pola seperti itu. Pergerakan pola dianalisis dengan program Praat. Digunakan payung teori kompetensi komunikatif yang meliputi teori fonologi, sintaksis bahasa Tionghoa dan pragmatik. Metode deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif untuk menganalisis data. Sumber penelitian dipilih 13 orang Surabaya dari golongan intelektual ekonomi menengah. Hasil analisis menemukan bahwa tidak semua pola nada kata untuk semua jenis nada (nada satu/dua/tiga/empat/ringan) berpola seperti yang dicantumkan dalam pola teori, melainkan terjadi beberapa penyimpangan. Hal ini disebabkan pola teori yang digunakan terdiri atas dua kata saja, sementara pola dalam makalah ini berupa kalimat ujaran alamiah, juga karena lebih sulit merubah keadaan otot pita suara dari kendur menjadi tegang. Sementara pola nada kalimat berita bahasa Tionghoa orang Surabaya menunjukkan pola menurun, bila kalimat berita tersebut hanya memberi informasi. Pola nada kalimat berita akan berpola naik bila pembicara tidak setuju dengan informasi yang diperoleh. Terjadinya pola nada kalimat berita seperti itu bergantung pada konteks percakapan, emosi pengujar, dan kosa kata yang digunakan. Kata-kata kunci : Pola, nada, bahasa Tionghoa Suprasegmental elements in the Chinese language have a distinctive behavior of tone, spoken in declaratve sentences by the Chinese speaking citizens in Surabaya. A descriptive method with a qualitative approach was used. Tone patterns were analyzed using a Praat program. Communicative competence consists of fonology, sintax, and pragmatic theories were refered to as a theoretical framework. The research subjects were 13 Surabaya residents from an intelectual and midle class economy community. The analyses found out that word tone patterns for word pairs, all tone types (first/second/third/fourth and light) do not always follow the theoretical pattern. This is because theoretical tone pair patterns were based on two individual words, while the pattern examined were uttered within natural spoken sentences. It may also been caused by difficulty to strain a relaxed vocal chord. Tone patterns fall if sentences are informative. Sentence tone patterns rise if the speaker does not agree with the information received. Sentence tone patterns also depend on the speech context, emotion of the speaker, and vocabulary used. Key words: Tone, Pattern, Chinese language

PENDAHULUAN Bahasa Tionghoa merupakan bahasa bernada. Unsur suprasegmental dalam bentuk nada bahasa Tionghoa bersifat distingtif. Pola nada akan membedakan arti dalam bentuk kata maupun kalimat. Seperti dikatakan oleh Zhao (1998:65) bahwa nada merupakan bagian tersulit bagi siswa yang bahasa ibu mereka bukan merupakan bahasa bernada. Berbicara bahasa Tionghoa tanpa memikirkan pola nada adalah mustahil. Bahasa Tionghoa selain unsur suprasegmental berupa intonasi berpengaruh terhadap makna kalimat, fungsi nada juga berpengaruh terhadap makna kalimat. Berkaitan dengan fungsi unsur suprasegmental berupa nada bahasa Tionghoa terhadap makna kata, banyak kata yang ejaannya sama tetapi nadanya berbeda; bisa mengarah

Ong Mia Farao Karsono

pada arti kata yang berbeda. Sebagai contoh kata kàn 'melihat' dan kǎn 'membacok' misalnya, kedua kata tersebut mempunyai ejaan yang sama yaitu kan, tetapi nadanya yang berbeda. Kata pertama bernada empat dan kata kedua bernada tiga, akibatnya artinya berbeda pula. Perbedaan makna kata ini bila digunakan dalam kalimat lebih terlihat sifat ambiguitasnya, yang mengakibatkan kesalahpahaman yang berakibat fatal. Sebagai contoh, kalimat nǐ kàn tā yang berarti 'kamu lihat dia', jika diujarkan menjadi nǐ kǎn tā , ketika diterjemahkan ke dalam bahasa Indonesia artinya akan berubah menjadi 'kamu bacok dia'. Bahasa Tionghoa memiliki dua jenis nada. Pertama nada yang mempengaruhi kata dinamakan shēngdiào atau nada, dan kedua adalah nada yang berpengaruh terhadap makna kalimat atau maksud pembicara dinamakan jǔdiào atau intonasi (Xing dan Wang, 2009: 102,133). Dari sifat-sifat nada bahasa Tionghoa yang mempengaruhi makna kata maupun kalimat, mengakibatkan pola nada kata dan kalimat merupakan faktor penting untuk menentukan ketepatan sebuah ujaran. Berhubung selama ini belum ada yang meneliti tentang pola nada kata maupun kalimat dalam sebuah ujaran, makalah ini meneliti pola unsur suprasegmental nada bahasa Tionghoa yang diujarkan orang Surabaya yang bahasa ibu mereka bukan bahasa Tionghoa. Dipilih ujaran orang Indonesia yang berdomisili di Surabaya, karena dari ujaran mereka mengandung logat Suroboyoan yang kental yang akan mempengaruhi pola nada dalam ujarran mereka sehingga menghasilkan variasi pola pergerakan nada sebuah kata atau kalimat. Payung teori yang digunakan adalah teori kemampuan komunikatif menurut O’Grady, (2000:415). Teori ini tepat digunakan sebagai payung toeri karena terkandung teori kemampuan fonologi yaitu ketepatan pola nada, dan teori pragmatik untuk mengutarakan maksud ujaran sehingga percakapan berjalan lancar. KOMPETENSI KOMUNIKATIF Pada masa ini para ahli linguistik mempelajari sebuah bahasa dengan lebih menitik beratkan pada sudut fungsi dan aspek sosial. Konsep komunikatif ini didukung oleh pakar linguistik dari Inggris di antaranya Firth dan Halliday. Bahkan Halliday mengembangkan suatu teori fungsi bahasa, yang menyebutkan ada tujuh fungsi bahasa (Halliday, 1976:11-7), dan dua pakar utama teori komunikatif yaitu Celce Murcia atau Sandra Savignon. Dalam makalah ini hanya digunakan teori tujuh fungsi bahasa dari Halliday. Kemampuan berkomunikasi terdiri atas kemampuan manusia untuk mengorganisasi semua elemen bahasa yang dinamakan kemampuan gramatika dan kemampuan tekstual. Selain itu masih dibutuhkan kemampuan mengetahui maksud dari pembicara yang disebut kompetensi pragmatik. Kompetensi organisatoris itu terdiri atas kompetensi gramatika yang meliputi kemampuan tentang teori fonologi, kosakata, morfologi, sintaksis. Sementara itu kemampuan tekstual memerlukan aspek kohesi, koherensi, dan organisasi retorika. UNSUR SUPRASEGMENTAL NADA BAHASA TIONGHOA Unsur suprasegmental dalam bahasa Tionghoa memiliki beberapa istilah yaitu chāoyīnduàan yīnwèi ‘terlepas dari bagian fonem’, shàngjiā chéngsù ‘unsur dasar tambahan’. Sebagai contoh nada dalam bahasa Tionghoa, suku kata yang terbentuk dari fonem yang sama, oleh karena nadanya berbeda akan menyebabkan arti kata berbeda pula. Kata ní bernada dua dengan huruf Tionghoa akan memiliki arti ‘lumpur’, sementara kata nǐ bernada tiga dengan huruf Tionghoa akan memiliki arti ‘kamu’. Jadi nada termasuk tatanan suku kata dalam ranah suprasegmental. Bila fonem rangkap yang kedua sukunya bernada tiga diujarkan berurutan akan terjadi perubahan nada. Kata nǐnhǎo misalnya, kata yang di depan akan berubah menjadi bernada dua. Gejala demikian ini termasuk dalam ciriciri dari unsur suprasegmental (Wu, 2000:1). Nada dalam bahasa Tionghoa bersifat distingtif.

48


Kata ba [pa] misalnya, dapat memiliki berbagai arti yang berbeda berdasarkan nada yang dimiliki. Kata bā [pa] bernada satu dengan kode nada berupa garis mendatar di atas huruf hidup memiliki arti ‘angka delapan’; kata bá [pa] bernada dua dengan kode nada berupa garis naik serong ke kanan memiliki arti ‘mencabut’; kata bǎ [pa] bernada tiga dengan kode nada berupa garis turun ke kanan diikuti dengan bentuk garis naik serong ke atas memiliki arti ‘memegang’; kata bà [pa] bernada empat dengan kode nada garis turun serong ke kanan memiliki arti ‘berhenti’. Masih ada satu jenis nada yang disebut nada ringan, cara pengujarannya tidak memiliki karakter khusus tetapi tergantung pada kata yang di depannya. Cara menuliskan kode nadanya juga tidak spesifik, boleh tidak dicantumkan kode nadanya, (Huang dan Liao, 2005:79). sebagai contoh kata Sifat pembeda arti dalam bahasa Tionghoa sebenarnya selain nada masih ditentukan oleh bentuk huruf Tionghoanya. Dengan pengertian bahwa dari satu kata bā [pa] yang bernada satu di atas, masih bisa memiliki berbagai arti yang berbeda berdasarkan bentuk huruf Tionghoa berarti ‘delapan’; dengan bentuk yang tampak. Contoh, kata bā [pa] dengan bentuk huruf huruf berarti ‘berpegang pada’; jika berbentuk memiliki arti ‘mendambakan’; jika berbentuk memiliki arti ‘bekas luka’, jika berbentuk memiliki arti ‘barang dari anyaman bambu’. Agar dapat menggambarkan perubahan tinggi rendah nada dengan lebih konkrit dan mudah dimengerti, bahasa Tionghoa pada umumnya menggunakan gambar ciptaan dari ZhàoYuán Rèn. Berikut adalah gambar “Pencatatan Lima Derajat” ciptaan Zhào Yuán Rèn (Huáng dan Liao, 2005:80). Gambar 1. “Pencatatan Lima Derajat” Ciptaan Zhào Yuán Rèn (Huáng dan Liao, 2005:80)

Nada ringan ini merupakan nada yang pendek ringan, juga memiliki perubahan bentuk nada dari ke empat nada di atas. Jadi nada ringan memiliki ciri-ciri, yaitu akan berubah-ubah tergantung pada pergerakan nada di depannya (Qian, 1995:41). Menurut (Xíng, 2003:64), nada bahasa Tionghoa juga dapat berubah, dua kata bernada tiga jika disusun berurutan, akan terjadi perubahan nada. Perubahan yang terjadi, biasanya nada kata yang terletak di belakang mempengaruhi nada kata yang di depannya. Kata bahasa Tionghoa bernada tiga jika digabungkan dengan kata yang bukan nada tiga, kata ini akan berubah dari kode 214 menjadi 211↘ (Xing, 2003:64). Bila terjadi dua kata bahasa Tionghoa bernada tiga digabung berurutan, nada tiga yang di depan akan berubah menjadi nada dua (Xing, 2003:65). Jika terdapat tiga kata bernada tiga secara berurutan, dua kata bernada tiga yang di depannya akan dibaca sebagai kata bernada dua (Xing, 2003:65). Bila dua kata dengan berbagai jenis nada diujarkan menjadi satu, akan dihasilkan 20 macam kombinasi nada. Nada bahasa Tionghoa berhubungan dengan ketinggian nada atau kekerapan frekuensi getar pita suara, sementara intensitas berhubungan dengan kekerasan suara atau besar amplitudo. Dikatakan bila pita suara tegang akan menghasilkan nada tinggi, bila dalam suatu waktu tertentu getaran pita suara kerap atau frekuensi tinggi juga menghasilkan nada yang

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tinggi. Sebaliknya bila pita suara kendur menghasilkan nada rendah, getaran lambat atau frekuensi rendah akan menghasilkan nada rendah (Luo, 2006:11; Xing, 2009:47,93; Zhou, 2003:58). Pergerakan nada setiap katanya akan dibatasi oleh nada kalimat. Nada kalimat akan mengatur wilayah pergerakan setiap nada kata dalam sebuah kalimat, yang mengakibatkan wilayah pergerakan nada setiap kata akan terjadi perluasan atau pengurangan (Guo, 1993:245; Sun, 2006:70). SINTAKSIS BAHASA TIONGHOA Kalimat bahasa Tionghoa berdasarkan intonasi dapat dibedakan menjadi kalimat berita/tanya/perintah/seru. Kalimat berita intonasinya tenang atau berpola menurun sedikit (Xing, 2001:318; Ye, 1997:91; Fang, 2008:91). Kalimat berita ini merupakan kalimat yang menceritakan peristiwa, mengungkapkan sesuatu, maupun mengomentari sesuatu. Biasanya menginformasikan sesuatu yang baru bagi pendengar. Kalimat berita ini masih dapat dibedakan beberapa macam, yang terpenting harus mengandung kata yang berfungsi untuk mengisahkan sesuatu, yang melukiskan sesuatu, yang mendeskripsikan sesuatu, dan yang mengomentari sesuatu (Liu dkk, 2001:25). Sementara mengenai pola nada kalimat belum ada teorinya sehingga perlu diteliti. KOMPETENSI PRAGMATIK Menurut Wijana (1996:3) pragmatik merupakan ilmu yang meneliti makna yang dikomunikasikan oleh pembicara atau penulis (speaker meaning) dan diterjemahkan oleh pendengar atau pembaca. Makna yang dikaji oleh pragmatik adalah makna yang terikait dengan konteks. Studi seperti ini perlu mengikut sertakan penafsiran yang pembicara maksudkan dalam konteks tertentu, dan bagaimana konteks itu mempengaruhi pendengar maupun pembaca terhadap apa yang dikatakan. Jadi perlu mempertimbangkan siapa lawan bicaranya, di mana, kapan, dan dalam situasi apa. Dapat disimpulkan pragmatik adalah studi tentang makna konteks (contextual meaning) (Yule, 1996:3). Dapat dikatakan pragmatik sebagai penelitian tentang makna dari pembicara yang tidak tampak (intended meaning). Dapat disimpulkan pragmatik adalah studi tentang bagaimana penyampaian maksud tersirat sang pembicara daripada maksud kalimat yang diujarkan. (Yule, 1996:3). Pragmatik mempelajari makna secara eksternal dalam pengertian mengungkap maksud penutur (speaker meaning). Pusat kajian pragmatik adalah maksud pembicara yang secara tersurat atau tersirat di balik tuturan yang dianalisis. Untuk memperjelas batasan ini dapat melihat contoh berikut ini. “Wǒ gān jì qián gěi wǒ háizi. / ˈSaya baru saja mengirim uang kepada anak sayaˈ.” Kalimat ini secara formal tanpa mempertimbangkan konteks situasi penutur merupakan deklaratif yang berfungsi menginformasikan sesuatu. Bila tuturan digunakan dalam konteks tertentu bisa mengandung makna untuk menolak meminjamkan uang. Jadi salah satu fungsi tuturan adalah melakukan sesuatu. Hal ini dinamakan tindak ilokusi (The Act of Doing Something) (Wijana, 1996:18). Menurut Leech (1993:19-22) terdapat beberapa aspek yang harus dipertimbangkan dalam studi pragmatik. Aspek-aspek itu adalah: 1. penutur dan lawan tutur yang mencakup usia, latar belakang sosial ekonomi, jenis kelamin, tingkat keakraban dan sebagainya; 2. konteks tuturan, dalam pragmatik merupakan semua latar belakang pengetahuan yang dipahami bersama oleh penutur dalam lawan tutur; 3. tujuan tuturan, di sini merupakan bentuk-bentuk tuturan yang bermacam-macam yang dapat digunakan untuk menyatakan maksud yang sama atau sebaliknya, berbagai macam maksud dapat diutarakan dengan tuturan yang sama; 4. jenis tuturan dalam pragmatik adalah tindak lisan yang terjadi dalam situasi tertentu, yakni tergantung pada siapa penutur dan lawan tuturnya, serta waktu dan tempat pengutaraannya. 50


METODE PENELITIAN Menggunakan metode deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif. Dasar pemikiran digunakannya metode deskriptif dan cara pendekatan kualitatif karena penelitian kualitatif lebih dapat memahami alur cerita secara kronologis dan membimbing peneliti untuk menemukan sesuatu yang tidak terduga selama proses penelitian berlangsung. Keunggulan lain dari penelitian kualitatif adalah kata-kata yang disusun dalam bentuk cerita akan dapat memberi kesan lebih nyata, hidup, dan penuh makna (Miles & Huberman, 1992:1). Dipandang dari jangkauan waktu, penelitian ini menggunakan jangkauan waktu yang bersifat sinkronis, yaitu merujuk pada penelitian yang terbatas pada suatu waktu tertentu. Cara memilih subjek penelitian dilaksanakan dengan observasi partisipasi, yaitu peneliti mendatangi tempat-tempat kursus bahasa Tionghoa di Surabaya, atau universitas-universitas jurusan bahasa Tionghoa di Surabaya untuk berkenalan dengan para guru, mahasiswa, dan pegawai tempat tersebut. Selain itu juga mendengarkan siaran radio dalam bahasa Tionghoa. Sumber penelitian berupa orang Surabaya yang tinggal di Surabaya yang memiliki ataupun tidak memilik kartu tanda penduduk (KTP) Surabaya tetapi bekerja di Surabaya. Selain itu sumber data juga dipilih yang memiliki kemampuan berbahasa Tionghoa hampir sama, yaitu yang sudah lancar berkomunikasi dengan bahasa Tionghoa, setara dengan standar ujian HSK (Hànyǔ Shuǐpíng Kǎoshì/ ) tingkat 6-8 (tingkat menengah tertinggi HSK adalah tingkat 8). Jumlah subjek penelitian berjumlah 13 orang dengan 8 situasi percakapan yang terdiri atas 29 kalimat. Dari 13 orang subjek penelitian hanya satu orang anak berusia 5 tahun yang belum memiliki sertifikat HSK, tetapi ia berkomunikasi dalam bahasa Tionghoa dengan kedua orang tuanya. Dalam makalah ini sebagai contoh dipilih percakapan antara seorang penyiar radio Strato Surabaya, penelpon siaran radio Strato Surabaya. Kegiatan pengumpulan data dibagi dalam tiga tahapan, yaitu prosedur pengumpulan data, transkrip data, dan pengkodean. Data mentah berupa rekaman audio yang dipadukan dengan catatan lapangan ditranskripkan ke dalam lembar transkripsi data. Lembar ini berisi salinan fonetik berupa ejaan pīnyīn dan tulisan huruf Tionghoa beserta nada yang diujarkan subjek, yang selanjutnya tiap kalimat diolah kedalam gambar grafik Praat. Ejaan yang digunakan bukan ejaan fonetis IPA tetapi ejaan pīnyīn. Seperti yang dikatakan oleh Miles & Huberman (1992:87), agar data yang tersebar pada bermacam-macam ujaran itu dapat dianalisis, cara yang biasa digunakan sebagai solusi ialah dengan memberi kode pada catatan-catatan lapangan hasil observasi. Dalam lembar transkrip data tertulis nomor kode, subjek, serta jenis kalimat. Berikut contoh transkrip data. Gambar 2. Contoh Lembar Transkrip Data

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Untuk menjelaskan perubahan nada digunakan angka-angka berdasarkan teori lima derajat yang dikemukakan oleh Zhao (dalam Huang, 2005:80), yang rinciannya seperti dalam paparan angka-angka berikut ini: -

Angka 0 adalah angka menunjukkan ketinggian nada dari kata bernada ringan Angka 1 adalah angka menunjukkan ketinggian nada rendah. Angka 2 adalah angka menunjukkan ketinggian nada setengah rendah. Angka 3 adalah angka menunjukkan ketinggian nada tengah. Angka 4 adalah angka menunjukkan ketinggian nada setengah tinggi. Angka 5 adalah angka menunjukkan ketinggian nada tinggi.

