In het boekje vindt u ook een acceptgirokaart voor de contributie van De contributie is dit jaar als volgt:

ALGEMENE VERENIGING VOOR TAALWETENSCHAP Secretariaat: Bert Botma ([email protected]) Ale de Boer ([email protected]) p/a Leiden University Centre for Linguistics (LUCL) Universiteit Leiden Postbus 9515 2300 RA Leiden Website: http://www.leidenuniv.nl/onderzoek/avt/

Aan de leden van de Algemene Vereniging voor Taalwetenschap: De TIN-dag vindt dit jaar plaats op zaterdag 6 februari 2010 te Utrecht (Drift 21). In dit boekje vindt u de samenvattingen van de te presenteren lezingen in alfabetische volgorde, op naam van de (eerste) spreker. Er werden dit jaar maar liefst 118 lezingen aangemeld, waarvan er helaas maar 104 konden worden ingeroosterd. Van de sprekers die buiten de boot gevallen zijn, is een aantal ingedeeld als “alternate”; hun abstracts vindt u ook in het overzicht. De lezingen zijn over acht parallelle sessies verdeeld. U treft het programma van de TIN-dag aan op de achterzijde van dit boekje. Er is de hele dag koffie en thee verkrijgbaar. Sprekers dienen er rekening mee te houden dat ze tijdens de TIN-dag geen gebruik kunnen maken van kopieerfaciliteiten. De ledenvergadering van de AVT vindt plaats in zaal 0.05 om 12.30 uur. De agenda vindt u in dit boekje, evenals de notulen van de jaarvergadering van 2009 en de ledenlijst van de AVT. Tevens bevat dit boekje het juryrapport van de AVT/Anéla dissertatieprijs 2009. Uw voordracht voor de dissertatieprijs 2010 kunt u vanaf maandag 8 februari a.s. on-line doen, via de website van de AVT. In het boekje vindt u ook een acceptgirokaart voor de contributie van 2010. De contributie is dit jaar als volgt: • gewone leden: € 30 • werkloze taalkundigen en studenten: € 20 We vertrouwen erop dat de leden het secretariaat informeren als het bedrag op de acceptgiro niet in overeenstemming is met hun feitelijke status. Wij verzoeken leden in het buitenland hun betaling te verrichten op een manier die de vereniging geen geld kost (zie de AVT-site voor verder informatie hierover). De betalingen moeten binnen zijn voor 1 maart 2010. Wij hopen u op de komende TIN-dag te mogen begroeten, namens het bestuur van de AVT, Bert Botma

Taalkunde in Nederland-dag 2010

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6 februari 2010

Sponsoring De catering is mogelijk gemaakt dank zij de financiële hulp van het Uil-OTS.


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Agenda Jaarvergadering AVT 6 februari 2010, 12.30 uur Drift 21, Utrecht, zaal 0.05 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

9. 10. 11. 12.

Opening en vaststelling agenda Notulen van de jaarvergadering van 7 februari 2009 (bijgevoegd) Mededelingen Jaarverslag van de secretaris Jaarverslag van de penningmeester Verslag van de kascommissie Begroting Bestuur Bettelou Los is statutair aftredend en niet herkiesbaar. Het bestuur heeft Marion Elenbaas (Leiden) bereid gevonden zich verkiesbaar te stellen. Het bestuur stelt voorts voor Bert Botma en Jacqueline van Kampen te herbenoemen voor een periode van drie jaar. Het bestuur stelt tenslotte voor Rick Nouwen voor te dragen als voorzitter. Volgens het bestuursvoorstel ziet het AVT-bestuur ziet er voor het volgend jaar dan als volgt uit: voorzitter: Rick Nouwen secretaris: Bert Botma penningmeester: Sergio Baauw leden: Jacqueline van Kampen, Marjo van Koppen en Marion Elenbaas Lustrum 2011 W.v.t.t.k. Rondvraag Sluiting

Zie voor eventuele verdere informatie en nagekomen stukken de website van de AVT.