Angka 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, itu adalah angka yang digunakan untuk menunjukkan angka ketinggian nada ditulis menurut tampilan grafik Praat yang tampak. Angka ini berdasarkan perbedaan ketinggian yang terjadi sehingga bukan angka yang absolut melainkan relatif. Pergerakan nada dicatat berdasarkan angka yang ditunjukkan pada ketinggian kata awal. Bila pergerakan awal dan akhir ujaran sebuah nada kata berikutnya dalam sebuah kalimat menunjukkan ketinggian Hz yang tidak persis sama pada angka (1, 2, 3, 4 ,5) sebelumnya, yaitu lebih tinggi lima poin maka digunakan kode aksen diketik di sisi atas sebelah kanan seperti (1’). Bila pergerakan ketinggian Hz lebih rendah lima poin dari yang ditunjukkan pada angka yang sama sebelumnya digunakan kode berupa aksen diketik di sisi bawah sebelah kanan seperti (1,). Angka yang diketik di depan menunjukkan angka menurut teori, angka yang diketik sesudah garis sama dengan merupakan angka gerak menurut data. Misalnya (2) = (4’), (2) adalah ketinggian nada menurut kaidah teori dan (4’) adalah ketinggian dari data yang diperoleh. Bila masih terjadi angka yang tidak persis sama digunakan kode dobel aksen di atas atau di bawah seperti 4’’ atau 4. Angka pergerakan nada dicatat tiga kali, yaitu awal ujaran, tengah ujaran dan akhir ujaran. Analisis data diawali dengan memilah-milah rekaman suara dengan program Goldwave, kemudian diolah dengan program Praat untuk menampilkan gambarnya. Untuk pengecekan keabsahan data dilakukan triangulasi pola data dengan pola teori, yaitu pengecekan pola nada gabungan dua kata yang muncul dari hasil analisis data melalui gambar Praat dengan pola menurut gambar teori. Contoh teknik triangulasi teori seperti tampak dalam Tabel 1 berikut: Tabel 1. Contoh Teknik Triangulasi Teori dan Data Gambar Praat Gabungan Dua Kata dengan Berbagai Kombinasi Nada

POLA UNSUR SUPRASEGMENTAL NADA KALIMAT BERITA BAHASA TIONGHOA ORANG SURABAYA Untuk meneliti pola nada kalimat berita bahasa Tionghoa dalam ujaran Orang Surabaya, digunakan 13 subjek penelitian dengan 8 konteks percakapan. Sementara makalah ini mengambil contoh percakapan antara penyiar dan penelpon siaran radio Strato (S1.S2). Merekam percakapan mereka, dibuatkan transkrip percakapan, kemudian hasil rekaman dipilah52


pilah dengan program Goldwave dan kalimat yang terpilih dimasukkan ke dalam program Praat, dicatat angka-angka untuk melihat polanya. Berikut adalah kalimat berita yang diujarkan oleh subjek penelitian dan grafik serta tampilan angka-angkanya. 1) Hěn gāoxìng jiēdào nín de diànhuà. ‘Sangat gembira menerima telpon anda.’ (S1/01/ KB) Sesuai konteks percakapan, ditemukan kalimat berita S1/01/KB ini diujarkan oleh seorang penyiar radio Strato yang sedang melayani pesanan lagu-lagu bahasa Tionghoa. Berdasarkan catatan lapangan diketahui S1 ini berbicara dengan nada sopan karena sedang melayanan penelponnya, dan diujarkan olah S1 sebagai kalimat pembuka untuk menyapa pelanggannya. Untuk mendapatkan data Hz kalimat berita ini ditampilkan dengan program Praat yang menunjukkan pola nada seperti Gambar berikut ini. Gambar 3. Gambar Praat Pola Nada Suara S1/01/ KB

Pola nada kata bahasa Tionghoa bila digabung dengan kata di belakangnya akan berubah kurvanya tidak persis sama dengan pola menurut teori. Berikut tabel analisis datanya. Tabel 2. Nada Kata dalam Kalimat Berita S1/01/KB

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Dari Tabel 2 dan Gambar Praat 3 dapat ditemukan bentuk pola nada kalimat berita ini 214 secara keseluruhan menurun, karena diawali dengan kata Hěn bernada tiga dengan 51Í ketinggian nada angka (2) berkisar 202,9 Hz. Setelah S1 mengujarkan kata terakhir huà bernada empat diujarkan menurun hingga angka (1) berkisar di 146,5 Hz pada akhir ujaran. 35Ì Dengan demikian kalimat berita ini berpola nada menurun. Bentuk pola nada kata nín yang bernada dua menurut teori bergerak naik terus tetapi dalam kalimat berita ini berpola menurun dari ketinggian nada 190,1 Hz ke 175,1 Hz. Menurut teori gerak pola nada tiga bila terletak di tengah kalimat akan bergerak menurun, di sini pola nada kata bernada tiga memang menurun drastis. Seperti terjadi pada kata hěn bernada tiga. Kata bernada satu berpola tidak datar seperti dalam teori. Dari gabungan dua kata yang diujarkan terbentuk kombinasi jenis nada seperti dalam Tabel 3 berikut ini: Tabel 3. Paparan Pola Nada Gabungan Dua Kata Menurut Teori dan Data

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Tuturan S1 ini untuk fungsi kepribadian (Halliday, 1976:11-17) membuat pembicaranya dapat menyampaikan perasaan, pola nada kalimat menurun. Kata kunci untuk mengisahkan ‘juga sangat perasaan ditunjukkan dengan penggunaan kata sifat hěn gāoxìng senang’. Pola nada kalimat menurun karena menurut konteks pragmatik (Yule, 1996:3; Wijana, 1996:3; Leech, 1993: 19-32) menunjukkan profesi S1 sebagai penyiar radio yang setiap harinya menyapa orang sehingga tidak dibutuhkan nada kalimat yang meninggi. 2) Em..... Wǒ yě hěn gāoxìng tīngdào nǐ de shēngyīn. Em...... ‘Em ..... Saya juga sangat gembira mendengar suara anda.’ (S2/02/KB)

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Sesuai konteks percakapan, kalimat berita S2/02/KB ini diujarkan oleh seorang penelpon radio Strato yang sedang memesan lagu-lagu bahasa Tionghoa. Berdasarkan catatan lapangan diketahui kalimat ini diujarkan oleh S2 ketika membalas sapaan dari penyiar Strato. Untuk mendapatkan data Hz kalimat berita ini ditampilkan dengan program Praat yang menunjukkan pola nada seperti Gambar 4 berikut ini: Gambar 4. Gambar Praat Pola Nada Suara S2/02/KB

Diketahui pola nada kata bahasa Tionghoa bila digabung dengan kata di belakangnya akan berubah kurvanya tidak persis sama dengan pola menurut teori. Berikut tabel analisis datanya: Tabel 4. Nada Kata dalam Kalimat Berita S2/02/KB

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Dari Tabel 4 dan Gambar 4 ditemukan bentuk pola nada kalimat berita S2/02/KB ini secara 214√ keseluruhan menurun. Dalam kalimat berita ini diawali dengan kata wǒ bernada tiga 55→ dengan ketinggian nada angka (3) di 225,1 Hz. Setelah S2 mengujarkan kata terakhir yīn bernada satu ketinggian nada angka (5) di 175,7 Hz. Ketinggian angka (5) pada kata terakhir yang seharusnya lebih tinggi daripada ketinggian angka (3) pada kata di awal kalimat, tetapi 214 √ justru lebih rendah, jadi berpola menurun. Gerak nada kata yě oleh karena diikuti dengan 214 √ kata hěn bernada tiga juga, menurut teori pola nada kata yě akan berubah menjadi 35Ì, tetapi justru menunjukkan setelah naik kemudian turun. Jadi pola nada kata bernada tiga tidak sesuai dengan pola teori. Dari gabungan kata yang diujarkan terbentuk kombinasi jenis nada seperti dalam Tabel 5 berikut ini:

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Tabel 5. Paparan Pola Nada Gabungan Dua Kata Menurut Teori dan Data

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Tuturan S2 ini untuk fungsi kepribadian (Halliday, 1976:11-17) membuat pembicaranya dapat menyampaikan perasaannya, pola nada kalimat menurun. Kata kunci untuk mengisahkan perasaan ditunjukkan penggunaan kata sifat yě hěn gāoxìng ’juga sangat senang’. Pola menurun karena menurut konteks pragmatik (Yule, 1996:3; Wijana, 1996:3; Leech, 1993: 19-32) S2 sebagai penelpon radio S2 membalas sapaan kalimat pembuka dari penyiar. 3) Xiě de shì búcuò. ‘Yang tertulis adalah tidak salah.’ (S1/05/KB) Sesuai konteks percakapan kalimat S1/05/KB ini diujarkan oleh penyiar Strato ketika menjawab pertanyaan dari penelponnya tentang teka-teki yang disiarkan minggu lalu. Berdasarkan catatan lapangan diketahui S1 mengatakan bahwa jawaban teka teki penelpon tersebut tidak benar. Untuk mendapatkan data Hz kalimat berita ini ditampilkan dengan program Praat yang menunjukkan pola nada seperti Gambar 5 berikut ini: Gambar 5. Gambar Praat Pola Nada Suara S1/05/KB

Dapat diketahui pola nada kata bahasa Tionghoa bila digabung dengan kata di belakangnya akan berubah kurvanya tidak persis sama dengan pola menurut teori. Berikut tabel analisis data: Tabel 6. Nada Kata dalam Kalimat Berita S1/05/KB

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Dari Tabel 6 dan Gambar 5 ditemukan pola nada kalimat berita ini secara keseluruhan 214√ bergerak naik, karena diawali dengan kata xiě bernada tiga, menunjukkan ketinggian 51↘ nada di angka (2) berkisar 191,9 Hz. Setelah S1 mengujarkan kata terakhir cuò bernada empat, ketinggian angka (1) pada akhir ujaran berkisar di 258,3 Hz. Hal ini berarti bahwa ketinggian angka (1) yang seharusnya lebih rendah daripada ketinggian angka (2) pada ujaran kata awal tetapi malah lebih tinggi. Jadi pola nada untuk kalimat ini berpola bergerak naik. Dalam kalimat ini hanya terdapat satu kata bernada tiga. Tampaknya kata bernada tiga dalam kalimat berita ini berpola sebagai nada tiga penuh dengan kode 214√, dengan pola menurun dahulu kemudian naik lagi. Pola kata bernada empat berpola sesuai pola teori yaitu menurun terus. Kata bernada dua bú tidak berpola naik malah menurun. Dari gabungan kata yang diujarkan terbentuk kombinasi jenis nada seperti dalam Tabel 7 berikut ini: Tabel 7. Paparan Pola Nada Gabungan Dua Kata Menurut Teori dan Data

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Tuturan S1 ini untuk fungsi keterwalian (Halliday, 1976:11-17), yaitu menjelaskan bahwa jawaban dari S2 itu salah, pola nada kalimat meninggi. Kata kunci untuk mengisahkan informasi sebuah fakta ditunjukkan penggunaan kata kerja shì ’adalah’ dan kata keterangan búcuò ’tidak salah’. Hal ini disebabkan menurut konteks konteks pragmatik (Yule, 1996:3; Wijana, 1996:3; Leech, 1993: 19-32) S1 ingin menegaskan bahwa jawaban dari penelpon tersebut tidak benar, ada penyangkalan. 4) Rán hou dà jiā jiù shuō bú cuò búcuò. ‘Kemudian orang-orang mengatakan tidak salah, tidak salah.’ . (S2/06/KB) Sesuai konteks percakapan, kalimat berita S2/06/KB ini diujarkan oleh penelpon radio Strato Surabaya yang merasa jawaban teka-teki yang disiarkan minggu lalu adalah benar. Untuk mendapatkan data Hz kalimat berita ini ditampilkan dengan program Praat yang menunjukkan pola nada seperti Gambar 6 berikut ini: Gambar 6. Gambar Praat Pola Nada Suara S2/06/KB

Dapat diketahui pola nada kata bahasa Tionghoa bila digabung dengan kata di belakangnya akan berubah kurvanya tidak persis sama dengan pola menurut teori. Berikut analisis datanya: Tabel 8. Nada Kata dalam Kalimat Berita S2/06/KB

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Dari Tabel 8 dan Gambar Praat 7 ditemukan bentuk pola nada kalimat berita S2/06/KB 35↗ ini secara keseluruhan bergerak naik. Dalam kalimat berita ini diawali dengan kata Rán bernada dua dengan ketinggian nada angka (3) berkisar 222,1 Hz. Setelah S2 mengujarkan kata 51↘ terakhir cuò bernada empat, ketinggian angka (1) pada akhir ujaran berkisar 307,7 Hz. Hal ini menunjukkan bahwa ketinggian angka (1) yang seharusnya lebih rendah daripada ketinggian angka (3) pada ujaran kata awal justru lebih tinggi, jadi pola nada kalimat berpola naik. Gerak pola nada dua, yang berjumlah tiga kata (Rán dan dua kali kata bú ) ada yang sesuai teori ada yang tidak. Untuk kata Rán pola nadanya sudah sesuai pola teori bergerak naik. Sementara untuk kata bú yang depan juga bergerak naik, tetapi kata bú yang muncul belakangan berpola bergerak naik sedikit kemudian turun lagi. Untuk pola kata bernada empat yang berjumlah lima kata, yang empat sudah sesuai teori bergerak turun, hanya satu kata yang berpola setelah turun kemudian naik. Dari gabungan kata yang diujarkan yaitu kata jiù terbentuk kombinasi jenis nada seperti dalam Tabel 9 berikut ini: Tabel 9. Paparan Pola Nada Gabungan Dua Kata Menurut Teori dan Data

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Tuturan S2 ini untuk fungsi keterwalian (Halliday, 1976:11-17) yaitu menjelaskan bahwa S2 merasa jawabannya benar. Kalimat tuturan S2 ketika berfungsi sebagai keterwalian pola nada kalimat meninggi. Kata kunci untuk mengisahkan informasi sebuah fakta ditunjukkan penggunaan kata kerja & kata keterangan jiù shuō búcuò búcuò ’berkata tidak salah tidak salah’. Menurut konteks pragmatik (Yule, 1996:3; Wijana, 1996:3; Leech, 1993: 1932) menunjukkan bahwa S2 ingin menegaskan bahwa jawabannya itu juga benar, ada penyangkalan (Yule, 1996:3) 5) Ooh, Dà jiā shuō bù hǎo eeih. Ooh, eeih ‘Ooh, orang-orang mengatakan tidak baik, eeih.’ (S1/07/KB) Sesuai konteks percakapan, kalimat berita S1/07/KB ini diujarkan oleh penyiar radio Strato yang sedang berdiskusi dengan penelpon tentang jawaban teka-teki jawaban yang benar itu bagaimana seharusnya. Untuk mendapatkan data Hz kalimat berita ini ditampilkan dengan program Praat yang menunjukkan pola nada seperti Gambar 7 berikut ini: Gambar 7. Gambar Praat Pola Nada Suara S1/07/KB

Dapat diketahui pola nada kata bahasa Tionghoa bila digabung dengan kata di belakangnya akan berubah kurvanya tidak persis sama dengan pola menurut teori. Berikut tabel analisis datanya: Tabel 10. Nada Kata dalam Kalimat Berita S1/07/KB

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Dari Tabel 10 dan Gambar Praat 8 ditemukan bentuk pola nada kalimat berita ini, bila kata seruan diperhitungkan bentuk pola nada dalam kalimat berita ini secara keseluruhan menurun karena ketinggian nada dari kata seruan awal “Ooh” 193,5 Hz, sementara ketinggian kata seruan terakhir “eeih” adalah 152,3 Hz. Bila kata seru tidak diperhitungkan kalimat ini 51↘ justru bergerak naik polanya, karena diawali dengan kata dà bernada empat dengan 214 √ bernada tiga pada ketinggian angka (5) di 294,1 Hz dan diakhiri dengan kata hǎo ketinggian nada angka (4) di 309,2 Hz. Ketinggian angka (4) ini masih di atas ketinggian posisi angka (5) nada kata awal yaitu di 294,1 Hz, sehingga memperlihatkan pola nada yang bergerak 214 √ naik. Dalam kalimat ini hanya ada satu kata bernada tiga yaitu kata hǎo . Tampaknya kata ini berpola sebagai nada tiga penuh yaitu berpola 214√ bukan berpola 211↘ karena terletak di akhir kalimat. Ditemukan kata bernada satu yang seharusnya stabil pada ketinggian (5) tetapi ada yang polanya bergerak naik dulu kemudian turun seperti pada kata jiā . Sementara untuk kata shuō , kata ini bergerak turun dulu kemudian naik. Dari gabungan kata yang diujarkan terbentuk kombinasi jenis nada seperti dalam Tabel 11 berikut ini: Tabel 11. Paparan Pola Nada Gabungan Dua Kata Menurut Teori dan Data

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Tuturan S1 (penyiar) ini untuk fungsi keterwalian (Halliday, 1976:11-17) yaitu menjelaskan bahwa memang jawaban S2 salah. Kata kunci untuk mengisahkan informasi sebuah fakta ditunjukkan penggunaan kata kerja & kata keterangan shuō bùhǎo eei eeih ‘mengatakan tidak baik’. Menurut konteks percakapan pragmatik (Yule, 1996:3; Wijana, 1996:3; Leech, 1993: 19-32) pola nada kalimat meninggi karena S1 ingin menegaskan bahwa jawaban dari penelponnya itu memang salah, ada unsur penyangkalan (analisis tanpa memperhitungkan kata seru) (Yule, 1996:3). SIMPULAN Dari contoh ujaran yang telah diuraikan di atas terbukti bahwa ketika pembicara mengujarkan kalimat berita yang hanya sekedar menyampaikan perasaan untuk menyapa seperti pada kalimat S1/01/KB, S2/02/KB. Dengan pengertian bila kalimat berita berfungsi memberi informasi perasaan akan berpola nada kalimat menurun. Sementara bila pembicara merasa informasi yang ia terima tidak sesuai kemudian mengujarkan kalimat untuk menyangkalnya seperti terjadi pada kalimat S1/05/KB, S2/06/KB, S1/07/KB, kalimat berita ini akan berpola nada kalimat yang bergerak naik. Untuk pola nada kata dari lima jenis nada kata, sering terjadi penyimpangan pola. Hal ini disebabkan pola teori yang digunakan terdiri atas dua kata saja, sementara pola dalam makalah ini berupa kalimat ujaran alamiah. Selain itu oleh karena ketinggian nada tergantung pada ketengangan pita suara (Luo, 2006:11; Xing, 2009:47,93; Zhou, 2003:58), dan dari hasil wawancara dengan para subjek penelitian diketahui bahwa sulit merubah keadaan otot pita suara yang kendur menjadi tegang. Kata bernada satu yang menurut teori berpola mendatar, tidak pernah berpola datar, karena sulit mempertahankan otot pita suara dalam keadaan sama dalam waktu tertentu. Kata bernada dua yang menurut teori berpola naik terus, sering terjadi pola yang menurun terus, atau naik-turun, atau turun-naik, karena sulit merubah ketegangan otot pita suara dari kendur menjadi tegang. Kata bernada tiga bila terletak di tengah kalimat menurut teori berpola menurun sebagian besar sudah berpola demikian. Kata bernada empat menurut teori berpola turun terus, sudah sesuai teori berpola demikian, karena mudah merubah keadaan otot pita suara dari tegang menjadi kendur. Kata bernada ringan tidak memiliki pola teori, dalam data ditemukan kadang menurun terus, kadang turun-naik, kadang naik-turun, kadang turunnaik. CATATAN *

Penulis berterima kasih kepada mitra bestari yang telah memberikan saran-saran untuk perbaikan makalah.

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DAFTAR PUSTAKA Fáng Yùqīng ( ). 2008. Shíyòng Hànyǔ Yǔfǎ ( Yǔyán Dàxué Chūbǎnshè. Guō,

Jǐnfú (

(

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1993.

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Hànyǔ Shēngdiào Yǔdiào Chǎnyào yǔ Dànsuǒ ). Běijīng: Běijīng Yǔyán Xuéyuàn Chūbǎnshè.

Halliday, M.A.K dan Ruqaiya Hasan. 1976. Cohesion in English. London: Longman. Huáng, Bóróng dan Liào, Xùdōng ( Běijīng: Gāoděng Jiàoyù Chūbǎnshè.

). 2005. Xiàndài Hànyǔ (

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Leech, Geoffrey. 1993. The Principles of Pragmatik. (Diterjemahkan oleh M.D.D. Oka). Jakarta: Universitas Indonesia. Liú, Yuèhuá ( ); Pān, Wényú ( Hànyǔ Yǔfǎ (

); Gù, Wěi ( ). 2001. Shíyòng Xiàndài ). Běijīng: Shāngwù Yìnshūguǎn.

). 2006. Zhōngguó Yǚyán Shēngdiào Gàilǎn ( Luó, ānyuán ( Běijīng: Mínzú Chūbǎnshè

).

Miles, Matthew B. & Huberman, A. Michael. 1992. Analisis Data Kualitatif. Jakarta: Universitas Indonesia. O’Grady, William and Archibald, John. 2000. Contemporary Linguistic Analysis An Introduction. Canada: Pearson Education Canada. Qián, Nàiróng ( Xuéyuàn. Sūn,

Déjīn (

(

). 1995. Hànyǔ Yǔyánxué ).

2006.

Duìwài

. Běijīng: Běijīng Yǔyán

Hànyǔ Yǔyīn Jí Yǔyīn Jiàoxué ). Běijīng: Shāngwù Yìnshūguǎn.

Yánjiū

Wijana, I. Dewa Putu. 1996. Dasar-dasar Pragmatik. Yogyakarta: Andi. Wú, Jiémín ( Xíng, Fúyì ( Chubanshe.

). 2000. Hànyǔ Jiélǜxué (

). Běijīng: Yǔwén Chūbǎnshè.

). 2001. Xiàndài Hànyǔ

(

). Beijing: Gaodeng Jiaoyu

Xíng, Fúyì ( ) dan Wàng, Guóshèng ( ). 2009. Xiàndài Hànyǔ ( Wúhàn: Huázhōng Shīfàn Dàxué Chūbǎnshè. Xíng, Gōngwǎn ( ). 2003. Xiàndài Hànyǔ Jiàochéng ( Nánkāi Dàxué Chūbǎnshè.

). ). Tiānjīng:

Yè, Fēishēng dan Xú, Tōngqiāng ( ). 1997. Yǔyánxué Gāngyào ). Běijīng: Běijīng Dàxué Chūbǎnshè. ( Yule, George. 1996. Pragmatics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Zhào, Yǒngxīn. 1998. Hànwài Yǔyán Wénhuà Duìbǐ Yu Duìwài Hanyu Jiàoxué ( ). Beijing: Beijing Yuyan Wenhua. Zhōu, Tóngchūn ( ). 2003. Hànyǔ Yǔyīnxué ( Shīfàn Dàxué Chūbǎnshè.

67

). Běijīng: Běijīng

Linguistik Indonesia, Februari 2012, 69- 83 Copyright©2012, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia, ISSN: 0215-4846

Tahun ke-30, No. 1

THE CO-OCCURRENCE OF THE CLITIC -NYA AND DEMONSTRATIVE ITU IN SPOKEN INDONESIAN DISCOURSE Katharina Endriati Sukamto* Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya [email protected] Abstract Spoken discourse normally involves the communicative interaction between a speaker and his interlocutor. During the process of interaction, the speaker will always take into account the cognitive status of the information conveyed in the mind of the interlocutor. The interlocutor, on the other hand, will identify the conveyed information based on referring expressions used by the speaker. This paper will focus on referring expressions with the clitic –nya that is immediately followed by the demonstrative itu ‘that’ in spoken Indonesian discourse. The purpose is to find out the discourse functions of –nya that co-occurs with itu. The finding is that when –nya and itu co-occur in a single unified segment of speech, -nya always functions as an identifiability marker, referring to a shared referent that has been previously mentioned. In this case the clitic –nya may indicate possession or association with another referent. Itu, on the other hand, does not always indicate identifiability. Itu is identifiable only when it functions as a demonstrative pronoun that refers to a previously mentioned entity. If itu is not identifiable, its occurrence is only as a tool to help the speaker delimit a unified segment of information. Key words: referring expression, referent, identifiable. Wacana lisan selalu melibatkan interaksi komunikatif antara penutur dan pendengarnya. Dalam proses komunikasi lisan tersebut, penutur akan memperhatikan status kognitif sebuah informasi dalam benak pendengarnya. Sebaliknya, pendengar akan mengidentifikasi informasi tersebut melalui bentuk-bentuk acuan yang digunakan oleh penutur. Makalah ini akan membahas bentuk-bentuk acuan dengan klitik –nya yang langsung diikuti oleh demonstrativa itu dalam wacana lisan Bahasa Indonesia, untuk mengetahui fungsi kedua elemen tersebut. Yang ditemukan adalah bahwa apabila –nya dan itu berdampingan dalam satu segmen tuturan, -nya selalu berfungsi sebagai pemarkah pengenal, yang merujuk pada referen yang telah disebutkan sebelumnya. Dalam hal ini klitik –nya menunjukkan milik atau asosiasi dengan referen yang lain. Itu tidak selalu berfungsi sebagai pemarkah pengenal. Itu dapat terkenali apabila itu berfungsi sebagai pronomina dan merujuk pada referen yang telah disebutkan sebelumnya. Jika itu tak terkenali, kehadirannya hanya sebagai alat untuk membantu penutur membatasi sebuah segmen informasi. Kata kunci: bentuk acuan, referen, terkenali.

INTRODUCTION The study of referential choice in natural discourse has been extensively discussed in the literature (among others Givón 1983, Gundel et al. 1993, Chafe 1996, Ariel 1998, Kibrik 2011, and numerous other works cited therein). These scholars have observed that in referring to referents, a speaker will use different referring expressions that are based on the cognitive statuses of the referents in the mind of the interlocutor. The interlocutor, on the other hand, can normally identify the intended referents on the basis of the speaker’s referential choice in the ongoing discourse. An example in English is the following: 1.

I bought a new scarf. It was on sale. [from Gundel et al. 1993]

Katharina Endriati Sukamto

The noun phrase (NP) a new scarf is used here to refer to a referent that is not yet active in the mind of the interlocutor. In this case, the speaker uses the indefinite article a so that the interlocutor can associate the form with the corresponding entity (scarf) that is new. In the second sentence, the pronoun it is used because the referent has been previously mentioned and therefore it is now in the interlocutor’s focus of attention. In other words, a new scarf belongs to new information, and it is categorized as old information (Chafe 1994). The information status of a referent can also be determined by a clitic that is dependent on its adjacent words. Observe the following constructed example in Indonesian: 2.

Sule dan istrinya berbahagia dengan kelahiran Sule and wife his happy with birth Sule and his wife are happy with the birth of their child.

anak child

mereka they

The clitic –nya in istrinya ‘his wife’ is a bound morpheme in Indonesian. In example (2), it follows the noun istri ‘wife’, and thus makes the referent istrinya ‘his wife’ identifiable for the interlocutor. In this case, –nya has a possessive function and it refers to a person named Sule that has been previously mentioned. In spoken Indonesian, we often hear speakers who use the determiner itu ‘that’ after a NP with –nya, as in the following constructed example: 3.

Sule dan istrinya itu berbahagia dengan kelahiran Sule and wife his that happy with birth Sule and his wife are happy with the birth of their child.

anak child

mereka they

Itu in (3) modifies the NP istrinya ‘his wife’. Itu here functions as a determiner and therefore it is not used to track a previously mentioned referent.1 In (4), however, itu functions as a demonstrative pronoun and therefore it can stand on its own. 4.

Itu buku saya that book I That is my book.

We see here that the functions of –nya and itu are very much dependent upon referents, clauses, propositions, or situational contexts in discourse. When they co-occur, the question that may arise is: for what purpose do speakers use the two linguistic elements together? If the referent istrinya in (3) is already in the interlocutor’s focus of attention, what is the discourse function of itu then? This paper seeks to explore the discourse functions of the clitic –nya that co-occurs with the demonstrative itu. A grammar sketch on the functions of each will be illustrated before the discussion. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK This section presents some theories about speakers’ referential choice in spoken discourse. It includes activation of ideas in the mind and identifiability of referents. ACTIVATION OF IDEAS IN THE MIND Spoken discourse always involves the communicative interaction between two parties: a speaker and interlocutor(s). In the interactive speech, the speaker commonly transmit his thoughts, beliefs, knowledge, feelings, experience, and other conceptual materials in such a way that his interlocutor can understand what he is saying. Oral communication is dynamic (Du Bois and Thompson 1991), and its dynamicity is characterized by the fact that the speaker will activate one idea after another with “a sufficiently identifying language” (Chafe 1994:97) during the ongoing discourse. This means that the

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speaker will use different types of referring expressions depending on the contexts of speech and also on what the interlocutor knows. During the process of communication, the information conveyed by a speaker cannot be expressed all at once in one utterance. As human beings we have biological constraints; we have to breathe when we speak. Speech is thus naturally produced in segments – one is verbalized after another, with pauses between the segments. The segments of speech, which are referred to as intonation units (IU)2 in this paper, may contain referents that need to be activated or reactivated from time to time so that our interlocutor can identify the intended referents. Apart from the biological constraints, human beings also have cognitive constraints, and so the way we activate pieces of information should be based on how active the information is in the mind of our interlocutors. With regard to the cognitive state of a piece of information at the time of utterance, Chafe (1994) distinguishes three different categories of information states based on how “costly” the activation is. The first category is called given information, which involves the least activation cost. An idea that that has been introduced is usually active in the mind of the interlocutors, and therefore does not need too much activation. The second category is accessible information, which has a higher activation cost than given information. An idea that was once fully active in consciousness may become semi-active after a period of time, and so it needs to be reactivated to be accessible information. The last category is new information, which involves the highest activation cost. This idea may be inactive, in the sense that it may have been previously introduced in discourse but has receded into the interlocutor’s long-term memory or it may be totally new for the interlocutor. The degree of activation cost is typically represented by the referring expression chosen by the speaker. The higher the activation cost is, the heavier the form will be (Ariel 1990). The following example (adapted from Chafe 1994:93-4) illustrates how ideas in the speaker’s mind are activated: 5.

A: Have the animals, ever attacked anyone in a car? B: Well I well I heard of an elephant, that sat down on a VW one time. There’s a gir Did you ever hear that? C: No. B: Some elephants and these they there these gals were in a Volkswagen, and uh, they uh kept honkin’ the horn, hootin’ the hooter, and uh, and the.. elephant was in front of em, so he just proceeded to sit down on the VW. But they.. had .. managed to get out first.

In example (5), when B introduced the idea of the elephant for the first time, he used the NP an elephant. When the same referent was reactivated, the referring expression the elephant was used. The same thing can be said for the Volkswagen. When the idea was firstly mentioned, it was expressed by the NP a Volkswagen. Later, when the speaker assumed that the referent 71


was already shared by the interlocutor, he expressed it by using the NP the VW. This example demonstrates that different referring expressions may be used to refer to the same referent. IDENTIFIABILITY OF REFERENTS The concept of identifiability involves the speaker’s assumption on the cognitive status of a referent in the mind of the interlocutor. It is associated with the speaker’s choice of a referring expression and the assumption that his interlocutor can identify the referent of the chosen expression. Chafe (1994:94) points out that there are three important components that can make a referent identifiable. They are: (1) the referent is assumed to be shared by both the speaker and interlocutor, (2) it is verbalized in a sufficiently identifying way, and (3) it is contextually salient. The identifiability of a referent may be accessed through a number of pathways. For example, a referent may be identifiable through previous mention. Identifiability by previous mention can be expressed by the use of personal pronouns, demonstrative pronouns, or a NP. In example (5) above, the referents the elephant and the VW are shared by both the speaker and his interlocutor because they have been previously mentioned. Both are verbalized in a sufficiently identifying way, in the sense that the use of a NP (definite article + N) should be sufficient for the interlocutor to identify the intended referents. Lastly, the two referents are contextually salient as the interlocutor can focus on the ideas expressed as the elephant and the VW (Chafe 1994:94). A referent may also be identifiable by association, meaning that there is an associative relationship between a referring expression and an associator (Ewing 1999). Observe the following example (from Kronfeld 1986): 6.

My sister has just got married. The lucky man met her only three weeks ago.

The referent the lucky man in example (6) is a first mention. However, it is identifiable because the interlocutor can associate the referent with the associator, in this case my sister who has just got married. We see here that a first-mention referent may be expressed with a NP that contains a definite article. Since identifiability is a property of referents in the consciousness of the interlocutors, nominal expressions that do not have a referent are not relevant for this category and thus will not be discussed in this paper. THE DATA This paper utilizes spoken Indonesian data to examine the discourse functions of the clitic –nya that is immediately followed by the demonstrative itu ‘that’. The data was taken from five question-answer sessions at a two-day linguistic conference held in Jakarta in 1996. The duration of the recorded data is 150 minutes (each session lasts for 30 minutes). The speeches used were questions raised by the conference participants and answers given by the plenary speakers. The plenary speakers were Indonesian linguists from a number of universities in Indonesia. The conference participants were Indonesian linguists, teachers, practitioners, and students. Although there are only 25 instances of the co-occurrence of –nya and itu in my data, I found this phenomenon interesting to be explored. The examples from the data demonstrated in this paper start with an abbreviation that appears after the number [e.g. (1) SD)]. The abbreviation indicates the initials of the five speakers, i.e., SD, WR, KA, MD, AH.