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Jaarverslag AVT 7 februari 2009, 12.30 uur Drift 21, Utrecht, zaal 0.05 Aanwezig: Bettelou Los (voorzitter), Sergio Baauw (penningmeester), Bert Botma (secretaris/notulist), Jacqueline van Kampen, Marjo van Koppen, Rick Nouwen 1.

Opening en vaststelling agenda Voorzitter Los opent de vergadering om 12:39 uur. Ze stelt vast dat er geen extra agendapunten zijn.

2.

Notulen van de vorige jaarvergadering van 2 februari 2008 De notulen worden goedgekeurd. Het enige punt van discussie is het verzoek van Hans Broekhuis om een extra koffiepauze van 30 minuten op te nemen in het middagprogramma van de volgende TIN-dag. Het bestuur zal dit doen, mits het rooster het toelaat. [Noot: dat is dit jaar niet het geval.]

3.

Mededelingen

4.

a.

ESF-tijdschriftenranking De nieuwe ESF-ranking wordt pas vastgesteld in 2012. Er is daarom geen directe actie vereist om de voor de LIN-bundel begeerde A (of anders B) status te proberen te bemachtigen. Wel zal de AVT zich het komende jaar reeds buigen over eventuele namen voor een externe review board. Hierbij wordt gedacht aan in het buitenland werkzame Nederlandse taalkundigen.

b.

AVT-scriptieprijs Op de vorige jaarvergadering bleek de animo voor een AVT-scriptieprijs niet groot. Bettelou Los merkt op dat het instellen van een scriptieprijs ook een aanzienlijke extra werkdruk voor het bestuur met zich mee zou brengen.

c.

Digitaal publiceren LIN-bundel Het bestuur meldt dat John Benjamins niet bijzonder positief staat tegenover het idee om de LIN-bundel digitaal op de AVT-site te publiceren. Dit zou in ieder geval betekenen dat de AVT een nieuw (en duurder) contract met John Benjamins zou moeten afsluiten. Hans Broekhuis merkt op dat het hem een redelijk voorstel lijkt om de LIN-bundel pas twee jaar na publicatie ook digitaal toegankelijk te maken. Het bestuur zal deze kwestie aankaarten bij John Benjamins. In dit kader merkt Bettelou Los nog op dat er naar haar indruk voldoende vaak in electronische databases wordt gezocht naar LIN-publicaties. Jaarverslag van de secretaris Secretaris Botma meldt geen bijzonderheden. Hij merkt op dat er enige onduidelijkheid bestaat over de vraag of het ledental dit jaar werkelijk is gedaald (zie punt 5) en of er werkelijk een dalende lijn valt te bespeuren in het aantal LINinzendingen. Bert Botma en Marjo van Koppen merken op dat de wat dunnere LIN


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2008 vooral het gevolg was van een vrij groot aantal negatieve beoordelingen van syntactische artikelen. 5.

Jaarverslag van de penningmeester Penningmeester Baauw merkt op dat de financiële situatie van de AVT gezond is. Dit komt in de eerste plaats doordat John Benjamins achterstallige royalty’s heeft overgemaakt. De kapitaalrekening van de Postbank is omgezet in een rekening bij de ASN-bank. Sergio Baauw zal nagaan of er inderdaad sprake is van een dalend ledental, of dat een aantal leden hun contributie (nog) niet heeft betaald. De verwachting is in ieder geval dat het probleem van wanbetalers zal afnemen wanneer de AVT gebruik gaat maken van machtigingen. De bedoeling is dat dit vanaf volgend jaar het geval zal zijn.

6.

Verslag van de kascommissie De kascommissie heeft de boeken goedgekeurd.

7.

Begroting Er is een klein negatief verschil tussen inkomsten en uitgaven. Sergio Baauw merkt op dat de AVT door de binnengekomen royalty’s over een redelijke buffer beschikt (zie punt 5).

8.

Bestuur De plek van Elma Blom wordt overgenomen door Rick Nouwen (Utrecht). Marjo van Koppen begint aan een tweede bestuurstermijn.

9.

Catering De prijzen van de catering zijn de afgelopen twee jaar sterk gestegen. Om die reden was vorig jaar besloten om de borrel in een café te houden, maar dit was geen succes. De borrel wordt dit jaar weer op de Drift gehouden, met behulp van een aantal MA/MPhil-studenten en sponsoring van het OTS. De AVT overweegt om in de toekomst ook andere onderzoeksinstituten om sponsoring te vragen. Gezien de gezonde financiële situatie kan er volgend jaar ook een deel van de cateringkosten uit eigen middelen worden betaald.

10.

W.v.t.t.k. Saskia Daalder vraagt of het rooster volgend jaar eerder op de AVT-site kan worden gezet; dat was dit jaar door afwezigheid van de secretaris niet het geval. Ad Foolen vertelt dat het lustrumboek waar Saskia Daalder, Jan Noordegraaf aan werken bijna af is. (In 2011 bestaat de AVT 60 jaar: een mooie gelegenheid om het boek dan af te hebben!)

11.

Rondvraag Er zijn geen vragen.

12.

Sluiting Voorzitter Los sluit om 13:24 de vergadering.


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AVT/Anéla Dissertatieprijs 2009 - Juryrapport U heeft zojuist de presentaties gehoord van de drie genomineerden voor de AVT-Anéladissertatieprijs 2009. U zult het hopelijk eens zijn met de jury dat het hier inderdaad om drie potentiële prijswinnaars gaat. Het gaat om: •

Gerlof Bouma (Rijksuniversiteit Groningen) Starting a sentence in Dutch: a corpus study of subject- and object-fronting

•

Joke de Lange (Universiteit Utrecht) Article omission in headlines and child language: a processing approach

•

Margot Rozendaal (Universiteit van Amsterdam) The acquisition of reference: a cross-linguistic study

De jury bestond dit jaar uit Maria Aloni, Ted Sanders, Leo Wetzels, Ton van der Wouden en Helen de Hoop, die optrad als voorzitter. Mienke Droop vervulde namens de Anéla de functie van ambtelijk secretaris, Jacqueline van Kampen was namens de AVT schaduwsecretaris. Namens de jury wil ik de secretarissen hartelijk danken voor de ondersteuning van haar werkzaamheden. Er zijn dit jaar tien dissertaties voorgedragen. Alle proefschriften zijn in eerste instantie elk door minstens twee leden van de jury beoordeeld op de inmiddels traditionele criteria van de AVT/ANéLA dissertatieprijs: originaliteit, probleemstelling en motivatie daarvan, wetenschappelijke benadering en methodologie, vakmanschap en meesterschap, te verwachten impact, en helderheid van verslaglegging. In een eerste vergadering op 26 juni heeft de jury drie dissertaties genomineerd voor de dissertatieprijs 2009. Deze drie dissertaties werden daarna door alle juryleden gelezen en op 23 oktober besproken en beoordeeld. We zullen u nog even in spanning houden over wie van de drie straks met de prijs naar huis gaat om nu eerst de drie proefschriften kort te bespreken, in alfabetische volgorde, op naam van de auteur. Het boek van Gerlof Bouma gaat over het klassieke probleem van vooropplaatsing in het Nederlands: welke zinsdelen en elementen kunnen in de hoofdzin vóór de persoonsvorm staan, en waarom? De dissertatie combineert innovatief corpuswerk (zo’n 60.000 zinnen uit het Corpus Gesproken Nederlands worden benaderd via eigen programmatuur), vaardig gehanteerde bidirectionele optimaliteitstheorie en geavanceerde statistiek (logistische regressie) om een bijzonder gedetailleerd beeld te verkrijgen van vooropplaatsing in gesproken Nederlands. De auteur laat overtuigend zien dat een puur grammaticale benadering van vooropplaatsing (in termen van factoren als grammaticale functie en bepaaldheid) wel te kort móet schieten, en dat pragmatische factoren (vanuit het perspectief van zowel de spreker als de hoorder) ook een belangrijke rol spelen. Een van de meest verrassende uitkomsten van het proefschrift is dat pronominale objecten vrijwel niet voorkomen in zinsinitiële positie (minder dan 1%), in groot contrast met demonstratieve objecten (64%). Dus een zin als “Hem ken ik niet” komt eigenlijk nooit voor in het corpus, maar een zin als “Dat weet ik niet” juist heel vaak. Dat het subject in die laatste zin een voornaamwoord is, dat is geen toeval. Wanneer een zin begint met een aanwijzend voornaamwoord als object, dan is het subject van die zin vrijwel altijd een voornaamwoord. Bouma verklaart dit fenomeen in termen van een conflict tussen twee tendensen, de tendens om een zin te beginnen met al gegeven of bekende Taalkunde in Nederland-dag 2010