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RESEARCH METHODOLOGY The data was transcribed by using Du Bois et al.’s (1993) transcription convention. In this transcription system, each single line of the transcript represents an intonation unit, which is defined as “a stretch of speech uttered under a single coherent intonation contour” (Du Bois et al. 1993:47). After the transcription, the data were coded in Excel 1997 spreadsheet. For the purpose of this paper, I only used noun phrases that contain the clitic –nya and the demonstrative itu. AN OVERVIEW OF -NYA AND ITU In order to have better comprehension on how the clitic –nya and the demonstrative itu are used in spoken Indonesian, the following is a brief overview of the two linguistic items. The examples provided here are from my database. The Clitic –nya The grammar books of Indonesian (among others Alwi et al 2003, Sneddon 1996) describe the use of the suffix –nya for three different functions: (1) –nya indicating possession, (2) –nya indicating pronominalization, and (3) –nya indicating nominalization (see also Dardjowidjojo 1983). The first two mentioned have something to do with anaphora, as they co-refer to a previously mentioned entity in the discourse. As for the third category, –nya may be suffixed to a verb or an adjective to form a noun. Naturally spoken language, however, reveals that the variability of –nya is wider than that described in the grammar books. As stated by Sneddon (2006:34), the functions of spoken –nya in Indonesian are many and not all of them are entirely understood.3 For example, -nya found in my database shows that it follows a first-mention referent whose identifiability should be associated with another referent, proposition, or situational context. In a few cases, -nya denotes that the intended referent is only identifiable for the speaker. It may also be suffixed to a pronoun, a demonstrative, or an adverb. I will add three other categories in relation to the occurrence of the suffix –nya in my spoken data, and they are: (4) –nya indicating association or inference, (5) –nya indicating the cognitive frame of the speaker, and (6) miscellaneous –nya. As mentioned earlier, in Indonesian, the identifiability of a referent by association may be expressed by a nominal expression that is suffixed by –nya.4 -nya Indicating Possession The suffix –nya may be used to indicate possession, and formal as well as informal Indonesian use this suffix to refer to a third person singular. In the following excerpt, the speaker is explaining to the interlocutor that his granddaughter is now living with her parents. The suffixnya after orang tua ‘parents’ indicates a third person possessor, that is cucu saya ‘my grandchild’ that occurs in the previous intonation unit. 7.

(SD) tinggal live

dengan with

orang tuanya. parents-NYA

‘My grandchild lives with her parents’’ Unlike Standard Indonesian that allows the use of possessive -nya only for a third person possessor (singular and plural), spoken Indonesian uses this suffix to refer to a second person possessor as well, as shown in the following: 8.

(WR) Terima accept

kasih love

Pak Mr.

Yus Badudu Yus Badudu

atas on

pertanyaannya. question-NYA

‘Thank you, Mr. Badudu, for your question.’

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The speaker of (8) is thanking Mr Yus Badudu, the person who asked the question. This type of -nya occurs quite frequently in spoken Indonesian and it is commonly used as an indirect strategy for politeness. Another use of possessive -nya that is considered informal is the one occurring in topiccomment constructions, and -nya – which always occurs in the comment part – may refer back to a first, second, or third person pronoun (singular or plural). The following example shows that the suffix –nya refers back to a first person singular saya ‘I’: 9.

(KA) Karena saya, because I hobinya macam-macam. hobby-NYA various

‘Because I have many kinds of hobby’ -nya Indicating Pronominalization The suffix -nya is also used as a pronominal suffix on verbs, indicating a pronominal argument in a clause. In the following example, the suffix -nya anaphorically refers to cucu bapak ‘your grand-daughter’: 10.

(SD) Apakah kalimat yang dihasilkannya QW sentence which PASS-result-NYA bertipe subjek predikat, have type subject predicate ataukah topik komen. or topic comment

itu, ITU

‘Does the sentence produced by her have the constructions of subject-predicate or topic-comment?’ -nya Indicating Nominalization The suffix -nya is also used as a nominalizer, which may occur after a verb or adjective to form nominalization. In the following example, -nya is affixed to an adjective: 11.

(WR) Tapi But

ya yes

sulitnya difficult-NYA

bukan main. extraordinary

‘But it’s extremely difficult’ (lit. But the difficulty is extraordinary) -nya Indicating Association or Inference Another function of -nya which is not very much elaborated in formal grammar books is the one indicating association or inference. Here -nya is not anaphoric, but the identifiability of the entity is understood via inference or association with a referent that has been previously mentioned. Thus, the speaker has a specific frame in his/her mind, and he/she will let the interlocutor draw an association of what is meant by the linguistic entity affixed by -nya via a previously mentioned referent. The following example will illustrate this:

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12.

(MD) Nggak tahu di IKIP atau di mana itu ya, Not know in IKIP or where ITU yes 5 pabrik gurunya tu harus sadar betul . factory teacher-NYA TU must aware really

‘(I) don’t know whether at IKIP (Teachers’ College) or some other place, the teachers’ factory has to be really aware ...’ Although pabrik guru in the above example is a first-mention referent, the suffix –nya makes it identifiable by way of a shared referent, and that is the word IKIP ‘Teachers’ College.’ –nya Indicating the Cognitive Frame of the Speaker Another interesting occurrence of –nya in my database is the one suffixed to a first-mentioned referent, but there is no clue to associate it with another referent. In the following excerpt, the speaker is giving an illustration of a detective story, but before she mentions that the illustrative scene is going to be taken from a detective story, she informs the interlocutors that she has forgotten the name of the writer. This particular example shows that when –nya is suffixed to a first-mention referent, and when the referent cannot be associated with the previously mentioned referent, then –nya does not code identifiability at all. This sometimes happens in speech, when speakers picture their cognitive frame without considering the mental space of their interlocutors. Observe the following: 13.

(AH) Sayang sekali saya lupa penulisnya. unfortunately very I forget writer-NYA ‘Unfortunately I forgot (the name) of the writer…’

For more information about this –nya suffix as a framing device, refer to Englebretson (2003: 72). Miscellaneous –nya The last –nya is categorized as miscellaneous –nya, as it may follow other parts of speech other than a verb and an adjective. In the following example, -nya is suffixed to a modal auxiliary bisa ‘can.’ In this case, it is very likely that –nya refers to anaknya ‘his child’ which is mentioned in the first IU: 14.

(SD) Ternyata anaknya, in fact child-NYA yang besar di Jakarta ini, who big in Jakarta this tidak bisa, not can berbicara bahasa Jawa yang halus. speak language Java which polite Jadi bisanya hanya berbahasa Indonesia. so can-NYA only have language Indonesia

‘In fact, their children, who are brought up in Jakarta, cannot speak polite Javanese. (They) can only speak Indonesian.’

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There are a few other occurrences of -nya, as in sebaik-baiknya ‘as well as possible,’ tampaknya/kelihatannya ‘it seems,’ sebenarnya ‘actually,’ pokoknya ‘the main thing is,’ but for the purpose of this paper, I will discard all of those. Englebretson (2000, 2003, 2006) refers to these –nya occurrences as epistemic –nya. The Demonstrative itu The demonstrative itu in Indonesian has a multi-purpose function. The basic function of itu is as a deictic marker (Kaswanti Purwo 1984); speakers use it to point to an object that is far from their stand-point. Itu also functions to mark a noun phrase that is already active or semi-active in the mind of the interlocutor. In each case mentioned, itu or NP + itu is said to be identifiable, because the interlocutor can establish a link between itu / NP + itu and the concept it refers to.6 The following describes itu that functions a pronoun and a determiner. Itu as a Pronoun The pronoun itu can be used as either a deictic marker [see example (4)] or an anaphoric expression. It often occurs immediately after a short pause, and refers back to a referent that occurs in the previous intonation unit. Observe the following: 15.

(SD) Misalnya for example kalau itu ITU if

l, l anak child

kita hampir we almost

bisa semua can all

‘For example (the sound) l, almost all our children can (pronounce) it.’ In example (12), itu anaphorically refers to (the sound) l. This example shows that the speaker is introducing a new file in the interlocutor’s mind, but before that the speaker “points” to the referent (the sound) l that was previously mentioned. This grammatical construction is similar to the syntactic pattern of demonstrative cleft in English (Calude 2005). Itu may sometimes be used to refer back to a plural referent. In the following example, itu refers to the referent (sounds) /q/ dan /ð/. 16.

(SD) Demikian so

juga also

q dan ð, q and ð

bahasa Inggris, language English tidak pernah tertanam itu ITU not ever planted sebagai bunyi kita. as sound we

pada otak at brain

kita, we

‘Similarly with (the sounds) q and ð in English, they have never been established in our minds as our sounds.’ Anaphoric itu does not have to occur at the initial position, but it can occur medially or finally. In the following example, itu refers to the referent vernacular:

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17. (AH) Tapi yang namanya vernacular but which name-NYA vernacular udah ada pak. itu already exist ITU sir

tu, TU

‘But the one called vernacular, it already exists, sir.’ Itu as a Determiner The determiner itu does not provide a way for the interlocutor to track a referent. In my spoken database, I found that non-tracking itu has two functions: (a) it marks a noun or NP and makes the referent identifiable, and (b) it marks a unified piece of information in an intonation unit before the forthcoming information is introduced. In the following example, itu modifies a lexicalized NP and makes the referent identifiable: 18.

(KA) Lalu dibuat pertanyaan, then PASS-make question Siapa mencubit dokter itu? who pinch doctor that tidak , pertanyaan itu question ITU not tidak gramatikal. not grammatical

‘Then a question is made: Who pinched the doctor? The question is not grammatical.’ Interestingly, itu may occur after an indefinite pronoun or a personal pronoun, as shown in the following examples: 19.

(WR) Seseorang someone

itu ITU

selalu always

akan will

berusaha make an effort

untuk for

mencari find

keseimbangan. Balance

‘Someone will always make an effort to find balance’ 20.

(SD) ditakdirkan Dia itu he/she ITU PASS-destine bahasa apa pun. language any

untuk for

bisa can

menguasai ... master

‘He is destined to be able to acquire any language’ 21.

(WR) Kita we

itu ITU

kok PART

kurang less

begitu so

banyak much

memuji appreciate

‘We do not appreciate much’ It is very likely that itu in the three examples above has no other function than to modify or to delimit a linguistic entity that takes a subject position. A similar case can be observed in the following example:

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22.

(SD) Sehari-harinya every day kami memakai we use

di rumah itu, in house ITU tiga bahasa. three language

‘At home, every day we speak three languages’ Itu may also occur after a headless relative clause, and this indicates that it modifies a referent that has already been established in the interlocutor’s mind. In this particular example, the tracked referent is ‘point of articulation’ which occurs three intonation units before the headless relative clause with itu. 23.

(SD) Tidak selalu, not always bahwa yang di muka itu, that which in front ITU dikuasai terdahulu. PASS-master first

‘It’s not always that the front point of articulation is acquired first’ DISCUSSION: THE INTERACTION OF –NYA AND ITU In the previous section, we have observed how speakers of Indonesian use the suffix –nya and the demonstrative itu to convey, track, or delimit a piece of information. In this section, we will observe the co-occurrence of –nya and itu in a single intonation unit, and how each plays its role in helping the interlocutors to identify a linguistic entity throughout the ongoing process of discourse. As we have discussed in the previous section, in almost every occurrence –nya helps the interlocutor to identify the intended referent via shared information or inference. The demonstrative itu, on the other hand, does not always function as a tracking marker. We will now observe the co-occurrence of –nya and itu in a single intonation unit. Observe the following: 24.

(SD) Untuk membunyikan bunyi for pronounce sound itu, ITU voiced onset time-nya itu Voiced onset time-NYA ITU

b, b

berbeda. different

‘In order to pronounce the sound /b/, its voiced onset time is different’ The suffix –nya in the NP voiced onset time-nya is possessive, referring to the possessor bunyi b. Itu that follows –nya just functions as a determiner, modifying the NP voiced onset time-nya before the predicate berbeda ‘different.’ This means that without the occurrence of itu, the referent is already identifiable for the interlocutor. Another interesting feature of –nya and itu is their ability to occur repeatedly within a single intonation unit. Observe the following:

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25.

(SD) Bahwa antara a, that between a dengan p, with p itu, ITU letak, position Apa? what Cara pengucapannya itu, way pronunciation-NYA ITU yang paling berbeda. which most different Dalam arti a, in meaning a ada di itu posisinya itu ITU position-NYA ITU exist in

tengah middle

lidahnya. tongue-NYA

‘That between the (sound) a and the (sound) p, the position... what is it? The way they are pronounced is very different. It the sense that the position of /a/ is in the middle of the tongue.’ The suffix –nya in cara pengucapannya itu ‘the way they are pronounced’ anaphorically refers to the sounds /a/ and /p/ previously mentioned. The demonstrative itu, which is a modifier, functions to delimit the NP cara pengucapannya before some other information is introduced. The last intonation unit is interesting to be analyzed because of the repetitive occurrence of itu. As shown in the previous examples, itu that occurs at the beginning of an intonation unit is a pronoun referring to the previously mentioned entity. The first itu, thus, is a pronoun that anaphorically refers to the sound /a/. The second itu in the IU, however, is a determiner that modifies the NP posisinya ‘its position.’ Note that without itu after posisinya, the referent is already identifiable. Therefore, itu does not have any other function than to delimit a unified segment of information. The suffix –nya after posisinya is possessive, with the phonemic sound /a/ as the possessor. As previously mentioned, the suffix –nya may indicate identifiability by association. The following excerpt illustrates that the referent suffixed by –nya is associated with a previously mentioned referent. 26.

(MD) Kalau if Eh .. PART di sana there

saya berada di , I exist in katakanlah di plane, say in plane ada beberapa turis. exist some tourist

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Dan, and Bangsa Indonesia penumpangnya sangat nation Indonesia passenger-NYA very Saya lihat di sana, I see there Bahkan itu, even ITU Apa namanya? what name-NYA sudah membagikan Stewardessnya itu stewardess-NYA ITU already distribute

banyak. many

koran-koran. newspapers

‘When I was in ... let’s say in a plane, there were a few tourists. I saw that among the passengers there were lots of Indonesians. What’s the name? The stewardess distributed newspapers.’ In example (26), stewardess is new information for the interlocutor, yet the suffix –nya makes it identifiable, because it is a part of the referent plane, which has been previously mentioned. Again, itu that follows –nya does not function as an identifiability marker; it rather delimits a referent whose identifiability is associated with a previously mentioned referent. In the following example, itu occurs twice. The first one occurs before the –nya expression and the latter is after: 27.

(SD) Jadi pengontrolan terhadap lidah, so control towards tongue bibir, lip vocal cords, vocal cords dan sebagainya, and so on dari otak itu, from brain ITU barangkali ya, maybe yes sama. itu dari sononya itu ITU from there-NYA ITU same

‘So maybe, control towards (one’s) tongue, lips, vocal cords and other speech organs from the brain is inherently the same’ The first itu, which is a pronoun, co-refers to the proposition expressed in the first five intonation units before itu. At the same time it functions as the topic of a topic-comment construction. The suffix –nya which follows dari sono ‘from there’ (dari sono is actually a Jakartan dialect; it colloquially means ‘the inherent features you have got since you were born’) is possessive. The second itu is not pronoun and therefore does not mark identifiability as it functions as a modifier of dari sononya. So, the utterance dari sononya itu is a unified meaningful segment in the intonation unit, before the predicate sama ‘same’ is introduced.

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Itu, however, is identifiable in example (28), because it does not function as marker but as a demonstrative pronoun. In my data, there is only one occurrence for this. 28.

(SD) Tapi but Ini this Dia she Dam. dam Dia she Dam, dam dan and

waktu saya tanya, when I ask apa Cha? what Cha? keluarnya apa tadi. come out-NYA what previously

itu keluarnya ITU come out-NYA

bukan not

otomatisnya automatic-NYA

itu, ITU

jam. jam

‘But when I asked, “What’s this, Cha?” What did she say? Dam. She automatically said that, dam and not jam.’ The utterance Dia itu keluarnya otomatisnya itu is a topic-comment construction, with dia itu [lit. ‘that she’] as the topic. The suffix –nya that occurs after keluar and otomatis refers to the topic dia and thus makes it identifiable. Itu that follows the word otomatisnya is both anaphoric and cataphoric, referring to dam that is mentioned before and after itu is uttered. Thus, in this particular example, itu is tracking and identifiable: it is a pronoun and it is referential. CONCLUSION In this study, we have observed the discourse functions of the clitic –nya that co-occurs with itu in a single intonation unit. Both elements function as effective devices for marking information flow. The examples illustrated in this paper demonstrate that when –nya and itu co-occur in a single unified segment in an intonation unit, -nya always functions as an identifiability marker, which may indicate possession or association with another referent. Itu, on the other hand, does not always indicate identifiability. It is identifiable when it functions as a pronoun and refers to a previously mentioned entity. It is not identifiable when its function in discourse is as a determiner. In this case, its occurrence only helps the speaker to delimit a unified segment of information. NOTE 1 2

3

The term ‘tracking’ is adopted from Du Bois and Thompson (1991) and also Himmelmann (1996). The term ‘intonation units’ (abbreviated as IU) is adopted from Chafe (1994: 57). They are segments of language that are grouped based on speech pauses. In this paper, an intonation unit is grouped in one line. In his Colloquial Jakartan Indonesian data, Sneddon (2006: 34-43) observes that the suffix –nya could be placed in eight categories. They are: 1) –nya as a pronoun, 2) –nya as a ligature, 3) –nya as a marker of definiteness and as an emphasize, 4) –nya emphasizing words other than nouns, 5) –nya in

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4

5 6

*

topic-comment clauses, 6) –nya as a nominalizer, 7) frequent occurrence of –nya, and 8) –nya serving two functions concurrently. A more detailed discussion on identifiability pathways can be seen in Du Bois & Thompson (1991) and Ewing (1995). Tu is short for itu. For more detailed description about the use of itu in spoken Indonesian, see Sukamto (2003). I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for very helpful comments on the earlier draft.

Gloss Line Abbreviation: -NYA : suffix –nya PART : discourse particle PASS : passive REFERENCES Alwi, Hasan, H. Lapoliwa, and S. Dardjowidjojo. 2003. Tatabahasa Baku Bahasa Indonesia, Edisi ketiga. Jakarta: Balai Pustaka. Ariel, Mira. 1990. Accessing Noun Phrase Antecedents. London: Routledge. Calude, Andreea S. 2005. Demonstrative Clefts in Spoken English. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Auckland. Chafe, Wallace L. 1994. Discourse, Consciousness, and Time. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Dardjowidjojo, Soenjono. 1983. “A Classifier, itu, -nya, or None of the above: The way the Indonesian mind operates,” in S. Dardjowidjojo (ed.), Beberapa Aspek Linguistik Indonesia, Jakarta: Penerbit Djambatan, pp. 195-245. Du Bois, John W. and S.A. Thompson. 1991. “Dimensions of a Theory of Information Flow,” MS. Du Bois, John W., S. Scheutze-Coburn, S. Cumming, and D. Paolino. 1993. “Outline of Discourse Transcription,” in Jane A. Edwards and Martin Lampert (eds.), Talking Data: Transcription and Coding in Discourse Research, Hillsdale, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, pp. 45-89. Englebretson, Robert. 2000. Complementation in Colloquial Indonesian Conversation: A Discourse-Functional Perspective. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, UCSB. Englebretson, Robert. 2003. Searching for Structure: The problem of complementation in colloquial Indonesian conversation. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Englebretson, Robert. 2008. “From Subordinate Clause to Noun-phrase: Yang constructions in Colloquial Indonesian,” in Ritva Laury (ed.), Crosslinguistic Studies of Clause Combining: The multifunctionality of conjunctions. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp. 1-33. Ewing. Michael C. 1995. “Two Pathways to Identifiability in Cirebon Javanese.” In BLS 21: Special Session on Discourse in Southeast Asian Linguistics. Ewing. Michael C.. 2005. “Colloquial Indonesian,” in Alexander Adelaar and Nikolaus P. Himmelmann (eds.), The Austronesian Languages of Asia and Madagascar. New York: Routledge, pp. 227-258.

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Givón, Talmy. 1983. Topic Continuity in Discourse: A Quantitative Cross Language Study. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Gundel, Jeanette K., Nancy Hedberg, and Ron Zacharski. 1993. “Cognitive Status and the Form of Referring Expressions in Discourse.” In Language, Vol. 69 No. 2, pp. 274-307. Himmelmann, Nikolaus P. 1996. “Demonstratives in Narrative Discourse: A Taxonomy of Universal Uses,” in Barbara Fox (ed.), Studies in Anaphora, Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp. 205-254. Kaswanti Purwo, Bambang. 1984. Deiksis dalam Bahasa Indonesia. Jakarta: Balai Pustaka. Kibrik, Andrej A. 2011. Reference in Discourse. London: Oxford University Press. Kronfeld, Amichai. 1986. “Goals of Referring Acts.” http://acl.ldc.upenn.edu/T/T87/T871034.pdf. Accessed 20 January 2012. Sneddon, James. N.1996. Indonesian Reference Grammar. Sydney: Allen & Unwin. Sneddon, James. N. 2006. Colloquial Jakartan Indonesian. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Sukamto, Katharina. E. 2003. The Demonstratives in Spoken Indonesian Academic Discourse. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. The University of Melbourne.

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Tahun ke-30, No. 1

NON-TOPOLOGICAL RELATIONS IN RONGGA, BALINESE, INDONESIAN: SOME EVIDENCE FROM LINGUISTIC AND NON-LINGUISTIC TASKS I Nyoman Aryawibawa* Universitas Udayana [email protected] Abstract There has been long disagreement among scholars if relative frame of reference (FoR) is universal or not (Herskovits, 1982; Levinson, 2003). The objectives of this study are to test what FoR is dominantly used in Rongga, Balinese, and Indonesian, and to test whether the use of FoR affects speakers’ cognitive functioning using linguistic and nonlinguistic tasks. The results indicate that the absolute FoR is prominently employed in Rongga and Balinese, while the relative FoR is pervasively used in Indonesian. More interestingly, the use of FoR influences subjects’ cognitive functioning. In short, the current findings show that the relative FoR is not universal. Key words: relative frame of reference, absolute frame of reference, intrinsic frame of reference Telah lama diperdebatkan oleh para peneliti frames of reference (FoR) apakah FoR relatif sejatinya bersifat universal atau tidak (Herskovits, 1982; Levinson, 2003). Tujuan utama penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui FoR apa yang digunakan secara dominan dalam bahasa Rongga, Bali, dan Indonesia, dan untuk menguji apakah penggunaan FoR tersebut mempengaruhi fungsi kognitif penutur bahasanya. Penelitian ini menggunakan linguistic tasks dan non-linguistic tasks. Hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa FoR absolut digunakan secara dominan dalam bahasa Rongga dan Bali, sedangkan bahasa Indonesia menggunakan FoR relatif secara ekslusif. Hasil penelitian ini juga menunjukkan kalau penggunaan FoR mempengaruhi fungsi kognitif penutur bahasa-bahasa tersebut. Jadi, berdasarkan hasil temuan ini, klaim bahwa FoR relatif bersifat universal tidak terbukti. Kata kunci: referensi relatif, referensi absolut, referensi intrinsik

INTRODUCTION According to some scholars, e.g., Clark, 1993; Miller and Johnson-Laird, 1976; Jackendoff, 1983; Herskovits, 1982, a relative frame of reference, i.e., a frame of reference that requires triangulation of viewpoint, located object, and reference object and employs coordinates based on the speaker’s viewpoint to specify the relation between the located object and the reference object (Levinson, 2003), is prevalent in all languages. In English, for example, as Herskovits (1982: 217-220) points out, there are two possible axes to describe the relative frame of reference, i.e., basic and mirror orders. The basic order is defined in a “coincidence situation” when the speaker or observer and reference object coincide. Meanwhile, the mirror order is defined in the “encounter situation” as Clark (1973 in Herskovits 1982: 219) puts it. What are the characteristics of the most usual interaction between two people, John and Mary? …the most important property is that they will be facing each other a short distance apart. It is in this position that John and Mary are situated for the optimal perception of messages – both verbal and nonverbal – from the other person…If John and Mary were side-byside, or back-to-back, these conditions would no longer be optimal. To make it more concrete, the two axes are illustrated in the following figures:

I Nyoman Aryawibawa

Figure 1. Coincidence Situation

In describing the spatial relation between the cat and the tree in Figure 1, e.g., The cat is to the right of the tree, there is a virtual point of observation coincident with the reference object the tree, i.e., the observer’s front, back, left, and right are directly shifted to the tree. The basic order of axes can be determined using clockwise rotation beginning from the front, i.e., front, right, back, and left. And the encounter situation can be illustrated as follows: Figure 2. Encounter Situation

The cat is to the right of the tree is also true in the encounter situation. The use of to the right in this situation combines the point of view of the reference object encountered with the observer’s point of view by, following Levinson’s explanation (2003: 85), “’flipping over’ the egocentric coordinates as if they were on a sheet of acetate, and mapping them on the tree. Thus, we have the ‘front’ of the tree facing the speaker, with the ‘right’ of the tree to the observer’s right.” According to Herskovits (1982), the spatial relation between the cat and the tree just described, can also be specified in the canonical encounter situation, i.e., mirror order. In this situation, the cat could be said to be to the left of the tree. Note that the front is still the space between the tree and the observer. But, to the right orientation is now derived by using clockwise rotation starting from the front as shown in Figure 3: Figure 3. Canonical Encounter Situation

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In addition to the relative frame of reference, English also uses the intrinsic frame of reference, i.e., a frame of reference that involves inherent facets or sidedness of reference objects. Given a spatial situation, e.g., A girl is standing in front of a chair, to describe the spatial relation between the girl and the chair, English speakers say The girl is in front of the chair. In fact, there are languages that do not use the relative frame of reference or even the intrinsic frame of reference. Instead of using the relative or intrinsic frames of reference, the languages employ an absolute frame of reference, i.e., “one refers to the fixed direction provided by gravity (or the visual horizon under canonical orientation” (Levinson, 2003: 47). For example, speakers of Guugu Yimithirr exclusively use north/south terms in their spatial orientations as indicated by Levinson (2003). The main objectives of this article are to investigate whether the relative frame of reference is dominantly used in the spatial orientation of Rongga, Balinese, and Indonesian, and to test whether the use of FoR affects the cognitive functioning or spatial reasoning, i.e., the use of FoR in non-linguistic tasks, of their speakers using both linguistic and non-linguistic tasks. To achieve the objectives, I designed stimuli consisting of several tasks, e.g., object rotation tasks, asking direction techniques, and objects reordering. The tasks included verbal expressions to probe spatial knowledge of speakers. I explain the tasks further in the methodology below. WHY RONGGA, BALINESE, INDONESIAN? This article specifically deals with frames of reference (FoR) in horizontal planes in Rongga (a highly isolating language clustered in the eastern part of the Manggarai regency, between Manggarai and Ngadha, Flores Island, Indonesia (Arka, 2004b)), Balinese, and Indonesian. Arka (2004b) conducted a preliminary study on Rongga’s spatial systems. In the study, he discusses the use of spatial terms mainly in connection to vertical planes, e.g., zheta “up and far away”, zhili “down and distant”, etc. Please note that what it means by the vertical planes here is not in the sense of Levinson (2003). Levinson (2003: 75-76) addresses the use of frames of reference in the vertical planes. More concretely, when a fly is on top of a bottle, the use of the three frames of reference coincides. Thus, to describe the location of the fly relative to the bottle, “the fly is in line with the top of the bottle (intrinsic), it appears above the bottle in my visual field (relative), and it is higher in the axis defined by gravity (absolute)” (Levinson, 2003: 75). In contrast to Levinson’s explanation, the vertical planes in Rongga refers to the verticality of topography of Tanarata. Tanarata, the place where Rongga is mainly spoken, is surrounded by hills and some places located on the hills. This geographical fact makes Rongga speakers use particular spatial terms to refer to places that are topographically higher or lower than the place where the encounter takes place. In the following paragraphs I describe how such topography, i.e., the vertical planes, is referred to by using particular spatial terms. The specification of spatial relation of objects related to the vertical planes (especially in the wide world orientation) uses zheta “up and far away”, i.e., following Arka’s [+distal] [+elevated], zhele “up not far away”, i.e., [+elevated] [-distal], zhale “down under and not far”, i.e., [+down under] [-distal], and zhili “down under and far away”, i.e., [+down under] [+distal]. The use of these spatial terms roots in the topography of Tanarata, which is located between hills. In the examples to follow, zheta is applied to specify the location of places, e.g., Ngeko and Leke that are considered “up there and far” from the speaker. In examples 1 and 2 the speakers are in Kisol and Waelengga respectively, and the distance between the places of speaking, i.e., Kisol, Waelengga, and the places that are referred to, i.e., Ngeko, Leke, is “up and far” from the speakers. “Far” in this context is determined psychologically and on a metric system, i.e., it is based on how many kilometers the places are from Kisol and Waelengga. Thus, the two places, i.e., Ngeko and Leke, are psychologically conceived as “far.”

87

I Nyoman Aryawibawa

1. ema ja’o wa’u pu’u zheta ata mother I come from up people “My mother came from Ngeko.” (Arka, 2003) 2. ma’e not

ndi’i live

zheta up

Leke Leke

bhoda because

Ngeko Ngeko

mai come

ndi’i we ndia Sere ramba we’ene kazhi live at there Sere close with him “…not to live in Leke, (because) if (I) live in Sere (here), (I’d be) close to him.” (Arka, 2004b) But, when the places referred to are psychologically conceived “up there and not far” from the speakers, zhele is applied to specify their location as can be seen in the following examples. 3. le part

jam o’clock

sembilan nine

ke’e may

zhenge hear

dere sing

mai come

zhele mai kala up come forest “At (about) 9 o’clock a song coming from the forest up there was heard.” 4. zheke hiwa after year

wutu ja’o resign I

pu’u from

one at

kepala head

desa village

pili wali ne sizha ata pu’u zhele Komba…. elect again by they people from up Komba…. “After years I resigned as the village head, I was elected again by the community as the head of the village….” (The Autobiography of Bapak Antonius Gelang in Arka, 2004b) In example 4, when saying the sentence the speaker is in Waelengga and the referred place, i.e., Komba, is psychologically considered “up and not far” from the speaker, i.e., compared to Ngeko, Ngeko is up and further than Komba from Waelengga. Figure 4 (modified from Arka, 2004b) is to further illustrate the use of zheta and zhele based on the contexts just explained. For more comprehensive discussion on the other spatial terms please refer to Aryawibawa (2010). Figure 4. The Use of the Prepositions Zhele and Zheta in Vertical Planes Ruteng/Ngeko/Leke (zheta) Komba (zhele)

(Speaker in Kisol or Waelangga) In addition to the spatial terms used in the vertical plane, Arka also discusses Rongga spatial terms in the horizontal plane. However, since his discussion of this issue is brief and there are some points that need further clarification, Rongga’s frames of reference need further investigation. For Balinese, there is a systematic acquisition study on its frames of reference by Wassmann and Dasen (1998). The experiments involved twenty-eight subjects (140 trials). Eight children aged 7 to 9 (up to 2 years of schooling), eight children aged 11 to 15 (2 to 5 years of schooling) and twelve adults between 20 and 60 years of age (up to 6 years of schooling), 88


with a virtually equal distribution between sexes. Moreover, a simplified version of the Animal task, i.e., two figurines instead of three, 5- to 10-second delay, was administered to ten children aged 4-5 years. Wassmann and Dasen (1998) conducted two experiments, i.e., Animal-in-a-Row Task and Steve’s Mazes Task. Wassmann and Dasen’s study shows that in the Animal task the subjects showed systematic response of absolute frame of reference. In the second task, nevertheless, only one quarter of the subjects provided the systematic response of absolute frame of reference, and most of them mix absolute and relative. Another quarter produced systematic response of relative frames of reference. For the first task, the results of the 4- to 5-year-old children can be added. All the children used the absolute solution in the task. In short, despite the result of the second task, Wassmann and Dasen findings show that the absolute system is dominantly used in Balinese. Regarding the relative solution used by most of the participants in the second task, Wassmann and Dasen explain that it might be related to the nature of the first task which is easier than the second task as, according to Wassmann and Dasen, expressed by the participant explicitly: ‘There [on the first table] the animals are looking towards kaja; here [on the second table] they are also looking kaja’ (Wassmann and Dasen, 1998: 704). In the second task, as Wassmann and Dasen explained, “subjects who mainly provide absolute answers explain that they have memorized an image of the path, and they sometimes describe its shape, ‘it’s like the letter U’, ‘like a belly curved towards kauh’. Those who give relative answers talk about following the path, for instance, from left to right” (Wassmann and Dasen, 1998: 704). Unfortunately, Wassmann and Dasen did not mention about the language used by the subjects using left or right, i.e., it is not clear whether they used Balinese left and right terms or Indonesian left and right terms. I suspect, that the use of the relative solution by the participants in the second task might be affected by the bilinguality of the participants. Specifically, their use of right/left solution in the second task may be influenced by Indonesian, which relies upon the right/left orientation. Since I, as a native speaker of Balinese, find their account (i.e., their results that Balinese use relative system, though not dominantly) rather difficult to accept, I think the Balinese frame of reference is still worth investigating. While two scholars have discussed topological relations in Indonesian (Mintz, 1994; Sneddon, 1996), to the best of my knowledge, there are no previous studies on Indonesian nontopological relations that are systematically investigated. Thus, by studying Indonesian FoR systematically, I expect that the study provides FoR patterns among Rongga, Balinese, and Indonesian that belong to the same language family, i.e., Austronesian, and contrast the patterns to FoR of languages that do not belong to the same language family as the three languages. In short, the study is expected to contribute to previous discussions on cross-linguistic spatial domains. FRAME OF REFERENCE IN RONGGA, BALINESE, AND INDONESIAN In the next sections, I would like to investigate frames of reference used in horizontal planes in Rongga, Balinese, and Indonesian. I will use 20 utterances in this paper as part of a larger study I conducted in Aryawibawa (2010). METHODOLOGY Participants Three Balinese monolinguals (20-35 years old), and three Indonesian monolinguals (20-30 years old) were interviewed in Bali. The interview for four Rongga speakers was conducted only in Tanarata. In my interview with Balinese consultants, I used Balinese since they did not speak Indonesian fluently, with an additional purpose to minimize the interference of Indonesian on the knowledge they provided. I used Indonesian with my Indonesian consultants for the same 89

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reason. Indonesian, however, was used in my interview with my Rongga consultants because I did not speak Rongga. To obtain true knowledge of the Rongga language and culture, I included elder speakers (50-60 years old), who had intact linguistic and cultural knowledge of Rongga. Young speakers (20-25 years old) of Rongga tended to switch to neighboring languages, or even to Indonesian for prestige and economic reasons. Procedures The frames of reference data used in this study are those involving spatial nominals as in The girl is north/south of the chair for the absolute frame of reference, and complex prepositions as in The girl is in front/back of the chair for the intrinsic and The girl is to the left/right of the tree for the relative frames of reference respectively. I elicited linguistic data for frames of reference using the rotation of objects inspired by one applied by Levinson (2003). Specifically, I used various objects, e.g., a bag, a TV, a chair, a tree, a ball, a bottle, to create spatial relations that require a particular coordinate system to describe such contexts. For example, a ball was put at a chair’s front. I then asked my language consultants to describe the location of the ball in relation to the chair in each language. The chair is then rotated 180o. I again asked them to specify the current spatial relation between the two objects in each language. Additionally, I used an “asking directions” technique. For example, I asked my language consultants to tell me how to go to a particular place, e.g., a particular shop, someone’s house, etc. In this procedure, I made sure that my language consultants are familiar with the places, although I pretended that I did not know them. All the conversations were tape-recorded. My language consultants were naïve about the hypothesis that I tested, i.e., what frames of reference they predominantly used in such a task. In this fashion, I expected that I could get their natural linguistics knowledge in using the dominant frames of reference in each language. To elicit non-linguistic data, I used non-linguistic tasks that were similar to the ones used by Levinson (2003). The tasks were simplified. It is simplified in the sense that I only used three different objects to be ordered by the participants. In this task the subjects had to identify the stimulus or the original order of the objects and reconstruct the previous order of the objects, i.e., recall memory. The procedure I employed was as follows. My language consultant and I sat at a same table, i.e., the table was in the north/N-south/S axis. We were facing each other. I then arranged three different featured objects, e.g., a toy truck, a toy house, and a ball, on the table based on their intrinsic features, i.e., the truck is in front of the house, the ball is in front of the truck, as illustrated below.