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informatie en de tendens om de zin te beginnen met belangrijke informatie. Het is duidelijk dat de tweede factor het in het Nederlands wint van de eerste. In het Nederlands worden lidwoorden vaker weggelaten dan in het Italiaans, laat Joke de Lange zien in haar buitengewoon originele proefschrift, dat leest als een spannende detective. Het Italiaanse lidwoordensysteem is uitgebreider en gecompliceerder dan het Nederlandse, dus je zou verwachten dat de lidwoorden in het Italiaans eerder weggelaten worden dan in het Nederlands. Maar het blijkt precies andersom te zijn, en nog wel in verschillende contexten: zowel in Nederlandse kindertaal als in Nederlandse krantenkoppen worden de lidwoorden vaker weggelaten dan in hun Italiaanse tegenhangers. De Lange presenteert dit mysterie op boeiende wijze en laat de lezer een aantal hoofdstukken lang in spanning voor ze met de oplossing komt. Net als het thema van dit proefschrift is ook de oplossing origineel. De Lange betoogt dat selectie van een lidwoord in productie het resultaat is van een competitie tussen de verschillende kandidaat-lidwoorden in een taal. Hoe meer de strijdende lidwoorden aan elkaar gewaagd zijn, hoe sterker de competitie is, en hoe groter de onzekerheid over de uitkomst van de strijd, het selectieproces. In het Nederlands zijn er weliswaar minder lidwoorden, maar de strijd tussen de beschikbare lidwoorden in het selectieproces is heftiger. Dat verklaart waarom de selectie van een lidwoord in het Nederlands meer moeite en inspanning kost dan de selectie van een lidwoord in het Italiaans. En dat, zo stelt De Lange, verklaart dan weer waarom de Nederlandse kindertjes en krantenkoppenschrijvers die lidwoorden eerder zullen weglaten dan de Italiaanse. Na deze twee proefschriften waarin competitie een grote rol speelt, zijn we toegekomen aan de bespreking van het derde proefschrift in onze eigen competitie, dat van Margot Rozendaal. Zij bestudeert de interactie tussen de morfosyntaxis en de pragmatiek in de verwerving van referentie naar personen en objecten in de derde persoon door Nederlandse, Franse en Engelse kleine kinderen. Het meest opvallende kenmerk van het boek is de rigoureuze methodiek waarmee de complexiteit van het onderwerp wordt opgedeeld in deelcomponenten, die ieder afzonderlijk bij het verwervingsproces een sturende rol spelen. Allereerst wordt, voor elk van de drie genoemde talen, de interactie geanalyseerd tussen de morfosyntaxis en de pragmatiek in de taal van volwassenen, met nadruk op de verschillen en de daaruit volgende mogelijke consequenties voor het verschil in de verwerving van referentiële elementen in het Nederlands, het Frans en het Engels. Ook wordt ingegaan op de cognitieve status van de morfosyntactische vormen waarover de talen beschikken voor referentie en de koppeling tussen de beschikbare referentiële morfemen en de pragmatische factoren die de cognitieve status van de referenten bepalen. Vervolgens wordt het huidige onderzoek afgezet tegen vergelijkbaar onderzoek in het verleden en worden de duidelijke en onduidelijke aspecten van referentieverwerving geïnventariseerd, met als resultaat een motivering van de onderzochte leeftijdscategorie en een scherpe definitie van de relevante onderzoeksvragen, die vervolgens een voor een aan de orde komen: in hoeverre houden kinderen tussen 2 jaar en 3 jaar en 3 maanden rekening met de pragmatische factoren specificiteit, nieuw/gegeven en bekendheid bij de luisteraar en, daarmee samenhangend, gaat de verwerving van de morfosyntactische vorm hand in hand met de verwerving van de (juiste) pragmatische toepassing van die vorm?; in hoeverre komen de eerder geobserveerde taalspecifieke patronen terug in de vroege kindertaal?; wordt het verwervingspatroon beïnvloed door de frequentie en de consistentie van de vorm-functiecombinatie in het taalaanbod? Op elk relevant moment wordt aan de lezer duidelijk gemaakt hoe de gevonden resultaten per bestudeerde taal verschillen en waarom we dat wel of niet hadden kunnen verwachten, en of de gevonden resultaten overeenkomen met de conclusies van eerder onderzoek of juist niet, en waarom.