I told my language consultant to look at the position of the objects and remember it well. After that, I took the three objects and switched seats with him. There is an interval of three-quarters of a minute delay between the stimulus presentation and the rotation (following Levinson). I had a conversation during the delay. The purpose of such an interval is to minimize specific short-term memory effects that could trigger the participants to use relative orientation since a visual image automatically encodes an egocentric viewpoint (Wassmann and Dasen, 1998: 702). But, a visual image is normally replaced by new visual information and has a natural decay period of below 30 seconds (Baddeley, 1990: 31 in Wassmann and Dasen, 1998:

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702). I then asked him to rearrange the same objects exactly in the way he saw them earlier. The position of the arrangement is as follows.

In addition to the featured objects, un-featured objects were also used, e.g., a bunch of keys, an eraser, and a book. The experimental procedure I did for the un-featured objects was the same as that for the featured objects. The reason for using both featured and un-featured objects was to see whether the features of the objects affected the ordering of the objects especially for participants opting for the absolute solution. In this fashion, I expected that I could tap the language consultants’ cognitive functioning, i.e., their recall memory. I had a list of participants’ names. When a participant opted for a relative solution, I marked him R, but if he opted for an absolute solution I marked him A. The summary of original objects’ ordering and subjects’ reordering of the objects, i.e., both featured and un-featured objects, is presented in the figures below. The number in brackets shows the number of subjects’ reordering of objects. Figure 5. Subjects’ Reordering of Featured Objects in R= Rongga, B= Balinese, I= Indonesian No. Original featured objects’ ordering 1. house’s front, truck’s front, a ball 2. house’s front, truck’s front, a ball 3. house’s front, truck’s front, a ball

Subjects’ reordering of featured objects R: house’s front, truck’s front, a ball (3) B: house’s front, truck’s front, a ball (3) I: a ball, truck’s front, house’s front (3)

Frames of reference Absolute system Absoute system Relative system

Figure 6. Subjects’ Reordering of Un-featured Objects in R= Rongga, B= Balinese, I= Indonesian No. Original un-featured objects’ ordering 1. keys, rubber, book 2. keys, rubber, book 3. keys, rubber, book

Subjects’ reordering of unfeaturedobjects R: keys, rubber, book (3) B: keys, rubber, book (3) I: book, rubber, keys (3)

Frames of reference Absolute system Absoute system Relative system

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION The use of spatial terms, i.e., the cardinal points zhele “north”, mena “east”, lau “south”, zhale “west/down”, in horizontal planes is dominant in Rongga. Zhele is associated with the location of mountain, i.e., Mbengan, which is in the northern territory of Rongga. As mena “east” in Rongga is associated with the direction where the sun rises, the other directions are determined using clockwise rotation, i.e., zhele “north”, mena “east”, lau “south”, zhale “west”. In this section, I used the object rotation technique to obtain knowledge of the frames of reference used by Rongga speakers. The spatial situation to describe was a bottle to the right/north of a chair.

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To specify the spatial relation between the bottle and the chair, the cardinal term zhele, i.e. kasa zhele wena, is used as can be seen in example 5: 5. botol ndau kasa zhele wena bottle that beside north side “The bottle is north of the chair.”

kursi chair

kasa is used with zhele wena and the other cardinal terms. In the intrinsic terms, e.g., olo wena, muzhi wena, however, kasa is not used. If now the bottle is moved to the south side of the chair, the spatial situation is described in example 6. 6. botol ndau kasa lau wena bottle that beside south side “The bottle is south of the chair.”

kursi chair

Further evidence that the absolute frame of reference is dominant in Rongga can also be seen in the description of location of a man relative to a tree as illustrated in the Figure 7 below (modified from Herskovits, 1982). Figure 7. The Use of Cardinal Terms in Horizontal Planes

In this situation, the cardinal terms kasa zhele/mena/lau/zhale wena “north/east/south/west of” are also applied as illustrated in example 7. 7. Sis kasa zhele wena Sis beside north side “Sis is north of the tree.”

kaju tree

The dominant use of the cardinal terms can also be observed from the second linguistic task I used, i.e., asking directions. The following are the responses I got from them (only the relevant parts of the conversation between me and the participant are presented here). 8. Researcher:

Participant:

vende mbo ko Pa Yanani? where house the Pa Yanani “Where is Pak Yanani’s house.” la’a go

molo to

mena teru east continue

molo to

zheta up

ndia ko mbo Pa Yanani there the house Pak yanani “Go to east and then go up. Pa Yanani’s house is there.”

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The examples show that the cardinal terms are again used in describing the location of a place. Recall now examples 5 and 6 above. If the bottle in the examples is put in front or back of the chair, are the cardinal terms still used? To specify such spatial situations, the intrinsic frame of reference is used as illustrated in examples 9 and 10: 9. peli olo wena kursi bottle front side chair “The bottle is in front of the chair.” 10. peli muzhi wena kursi bottle back side chair “The bottle is at the back of the chair.” Note that in these examples wena “side” is used. The use of wena may mark the intrinsic frame of reference. As the examples show that Rongga, like English, uses complex prepositions olo wena “front side” and muzhi wena “back side” to describe the location of the bottle relative to a feature of the chair. Determining the front and back sides of reference objects is based on the intrinsic features of the reference objects. Accordingly, the front side of a chair, as generally conceived across languages, is the side with its arms and with the surface on which we sit. On the other hand, the back of the chair is the vertical surface against which we lay our back when sitting on it. Thus, the determinative of the intrinsic features of objects in Rongga is function-based. As in Rongga, the cardinal terms are also dominantly used in Balinese spatial orientations. The examples I present here are based on the linguistic tasks, i.e., the rotation and asking direction tasks, I did with my Balinese consultants. Thus, given a spatial situation between the located object the bottle and the reference object the chair, i.e., the bottle is to the right/north of the chair, my language consultants provided me with the following responses. 11. botol-e daja-n kursi-e bottle-the north-lig chair-the “The bottle is north of the chair.” When I moved the bottle to the south side of the chair, i.e., the bottle is to the left of the chair, the absolute frame of reference was again applied. 12. botol-e delod kursi-e bottle-the south chair-the “The bottle is south of the chair.” As in Rongga, the use of the cardinal term daja/kaja “north” is associated with the location of hills or mountains in Bali, e.g., Mount Agung, Mount Batur, and the term delod/kelod “south” is associated to a location of sea. However, the daja/kaja and delod/kelod directions in Balinese are not fixed. If we look at the Balinese map in Figure 8 below, for Balinese people who live in the southern part of the island daja/kaja (indicated by 1) is towards the mountains peppered in the middle part of the island that splits the island into two (shown by the double lines in the figure), while delod/kelod (indicated by 3) is towards the sea in the southern part of the island. In this sense daja/kaja and delod/kelod are used in exactly the same as utara “north” and selatan “south”, and north and south in Indonesian and English respectively. These bearings are fixed when those people move outside their territory, or even outside Bali. But, for people who live in the northern part of the island, daja/kaja is towards the south now because the location of the mountain is in the south part of their territory.

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Figure 8. The Orientation of kaja “North” and kelod “South” Relative to Mountains (Arka, 2005b)

For more detailed discussion on Balinese absolute system, please refer to Wassmann and Dasen (1998), Aryawibawa (2010). Recall that Wassmann and Dasen’s study (1998) shows that the relative frame of reference can still be observed in Balinese, although not dominantly. To further test their findings, I investigated the use of relative frame of reference in Balinese using “asking direction” technique that I explained in the procedures above. The results show that all responses given by my language consultants used the absolute frame of reference, i.e., all of them use kaja, kelod, etc. in their directions, as shown in example 13 (I present the relevant parts of talks between me and the participant here): 13. Researcher:

Participant:

dije umah ye-e Yan? where house him-the Yan “Where is his house Yan? uling from

umah Mangaye house mangaye

n-kelod-an act.-south-loc.

nyen tepuk umah Adik delod umah ye-e later see house Adik south house his-the “Go south from Mangaye’s house. You will see Adik’s house. His house is south of Adik’s house.” Why did Wassmann and Dasen find that the relative frame of reference is used in Balinese in their second study? I do not have much to say here. Recall now the spatial situation between the bottle and the chair in examples 11 and 12 above. When the bottle was placed in front or in back of the chair, as in Rongga, the intrinsic frame of reference was employed in Balinese as illustrated in examples 14-15. Determining the front or back part of reference objects in Balinese, like Rongga, is function-based: 14. botol-e di muka kursi-e bottle-the at front chair-the “The bottle is in front of the chair.” 15. botol-e di duri-n kursi-e bottle-the at back-lig chair-the “The bottle is in the back of the chair.” In short, based on the findings here, Balinese speakers use absolute and intrinsic frames of reference. In other words, the non-dominant use of relative frame of reference in Balinese, as pointed out by Wassmann and Dasen (1998), is not confirmed. To reveal the frames of reference employed in Indonesian, I used the previous techniques in Rongga and Balinese. Let me begin with the object rotation tasks. When I asked

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my language consultants to describe the position of the bottle in relation to the chair, i.e., the bottle was to the right/north of the chair, various responses were given by my language consultants as shown in examples 16-17: 16. botol itu di sebelah bottle that at side “The bottle is to the right of the chair.”

kanan kursi right chair

17. botol itu di sebelah kiri bottle that at side left “The bottle is to the left of the chair.”

kursi chair

Two of my language consultants provided me the spatial description of this situation like example 16, i.e., they used di sebelah kanan “to the right”, while one of them gave description like example 17, i.e., he used di sebelah kiri “to the left.” I further tested their knowledge by providing another spatial situation. I put a book next to a TV, i.e., the book is to the right of the TV from my position, and a bottle next to a gas stove, i.e., the bottle is to the right of the gas stove from my position. Interesting responses were given by my language consultants. In the former context, the same responses as examples 16-17 were given by the same language consultants. More specifically, two of them said that the book is to the right of the TV, while one said that the book is to the left of the TV. In the latter context, in contrast to the former contexts, all my language consultants gave me the same responses as illustrated in example 18. 18. botol itu di sebelah kanan bottle that at side right “The bottle is to the right of the gas stove.”

kompor stove

gas gas

I created another spatial context. This time, I replaced the chair in the previous situation with a ball and the bottle remained in the same position. The three language consultants gave me the following responses. 19. botol itu di sebelah kanan bola bottle that at side right ball “The bottle is to the right of the ball.” Moreover, the same response as example 19 was given by the three language consultants when I was standing to the right of a tree as can be seen in example 20 below. 20. Arya berdiri di sebelah kanan pohon Arya stand at side right tree “Arya is standing to the right of the tree.” The two, who consistently used to the right in all the contexts, explained “from where I stand, the bottle or the book is more to the right to the chair, the TV, the stove, the ball, or the tree.” A different perspective, however, is given by the language consultant, who used to the left in the first two contexts, but to the right in the last three contexts. When I asked why he used to the left in the first two contexts, but to the right in the last three contexts, he said, “I look at the chair and TV like humans. They have the right and left sides. When I was facing the objects, I imagine I was facing humans. Therefore, I used to the left in the first two contexts because the located objects are at the actual left side of the reference objects. In the last three contexts, however, when I was facing the objects, i.e., the stove, the ball, and the tree, I was not facing humans because they do not have the right and left sides. Consequently, I used my own right, i.e., to the right.”

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The insights of all the participants need to be stated here in order to be able to find out the basic underlying principles motivating the use of relative systems in Indonesian. Please note that within the system itself languages differ in applying the principles, e.g. a translation principle (an observer’s left/right is directly translated to a reference object with the back of the reference object is between the reference object and the observer) is used in Hausa, a reflection principle (an observer’s left/right is directly mapped to a reference object with the front of the reference object is between the reference object and the observer) is used in English, or a 180o rotation principle (an observer’s left/right is 180o rotated towards a reference object with the front of the reference object is between the reference object and the observer) is used in Na Tar, one dialect of Tamil as pointed out in Levinson (2003). Thus, by accounting the participants’ insight, could we point out the principles of relative system in Indonesian. However, it cannot be confirmed in this study since, just looking at the responses given by my Indonesian consultants, the principles applied seems to be personal, i.e., it depends on how he/she looks at the reference object, whether he/she looks at it as human or non-human. This finding needs further investigation involving more adult subjects. Recall that only three adult subjects participated in this study. A systematic acquisition study including younger subjects (5-11 years old) is also imperative to further confirm the relative frame of reference principles in Indonesian. How about the results of the non-linguistic tasks? I discuss them in the following parts. Figure 9. Subjects’ Reordering of Featured Objects in Rongga, Balinese, and Indonesian.

For the featured objects, as the results in Figure 9 show, all Rongga and Balinese subjects’ reordering of objects were based on the fixed bearings, i.e., absolute system, as illustrated below:

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In contrast to the reordering of the Rongga and Balinese subjects, all the Indonesian subjects used the right/left orientation in solving the tasks as can be seen below. The reason is that the right/left orientations are frequently used in daily spatial orientations as confirmed in the results of linguistic tasks. In other words, the results here suggest that the use of spatial terms is not only a matter of surface differences, but it also affects the cognitive functioning of speakers.

More interestingly, especially for Rongga and Balinese reordering of the objects, the positions of the objects were exactly the same as the ordering I had provided initially which was based on the objects’ intrinsic features. This indicates that such a reordering might be affected by the presence of the features, not the fixed bearings, i.e., the absolute frame of reference, per se. To verify this, I provided objects with no intrinsic features to all my language consultants such as keys, a rubber, and books. The results can be seen in Figure 10:

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Figure 10. Subjects’ Reordering of Un-featured Objects in Rongga, Balinese, and Indonesian.

The results for the un-featured objects show that it seems that the features of objects do not affect the reordering of objects. All my Rongga and Balinese subjects ordered the objects using the absolute solution as illustrated below:

My Indonesian subjects, however, preferred to employ the relative frame of reference, consistent with their reordering of objects with intrinsic features, as shown below.

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What the evidence shows is that the favored frames of reference in the three languages seem to root deeply at the cognitive faculty of speakers of the languages. To put it another way, the distinct linguistic frames of reference used in the languages are not a matter of surface differences. Rather, they could have cognitive effects on spatial reasoning as well. Thus, the findings of these experiments lend further support to Levinson’ claim that language affects spatial reasoning. CONCLUSION The use of frames of reference in the three languages is based upon different underlying concepts. Indonesian employs the relative frame of reference dominantly, while Rongga and Balinese use the absolute frame of reference. Quite interestingly, the distinct uses of frames of reference in the three languages are not only a matter of using the systems in different ways, but in fact affect the cognitive functioning, i.e., recall memory of the speakers in the three languages. This conclusion can be drawn from the results of the non-linguistic tasks which showed the dominant use of the absolute frames of reference in Rongga and Balinese and the relative frame of reference in Indonesian in the linguistic tasks, i.e., the object rotation and asking direction tasks, as well as in the non-linguistic tasks, i.e., the reordering objects. Furthermore, what we can learn from the findings is that the claim that the relative frame of reference is universal is not confirmed. Even though Indonesian relies upon the relative frame of reference, such a system is not employed in Balinese and Rongga. As this study is still preliminary, the principles used in determining Indonesian relative frames of reference, i.e., if it is the 180o rotation, reflection, or translation principle, need further investigation, including integrating ways to attest methodologies used in experimental research, like one conducted by Wassmann and Dasen. NOTE *

I would like to thank an anonymous reviewer for very helpful comments on the earlier draft.

REFERENCES Arka, I Wayan. 2004b. Spatial Expressions in Rongga. Paper presented at Departmental Seminar, RSPAS, ANU, November 2004. Arka, I Wayan. 2005b. Spatial Expressions in Balinese and Rongga. Paper read at Congress of the Indonesian Linguistic Society at Padang, Indonesia, 18-21 July 2005. Aryawibawa, I. Nyoman. 2010. Spatial Reference in Rongga, Balinese, and Indonesian. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis. Kansas University. Clark, Eve. 1993. The lexicon in Acquisition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Herskovits, Annette. 1982. Space and the Prepositions in English: Regularities and Irregularities in a Complex Domain. Ann Arbor Michigan: University Microfilms international. Levinson, Stephen. 2003. Space in Language and Cognition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mintz, Malcolm Warren. 1994. A Student’s Grammar of Malay & Indonesian. Bukit Merah Central: EPB Publishers Pte Ltd. Sneddon, James. 1996. Indonesian: A Comprehensive Grammar. London:

Routledge.

Wassmann, Jiirg. and Pierre Dasen. 1998. Balinese Spatial Orientation: Some empirical Evidence of Moderate Linguistic Relativity. In Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (inc. MAN) 4: 689-711.

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Linguistik Indonesia, Februari 2012, 101 -102 Copyright©2011, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia, ISSN: 0215-4846

Tahun ke-30, No. 1

Resensi Buku Judul : Penulis : Penerbit : Tebal :

Meaning Centered Grammar Craig Hancock

Equinox. 2005 260 halaman Daniel Ginting

Universitas Ma Chung [email protected] Buku Hancock (2005) yang bertajuk Meaning Centered Grammar ini merupakan buku praktis yang memuat beberapa konsep teoritis mengenai tata bahasa Inggris. Sebagai buku yang praktis, tulisan Hancock ini sama sekali tidak berbicara tentang perdebatan linguistik kecuali bermaksud menggugah kesadaran pembaca untuk lebih menyelami fenomena tata bahasa khususnya bahasa Inggris. Kepraktisannya ini dibuktikan melalui penyedian latihan-latihan pada bagian akhir di setiap bab. Model struktur pohon (PS rules) digunakan oleh Hancock sebagai penjelas contoh model kalimat. Paling tidak ada beberapa alasan mengapa pendekatan digunakan. Pertama, dengan pendekatan ini Hancock seolah ingin membuktikan bahwa bahasa merupakan a ruled governed behavior (Kadarisman, 2010). Kedua, model struktur pohon (PS rules) menjadi wadah visualisasi konsep abstrak untuk mempermudah pembaca memahami bagaimana pola kerja kompetensi bahasa berlangsung atau bagaimana derivasi kalimat pada struktur lahir (surface structure) diturunkan dari struktur batin (deep structure) pada tataran sintaksis. Tata bahasa (grammar) yang dimaksud oleh Craig Hancock tidak lain adalah kompetensi bahasa yang inheren, alamiah dari penutur asli dan yang berperan sebagai sistem pembuat makna (Hancock, 2005:6). Konsep Hancock tentang natural grammar ini seakan paralel dengan konsep kompetensi bahasa dari Chomsky (1965). Dari sinilah istilah a meaningcentered grammar berasal. Peran tata bahasa alamiah (natural grammar) bagi Hancock merupakan dalam benak penutur bahasa. Kompetensi tatabahasa alamiah ini membuat pengguna bahasa mampu memahami, menjelaskan dan menggunakan properti linguistik menjadi pola-pola kalimat yang baru sama sekali. Paling tidak ada tiga prinsip dasar dalam bahasa Inggris yang terkait dengan kompetensi tata bahasa penutur yaitu bagimana kata-kata itu disusun (word order), dibentuk (inflections) dan ditempatkan dalam posisi yang tepat dalam kalimat sesuai dengan fungsinya (word functions) (Hancock, 2005:19). Hancock berbicara tentang saluran-saluran untuk membangun makna (2005:55). Pertama, selain struktur, bahasa digunakan manusia untuk menyampaikan sikap dan pandangannya. Struktur bahasa terdiri atas pesan (message), interaksi (interaction) dan representasi (representation). Kedua, makna konteks bahasa dapat ditelusuri dari fungsi-fungsi subjek, yaitu, theme, grammatical subject dan actor. Tiga aspek fungsi subjek ini berada dalam struktur klausa dan saling terkait dalam struktur pesan (theme), interaksi/pertukaran (grammatical subject) dan representasi (actor). Hancok (2005:75) memberikan deskripsi tentang frase verba (verb phrase). Frase verba adalah elemen penting dalam klausa yang berperan memberikan fungsi predikasi pada subjek frase kata benda (Noun Phrase Subject). Ada dua hal yang ditekankan oleh Hancock ketika berbicara tentang frase kata kerja, yaitu, tense dan aspect. Tense dalam bahasa Inggris mempunyai 7 bentuk (bentuk infinitive, bentuk kata kerja persona ketiga tunggal, kata kerja bentuk lampau beraturan dan tak beraturan, bentuk present participle dan bentuk past participle). Terkait dengan aspect, Hancock (2005:79) mengatakan bahwa kata kerja dalam bahasa Inggris bisa memiliki satu atau dua aspek secara bersamaan (misalkan aspek progressif dan aspek perfective).

Daniel Ginting

Menurut Hancock, karena klausa bawahan yang finit pada dasarnya adalah klausa, maka struktur ini memiliki subjek dan predikat. Ada tiga kategori klausa seperti itu yaitu klausa keterangan adverbial (adverbial), klausa isi (content clause kadang disebut noun clause) dan sub klausa relatif (relative clause). Dikatakan finite oleh karena klausa ini memiliki frase kata kerja yang dikombinasikan dengan kala dan modalitas (modality). Dikatakan bawahan karena klausa ini tidak bisa berdiri sendiri tanpa kehadiran klausa induk. Hancock mencoba mengetengahkan aplikasi dan analisis tata bahasa sebagai sumber pembuat makna dalam sebuah teks dengan menampilkan beberapa teks dari berbagai genre. Pengertian bahwa kalimat merupakan representasi pemikiran yang lengkap (complete thought) adalah pengertian yang kurang tepat. merupakan pandangan yang keliru karena complete thought bertendensi untuk mengisolisir satu kalimat dengan kalimat-kalimat lain dalam teks. Sebaliknya, pemikiran yang lengkap untuk membentuk makna yang utuh dan lengkap membutuhkan keterkaitan antara satu kalimat dan kalimat yang lain. Ada beberapa catatan kritis yang tertinggal ketika membaca buku Hancock ini, Meaning Centered Grammar ini. Pertama, tata bahasa yang dimaksud Hancock dalam bukunya ini adalah kompetensi tata bahasa penutur asli khususnya bahasa Inggris. Bagi pembaca dengan latar belakang penutur asli, buku ini sebenarnya berperan untuk menggugah kesadarannya (rasing awareness) akan fenomena ruled-governed bahasa. Kedua, bila buku ini dijadikan sebagai sumber acuan untuk keperluan analisis tatabahasa pada bahasa lain tentu prinsip analisis bahasa Inggris yang terdapat pada buku ini perlu diadakan proses penyesuaian (Kadarisman, 2009). Selain itu, bila buku ini digunakan untuk keperluan mengajar di kelas, ada baiknya bila guru perlu menambah informasi latar belakang konteks teks (isu-isu sosiolinguistik atau pragmatik) yang dijadikan model pengajaran untuk membuat diskusi tentang tata bahasa menjadi lebih lengkap. Sebagai penutup, buku dari Hancock ini memberikan pesan tentang peran tatabahasa sangat krusial dalam membangun pesan bahasa yang bermakna. Dalam hal ini Halliday (1985) mengatakan “meanings are realized through wordings; and without a theory of wordings – that is, a grammar – there is no way of making explicit one’s interpretation of the meaning of a text”. Bahasa adalah sistem pembuat makna. Makna-makna itu hanya akan menjadi mungkin kalau kalimat-kalimat yang digunakan sesuai dengan kaidah-kaidah bahasa yang berlaku (grammar). DAFTAR PUSTAKA Chomsky, Noam. 1965. Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. MIT Press. Hancock, Craig. (2005). Meaning-Centered Grammar: An Introductory Text. London: Equinox Pub. Halliday, Michael.A.K. (1985). An Introduction to Functional Grammar. New York: Routledge, Chapman and Hall, Inc. Kadarisman, A. Effendi., (2009). Mengurai Bahasa Menyibak Budaya. Malang: Penerbit Universitas Negeri Malang.

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Linguistik Indonesia, Februari 2012, 103 -104 Copyright©2011, Masyarakat Linguistik Indonesia, ISSN: 0215-4846

Tahun ke-30, No. 1

JELAJAH LINGUISTIK Rubrik ini membuka peluang untuk saling berbagi di antara kita tentang beberapa kemungkinan topik ini: a. pencanangan metode penelitian linguistik yang belum lazim digunakan b. daur-ulang metodologi penelitian linguistik c. persoalan data yang – meskipun barangkali belum ditemukan pemecahannya – penelusurannya berpeluang membuka sesuatu yang baru yang belum pernah menjadi perhatian peneliti terdahulu d. penerapan teori linguistik tertentu untuk menjelaskan data bahasa seperti bahasa Indonesia yang membuat peneliti mempersoalkan teori yang bersangkutan

KATA ATAU SINTAKSIS TERLEBIH DAHULU: KASUS JABBERWOCKY DAN BAHASA ALAY Yassir Nasanius Universitas Katolik Indonesia Atma Jaya [email protected] Ada perbedaan yang besar antara Transformational Grammar (TG), yang dikembangkan Chomsky dan pengikutnya pada tahun 1960-an dan 1970-an, dengan Government and Binding (GB), yang diluncurkan pada tahun 1980-an, dan Minimalist Program (MP), yang diperkenalkan pada mulai tahun 1990-an. TG menempatkan sintaksis sebagai “pintu masuk utama” dalam menjelaskan proses pembentukan frasa dan kalimat. Di dalam model bahasa ini, pembentukan frasa dan kalimat dimulai dengan pembentukan struktur sintaksis. Setelah itu, struktur sintaksis diisi dengan kata-kata melalui Kaidah Penyisipan Kata (Lexical Insertion Rule). Sementara itu, GB dan MP menempatkan leksikon sebagai “pintu masuk utama,” bukan sintaksis. Di dalam kedua model bahasa ini, kata-kata diambil dari leksikon mental dan dibentuk menjadi frasa dan kalimat melalui mekanisme Teori X-Bar pada GB dan serangkaian operasi penggabungan (merger operation) pada MP (Chomsky, 1995; Radford, 1997, 2009). Untuk memerikan dan menjelaskan pembentukan frasa dan kalimat dalam bahasa alami seperti bahasa Indonesia dan bahasa Inggris, sulit bagi kita menentukan mana yang lebih baik: versi TG atau versi GB dan MP. Akan tetapi, pembentukan frasa dan kalimat versi TG yang menempatkan sintaksis sebagai “pintu masuk utama” tampaknya berkinerja lebih baik bila kita kaitkan dengan kasus Jabberwocky dan bahasa Alay. Jabberwocky adalah sebuah puisi yang diciptakan Lewis Carroll. Di dalam puisi ini terdapat sejumlah kata-kata “baru” yang diciptakan Lewis Carroll. Perhatikan salah satu petikan puisi tersebut di bawah ini. Twas brilig and the slithy toves Did gyre and gimble in the wabe; All mimsy were the borogoves, And the mome raths outgrabe Petikan pusi Jabberwocky di atas boleh dikatakan tidak bermakna bagi penutur bahasa Inggris karena penutur tidak mengerti makna kata-kata seperti brilig, slithy, toves, gyre, gimble, mimsy, borogoves, mome, raths, dan outgrabe. Akan tetapi, struktur sintaksis petikan puisi tersebut masih dapat dikenali dengan mudah oleh para penutur bahasa Inggris. Gejala serupa Jabberwocky dapat ditemui dalam bahasa Alay, yaitu variasi bahasa dalam bentuk tulis yang digunakan dalam komunikasi via SMS atau komunikasi internet melalui Facebook atau Twitter. Bahasa Alay ini pertama-tama hanya digunakan oleh para remaja di

Diskusi Ilmiah

Indonesia, akan tetapi kemudian para pengguna SMS, Facebook, dan Twitter mengadopsi variasi bahasa ini di dalam cara berkomunikasi mereka. Karakteristik yang menonjol dari Bahasa Alay adalah cara penulisan kata-kata yang menggunakan kombinasi huruf besar dan kecil, singkatan, tanda baca, angka, dan ikon seperti terlihat dalam contoh berikut. qMo mANk cLiD wAd cYanK m qHo „„„„„„„„„ “Kamu memang sulit buat sayang sama aku (tertawa).” Contoh bahasa Alay di atas tidak bermakna bagi penutur bahasa Indonesia yang tidak memiliki qMo, mANk, cLiD, wAd, cYanK, m, dan qHo di dalam kosakata mental mereka. Akan tetapi, struktur sintaksis contoh kalimat bahasa Alay tersebut masih dapat dikenali oleh para penutur bahasa Indonesia. TG tampaknya dapat dengan mudah menangani pembentukan frasa dan kalimat dalam bahasa alami maupun kasus-kasus seperti Jabberwocky dan bahasa Alay. Seperti dijelaskan di atas, di dalam model bahasa ini, sintaksis ditempatkan sebagai “pintu masuk utama.” Pembentukan frasa dan kalimat dimulai dengan pembentukan struktur sintaksis. Setelah itu, struktur sintaksis diisi dengan kata-kata melalui Kaidah Penyisipan Kata (Lexical Insertion Rule). Untuk bahasa-bahasa alami seperti bahasa Indonesia dan bahasa Inggris, struktur sintaksis yang telah terbentuk diisi dengan kata-kata yang diambil dari leksikon mental. Sementara itu, untuk Jabberwocky dan bahasa Alay, struktur sintaksis yang telah terbentuk diisi bukan dengan kata-kata yang diambil dari leksikon mental, tetapi dengan kata-kata baru yang diciptakan seperti brilig, slithy, toves, gyre, gimble, mimsy, borogoves, mome, raths, outgrabe dalam Jabberwocky dan qMo, mANk, cLiD, wAd, cYanK, m, qHo dalam bahasa Alay. Sebaliknya, meskipun GB dan MP tidak mengalami masalah dalam menjelaskan pembentukan frasa dan kalimat dalam bahasa alami seperti bahasa Indonesia dan bahasa Inggris, keduanya sulit menjelaskan hal serupa dalam Jabberwocky dan bahasa Alay. Di dalam kedua model bahasa ini, pembentukan frasa dan kalimat tidak dimulai dengan membangun struktur sintaksis, melainkan dimulai dari leksikon. Kata-kata seperti brilig, slithy, toves, gyre, gimble, mimsy, borogoves, mome, raths, outgrabe dalam Jabberwocky dan kata-kata seperti qMo, mANk, cLiD, wAd, cYanK, m, qHo dalam bahasa Alay tidak ada dalam leksikon mental para penutur sehingga menjadi pertanyaan besar bagaimana proses pembentukan frasa dan kalimat dapat dimulai dari leksikon. RUJUKAN Chomsky, Noam. 1995. The Minimalist Program. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Fromkin, Victoria., R. Rodman, dan N. Hyams. 2003. An Introduction to Language (7th Edition). Boston, Mass.: Thomson & Wadsworth. Radford, Andrew. 1997. Syntax: A Minimalist Introduction. London: Cambridge University Press. Radford, Andrew. 2009. Analyzing English Sentences: A Minimalist Approach. London: Cambridge University Press.

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Tahun ke-30, No. 1

BINCANG ANTARA KITA DARI DUNIA MAYA DIPERINGAN: BAGAIMANA MEMAKNAINYA? From: [email protected] On Behalf Of mido_ardian Sent: Tuesday, November 08, 2011 8:54 PM To: [email protected] Subject: [mlindo] Diperingan

Di Salah satu laman berita saya temukan bentuk "diperingan". Lengkapnya adalah "Hukuman Irfan Bachdim Diperingan" yang saya kutip dari judul berita di laman tersebut. Apakah bentuk diperingan ini berterima dalam bahasa Indonesia? Setahu saya, yang lazim digunakan adalah "diringankan". Mohon penjelasan. Terima kasih. Salam, Ardian From: [email protected] On Behalf Of Yassir Nasanius Sent: Wednesday, November 09, 2011 7:46 PM To: [email protected] Subject: RE: [mlindo] Diperingan

Dua-duanya ada dalam lema KBI 2008 dan ada sedikit perbedaan makna. meringankan v 1 menjadi ringan: bantuan Anda benar-benar ~ pekerjaan saya; 2 menganggap ringan (mudah dsb): kerjakanlah dulu jangan ~ begitu saja; memperingan v membuat jadi lebih ringan: adanya pegawai baru belum ~ tugas saya Salam, Yassir Nasanius From: [email protected] On Behalf Of Bambang Kaswanti Purwo Sent: Wednesday, November 09, 2011 7:54 PM To: [email protected] Subject: FW: [mlindo] Diperingan

diperingan ‘dibuat lebih ringan’; diperkecil ‘dibuat lebih kecil’ diringankan ‘dibuat ringan’; dikecilkan ‘dibuat kecil’ bk

Diskusi Ilmiah

From: [email protected] On Behalf Of [email protected] Sent: Thursday, November 10, 2011 10:11 AM To: [email protected] Subject: Re: [mlindo] Diperingan

Saya tidak mengetahui persis bagaimana kamus bahasa Indonesia disusun. Saya tidak apatis dengan KBBI, hanya saja permasalahan-permasalahan seperti ini harusnya tidaklah cukup bersandar pada keterangan dalam KBBI. Mind set kita harus diubah, yaitu bagaimana diskusi kita di sini justru dapat memberi masukan untuk perbaikan KBBI. Mungkin saja menguatkan apa yang sudah ada di KBBI, menambah atau bahkan mengganti. Saya melihat bahwa baik 'diperingan' maupun 'diringankan' keduanya terdapat dalam penggunaan bahasa Indonesia. Kedua dapat ditemukan dalam data penggunaan bahasa Indonesia sebagai sebuah tuturan yang alami, wajar. Namun, kita lihat apa yang dijelaskan dalam KKBI sebagaimana dikutip Pak Yassir kurang membantu atau bahkan sedikit sekali membantu. Saya sependapat dengan keterangan Pak Bambang. Penjelasan Pak Bambang mengindikasikan bahwa 'diperingan' memiliki nosi perbandingan, sementara 'diringankan' tidak. Hanya saja penjelasan tersebut bersifat umum. Oleh karena itu, kita memerlukan data konkretnya agar paradigma penggunaan keduanya tampak jelas. Saya belum mengetahui persis apakah nosi perbandingan pada `diperingan' berarti `keadaan sudah ringan dibuat menjadi semakin ringan' atau `keadaan keberatan dibuat menjadi ringan' atau yang lainnya. Saya belum pernah meneliti permasalahan ini. Jadi, berikut ini bersifat eksploratif. Mungkin Pak Bambang atau teman-teman lainnya memiliki arsip penelitian tentang hal ini dan dapat memberikan tambahan yang lebih pasti lagi. Saya akan mulai dengan membuat sebuah analogi dengan kata yang lain yang dapat digunakan untuk melihat perbedaannya secara jelas. Kaidahnya sama, yaitu diper/memper+Adj dan di/meN+Adj+kan. Kata tersebut adalah `dikeruhkan/menegeruhkan' dan `diperkeruh/memperkeruh' Dengan contoh data berikut, kita akan dapat melihat perbedaan keduanya. (1) Dia memperkeruh suasana yang memang sudah keruh. -> keruh menjadi semakin keruh (2) ? Dia mengeruhkan suasana yang memang sudah keruh. -> rasanya tidak enak, karena secara semantik makna kalimat tidak dibentuk oleh 'mengeruhkan'. Lain halnya jika (3) (3) Dia mengeruhkan suasana yang selama ini sudah nyaman. -> keadaan nyaman dibuat menjadi keruh. Begitu juga, ini tidak bisa dengan (4) (4) Dia memperkeruh suasana yang selama ini sudah nyaman. -> tidak terasa enak sebagaimana (2). Perbedaan keduanya dapat dilihat dengan jelas karena kata `keruh' secara semantik dapat kita beri unsur semantik (-) `minus'. `Memperkeruh' berarti menbuat keadaan (-) menjadi semakin (), sedangkan `megeruhkan' berarti membuat keadaan (+) `tidak keruh' menjadi (-) `keruh'. Akan tetapi, penjelasan tersebut tidak dirasakan secara langsung pada kata-kata yang nosi (+) atau (-)-nya bersifat subjektif, berbeda dari satu orang dengan orang lainnya. Kata-kata seperti `ringan', `berat', `kecil', `lebar', dan lainnya termasuk di dalamnya.

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(5) Komputer meringankan pekerjaannya. Komputer memperingan pekerjaannya. Kita merasakan sulit membedakan perbedaan keduanya. Untuk itu kita memerlukan teknik analisis perluasan agar tampak perbedaannya seperti pada (6) dan (7). (6) a. *Pekerjaannya sudah ringan dan komputer sekarang meringankannya. -> tidak bisa dari keadaan ringan ke ringan b. Pekerjaannya berat dan komputer sekarang meringankannya. -> dari keadaan berat ke ringan. (7) a. Pekerjaannya sudah ringan dan komputer sekarang memperingannya. -> sudah ringan dibuat menjadi semakin ringan. b. *Pekerjannya berat dan komputer sekarang memperingannya. -> tidak enak bukan untuk berat dibuat menjadi semakin ringan. Saya yakin masih banyak hal lain yang belum tersentuh, tetapi setidaknya yang sederhana ini dapat menjadi pemicu eksplorasi-eksplorasi berikutnya. Salam, Joko Kusmanto From: [email protected] On Behalf Of Bambang Kaswanti Purwo Sent: Thursday, November 10, 2011 11:01 AM To: [email protected] Subject: RE: [mlindo] Diperingan

Hampir semua adjektiva di dalam bahasa Indonesia dapat dilekati dengan afiks kausatif <meN/-kan> atau di-/-kan>, tetapi lebih terbatas yang dapat dilekati dengan afiks kausatif (‘lebih’) <memper-> atau . Mengapa? Hanya ADJ yang ada unsur “gradasi” (seperti , ) yang dapat dilekati kedua afiks itu. Yang tidak dapat “digradasikan”, seperti <sembuh>, tidak dapat dikenai afiks kausatif (‘lebih’): <*mempersembuh>, <*dipersembuh>. ADJ jenis ini agaknya sedikit mengandung “ciri verba” [saya belum memeriksa KBBI]. Bagaimana kategori <sembuh> menurut KBBI? Barusan saya cek di KBBI ed. ke-4 <sembuh> tercatat bukan berkategori ADJ melainkan V. Kalau begitu, saya ganti contoh ADJ yang “tidak bergradasi” di atas itu; <sembuh> saya ganti <marah>. Tidak ada <*mempermarah>; yang ada <memarahkan> [tercatat di KBBI ed. ke-4]. bk PS Kalau dicermati, sebetulnya KBBI yang dikutip oleh Pak Yassir itu isinya sama dengan yang saya coba tuliskan tentang dan . Pada kutipan KBBI itu juga disebutkan ada tambahan makna ‘lebih’ pada afiks <memper->.

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Diskusi Ilmiah

From: [email protected] On Behalf Of [email protected] Sent: Thursday, November 10, 2011 12:34 PM To: [email protected] Subject: Re: [mlindo] Diperingan

Apa yang disampaikan Pak Bambang menarik dan "memperdalam" diskusi masalah ini. Ada beberapa hal yang perlu dikomentari. "Gradasi" merupakan salah satu cara yang selama ini digunakan untuk menguji apakah sebuah satuan lingual itu adjektiva atau lainnya di dalam bahasa Indonesia (dan juga bahasa-bahasa lainnya). Hanya saja saya tidak tahu persis apakah gradasi merupakan ciri untuk setiap adjektiva atau hanya untuk sebagian saja. Jika sebagian, lantas, ciri apa yang digunakan untuk menguji sebagian yang lain sebagai adjektiva. Perlu juga kita didefinisikan lebih baik lagi apa yang dimaksud dengan "gradasi". Istilah gradasi pada hakikatnya mengindikasi adanya tingkatan, misalnya gradasi warna. Kita mengenal warna dengan tingkat gradasi misalnya dari 0% sampai 100%. Ini adalah ukuran gradasi secara eksak. Istilah gradasi dalam bahasa, kelihatannya, mengacu pada apa yang kita kenal dengan "comparison degree" dan pada umumnya dikenal tiga tingkatan "normal", "lebih -", dan "paling -". Pertanyaannya adalah: - Apakah sebuah satuan lingual disebut memiliki gradasi hanya bila memenuhi ketiganya saja? Selanjutnya, berkaitan dengan kata "marah" yang dikatakan Pak Bambang sebagai adjektiva "tidak bergradasi". Saya kira kita dapat mengatakan seperti pada (1). (1) Dia pasti marah mengetahui adanya kekerasan di sekolahnya. Akan tetapi, dia akan lebih marah lagi jika mengetahui ternyata pelakunya adalah anaknya sendiri. Berdasarkan itu, saya kira tidaklah tepat apa yang disampaikan Pak Bambang bahwa kata "marah" tidak bergradasi. Apakah konteks seperti itu tetap membuat kita dapat mengatakan "mempermarah" seperti dalam (2)? (2) ?Kenyataan yang ia ketahui mempermarah dirinya. Jika (2) tidak berteriman, kita jelas memerlukan penjelasan lain; bukan penjelasan karena kata marah tidak bergradasi. Kata-kata yang memiliki permasalahan serupa adalah kata "senang" seperti pada (3). (3) Dia senang jika berada di kelas ini, tetapi akan lebih senang jika berada di kelas itu, dan paling senang jika bisa berada di keduanya. Jelas kata "senang" adalah adjektiva bergradasi. Namun, apakah kita dapat mengatakan (4)? (4) ?Berada di kelas itu mempersenang dirinya. Jika posting sebelumnya dapat dibuat simpulan sementara: 1. "memper/diper-" memiliki nosi semantis "membuat lebih adj.A dari ajd. A" 2. "meN/di-/-kan" memiliki nosi semantis "membuat menjadi adj.A dari ajd.B". simpulan tersebut tertolak dengan data "marah" sebagaimana disajikan Pak Bambang dan kata "senang". Hanya saja, penjelasan sebagai ajd. Tak bergradasi tidak dapat diterima sebagaimana penjelasan di atas. Kelihatannya, ada kemungkinan adj. yang berkaitan dengan keadaan emosional/psikologis seseorang tidak dapat dilekati dengan "memper/diper". Jika ini benar, kita selanjutnya bertanya "mengapa demikian"? Sejauh ini saya belum memiliki penjelasan yang muncul di kepala. Salam, Joko Kusmanto

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From: [email protected] On Behalf Of Yassir Nasanius Sent: Thursday, November 10, 2011 1:38 PM To: [email protected] Subject: RE: [mlindo] Diperingan

Menurut saya, yang dimaksud 'gradasi' oleh Pak Bambang bukan konsep 'comparison degree', tetapi konsep 'gradable/ungradable adjectives'. Adjektiva seperti 'besar, kecil, ringan, berat, cepat, lambat, dsb' adalah contoh 'gradable adjectives' dan adjektiva seperti 'tenang, senang, sedih, dsb' adalah tipe 'ungradable adjectives'. Tipe 'gradable adjectives' umumnya bisa dilekatkan dengan afiks meN-/di-kan atau memper-/diper(meringankan/diringankan/memperingan/diperingan). Sementara itu, tipe 'ungradable adjectives' bisa dilekatkan dengan afiks meN-/di-kan (menenangkan/ditenangkan), tetapi tidak bisa dilekatkan dengan afiks memper-/diper- (*mempertenang/*dipertenang) karena adanya makna 'gradable' pada afiks 'per-'. Semoga membantu. Salam, Yassir Nasanius From: [email protected] On Behalf Of [email protected] Sent: Thursday, November 10, 2011 3:54 PM To: [email protected] Subject: Re: [mlindo] Diperingan

Tambahan dari Pak Yassir menunjukkan betapa masalah sesungguhnya tidak sesederhana sebagaimana tampaknya dan semakin menambah pemahaman kita tentang permasalahan ini. Akan tetapi, apa yang disampaikan Pak Yassir perlu mendapat perhatian mendalam. Setahu saya, pembedaan adjektiva menjadi adjektiva 'gradable' dan adjektiva 'ungradable' berkaitan dengan permasalahan skala gradasi, termasuk comparison degree, dan berkaitan dengan pemarkah-pemarkah seperti agak, kurang, sangat, paling, dsb. Adjektiva ungradable (tidak bergradasi) adalah jenis adjektiva lain. Tampaknya ada perbedaan yang perlu didalami antara bahasa Indonesia dengan bahasa Inggris. He is an Indonesian -> Dia orang Indonesia. Indonesian (kebangsaan) adalah salah satu bentuk adjektiva tidak bergradasi. Kita tidak dapat mengatakan He is more (the most) Indonesian. (kecuali bermaksud metaforis) Dalam bahasa Indonesia, adjektiva tersebut bentuknya sama dengan bentuk nomina-nya. Kata Ìndonesia' dikatakan sebagai adjektiva dalam òrang Indonesia' karena fungsi sintaktisnya yang menjadi modifier. Political speech -> Pidato politis. Kata political dan politis juga merupakan bentuk adjektiva tidak bergradasi. Kita jelas tidak dapat menambahkan pemarkah-pemarkan gradasi/skala. Namun, tampaknya hal tersebut masih memerlukan penelitian mendalam untuk bahasa Indonesia, karena kita bisa mengatakan: Pidatonya agak politis. *His speech is rather political. Penjelasannya medis sekali. *His explanation is very medical. Apabila yang dimaksud dengan konsep "gradable/ungradable adjective" adalah seperti yang disampaikan Pak Yassir, saya kira kita akan mendapatkan permasalahan serius.

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Diskusi Ilmiah

Pertama, konsep tersebut tidak umum dipegang oleh para linguis yang membuat pembedaan "gradable/ungradable adjective". Pada umumnya, pembedaan tersebut berkaitan dengan skala gradasi yang secara semantis, disebutkan dalam (Pander Maat, Henk. 2006. Subjectification in gradable adjectives. In Angeliki Athanasiadou, Costas Canakis & Bert Cornillie (eds.), Subjectification: Various paths to subjectivity, 279−322. Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter.), ada 10 jenis gradasi. Kedua, bagaimana kita dapat membelah begitu saja mana yang termasuk `gradable adjective' dan mana yang termasuk ùngradable adjective', jika konsep pembedaan yang disampaikan Pak Yassir tersebut memang ingin diterapkan. Kata sedih, misalnya. Saya masih meragukan apakah kata tersebut tidak dapat dibuat menjadi `mempersedih/dipersedih' seperti pada (1). (1) Kehilangan saudara kandungnya mempersedih Fulan yang baru saja kehilangan orang tuanya dalam tragedi tersebut. Jadi, saya belum sependapat dengan konsep `gradable/ungradable adjectives' yang diajukan oleh Pak Yassir. Konsep tersebut memerlukan pengkajian yang lebih mendalam lagi. Sebenarnya, yang menarik adalah "mengapa ada adjektiva bergradasi yang dapat diberi imbuhan `memper/diper-` (saya tidak menyebut imbuhan gradasi karena mengandung unsure lebih supaya tidak membingungkan) dan ada yang tidak dapat dilekati". Ini yang menarik untuk diperdalam lebih jauh lagi. Akan tetapi, saya kira permasalahannya adalah permasalahan semantis. Salam, Joko Kusmanto From: [email protected] On Behalf Of Yassir Nasanius Sent: Thursday, November 10, 2011 7:51 PM To: [email protected] Subject: RE: [mlindo] Diperingan

Terima kasih, Pak Joko, atas penjelasan yang sangat mencerahkan. Konsep 'gradable/ungradable adjectives' saya sarikan dari buku Introducing English Grammar David J.Young. Berikut petikannya: Gradability If something is ‘hot’, it may be ‘not very hot’ or ‘intensely hot’ or somewhere in between; there is an open-ended, continuous scale of ‘hotness’. Adjectives that express this kind of meaning are called gradable adjectives. Not all adjectives are gradable; or perhaps it would be more accurate to say that adjectives are not always intended to be interpreted in a gradable sense. The ordinary interpretation of the word tubular in the expression tubular bells, or of poetic in poetic licence is not that it denotes a gradable quality, but that it denotes a type or category of bells or licence. Dari konsep 'gradability' ini, saya menarik kesimpulan bahwa adjektiva yang masuk kelompok ini dapat dilekatkan dengan afiks perkarena afiks ini mengandung makna 'gradability'. Adjektiva yang tidak termasuk kelompok 'gradable' tidak dapat dilekatkan dengan afiks perkarena adanya makna 'gradability' dalam afiks tersebut. Mungkin saja kesimpulan ini ditarik terlalu dini, sehingga perlu penelitian lebih lanjut. Thanks again, Pak Joko, for your enlightening comments and feedback. All the best, Yassir

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From: [email protected] On Behalf Of [email protected] Sent: Thursday, November 10, 2011 10:32 PM To: [email protected] Subject: Re: [mlindo] Diperingan

Pak Yassir, sebenarnya saya ini juga termasuk salah satu orang yang sedang bingung dalam belantara ini dan belum tahu arah jalan keluarnya. Saya merasa diskusi kita semua tentang masalah ini telah memberikan masukan yang berharga kepada saya. Tampaknya ini adalah sebuah topik yang menarik dan patut untuk diteliti lebih lanjut dan lebih mendalam. Saya melihat petikan yang Pak Yassir sajikan memiliki kemiripan dengan apa yang saya maksudkan. Kelihatannya Young menempatkan adjektiva `tubular' dan `poetic' secara khusus dalam kata `tubular bells' dan `poetic licence'. Dalam pengertian itu, tentu saja adjektiva tersebut digunakan untuk mengacu pada jenis lonceng dan lisensi yang dimaksud. Hal tersebut dikarenakan adjektiva dalam posisi modifier seperti itu, saya kira, bersifat definisional secara semantis. Namun, kedua adjektiva tersebut secara umum dapat diperbandingkan seperti `least tubular, more tubular, most tubular' dan `least poetic, more poetic, dan most poetic'. Saya kira permasalahan tersebut muncul karena adanya campur baur dua tipe analisis yang berbeda, yaitu analisis fungsi sintaktis dan analisis peran semantis. Apa yang disebut dengan adjektiva ungradable pun ternyata juga dapat digradasi, meskipun tidak dimaksudkan sebagai tuturan literal. He is very Indonesian. -> Dia Indonesia sekali. A is more Indonesian than B. -. A lebih Indonesia dari pada B. Terima kasih juga untk Pak Yassir dan Pak Bambang atas umpan baliknya. Semuanya sangat bermanfaat dan permasalahan ini menjadi PR yang penting untuk didalami. Sampai ketemu dengan topik-topik lainnya. Cheers, Joko

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FORMAT PENULISAN NASKAH Naskah diketik dengan menggunakan MS Word dikirimkan ke Redaksi melalui e-mail [email protected] atau dalam bentuk disket dan satu printout. Panjang naskah, termasuk daftar pustaka, adalah minimal 15 halaman dan maksimal 30 halaman, dengan spasi tunggal dan jenis huruf Times New Roman 11 point. Naskah disertai dengan abstrak sekitar 150 kata dan kata kunci (key words) maksimal tiga kata. Abstrak dan kata kunci ditulis dalam dua bahasa: bahasa Indonesia dan bahasa Inggris, diletakkan setelah judul naskah dan afiliasi penulis. Kutipan hendaknya dipadukan dalam kalimat penulis, kecuali bila panjangnya lebih dari tiga baris. Dalam hal ini, kutipan diketik dengan spasi tunggal, menjorok ke dalam (indented) sepuluh karakter, letak tengah (centered), dan tanpa tanda petik. Nama penulis yang dirujuk hendaknya ditulis dengan urutan berikut: nama akhir penulis, tahun penerbitan, dan nomor halaman (bila diperlukan); misalnya, (Radford 1997), (Radford 1997:215). Catatan ditulis pada akhir naskah (endnote), tidak pada bagian bawah halaman (footnote). Setiap rujukan baik artikel maupun buku tanpa dipilah-pilah jenisnya, diurutkan menurut abjad berdasarkan nama akhir, tanpa diberi nomor urut. · Untuk buku: (1) nama akhir, (2) koma, (3) nama pertama, (4) titik, (5) tahun penerbitan, (6) titik, (7) judul buku cetak miring, (8) titik, (9) kota penerbitan, (10) titik dua (colon), (11) nama penerbit, dan (12) titik, seperti pada contoh berikut: Gass, Susan M. dan J. Schachter. 1990. Linguistic Perspectives on Second Language Acquisition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Thornbury, Scott. 2005. Beyond the Sentence: Introducing Discourse Analysis. Oxford: Macmillan. · Untuk artikel dalam jurnal: (1) nama akhir, (2) koma, (3) nama pertama, (4) titik, (5) tahun penerbitan, (6) titik, (7) tanda petik buka, (8) judul artikel, (9) titik, (10) tanda petik tutup, (11) nama jurnal cetak miring, (12) volume, (13) titik, (14) nomor (kalau ada), (15) koma, (16) spasi, (17) halaman, (18) titik, seperti pada contoh berikut: Chung, Sandra. 1976. “An Object-Creating Rule in Bahasa Indonesia.” Linguistic Inquiry 7.1, 41-87. Steinhauer, Hein. 1985.“Number in Biak. Counterevidence to Two Alleged Language Universals.” Bijdragen Tot De Taal-, Land- En Volkenkunde 141.4, 462-485. · Untuk artikel dalam buku: (1) nama akhir, (2) koma, (3) nama pertama, (4) titik, (5) tahun penerbitan, (6) titik, (7) tanda petik buka, (8) judul artikel, (9) titik, (10) tanda petik tutup, (11) berilah kata "Dalam", (12) titik dua, (13) nama editor disusul (ed.), (14) koma, (15) halaman, (16) titik. Buku ini harus pula dirujuk secara lengkap dalam lema tersendiri, seperti pada contoh berikut: Dardjowidjojo, Soenjono. 2007. “Derajat Keuniversalan dalam Pemerolehan Bahasa.” Dalam: Nasanius (ed.), 233-261. Nasanius, Yassir. (ed.). 2007. PELBBA 18. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor Indonesia. · Jika ada lebih dari satu artikel oleh pengarang yang sama, nama pengarangnya ditulis ulang secara lengkap, dimulai dengan tahun terbitan yang lebih dulu, mengikuti contoh ini: Shibatani, Masayoshi. 1977. “Grammatical Relations and Surface Cases.” Language 53, 789- 809. Shibatani, Masayoshi. 1985. “Passives and Related Constructions: A Prototype Analysis.” Language 61, 821-848.

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