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De jury was onder de indruk van alledrie de proefschriften, maar er kan maar één prijswinnaar zijn. Vanwege de hoge kwaliteit, het voorbeeldig interdisciplinaire karakter en de convergerende evidentie gaat de AVT-Anéladissertatieprijs 2009 naar Margot Rozendaal. Gefeliciteerd!


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Alfabetisch overzicht van ingediende abstracts (inclusief alternates) Anna Aalstein Instituut voor Nederlandse Lexicologie, Leiden The Sranan aspect marker “e”

zaal 1.09,16:00

In this paper we investigate the workings of the Sranan aspectual particle “e”. We describe the position of the marker within the Sranan aspectual system and put a special emphasis on the combination of “e” with stative verbs. We analyse the workings of the aspectual operator “e” within the framework of the Construction Grammar. To be more precise, we analyse “e” as a type-shifting operator, whereby we assume a constructionalist approach to type-shifting, following Laura Michaelis. Roughly speaking, the paper consists of a descriptive and a theoretical part. We first try and get the data right, and then we use the formal model in order to make our analysis precise. The contribution may be interesting for descriptive grammarians but also for theoreticians. zaal 0.05, 10:00

E. O. Aboh Universiteit van Amsterdam Serialization and Restructuring

Using data from the Marsalese dialect of Italian (1a), non standard American English (1b), and the Kwa language Gungbe (1c), I demonstrate that the constructions traditionally referred to as “serial verb constructions” form a subset of common clause union phenomena (e.g., restructuring). In these constructions, certain verbs, which otherwise have a lexical usage, first merge as head of a functional projection. (1) a. Vaju a pigghiu u pani go-1sg to fetch-1sg the bread ‘I go to fetch bread’ b. I go buy bread c. Ùn yì xO~ blE!∂ì The paper proposes a unified analysis for the structures in (1) and indicates that serializing languages differ superficially from non-serializing ones in allowing a class of functional verbs whose merge site is within the aspect domain of the lexical verb. Enoch Aboh en Leston Buell Universiteit van Amsterdam De aspectuele structuur van multiverbale constructies in het Gungbe

zaal 0.05, 16:00

Al is er veel geschreven over verschillende aspecten van SVC’s (‘serial verb constructions’) in de Kwa-talen, er is nog maar weinig bekend over de aspectuele karakteristieken van deze multiverbale constructies. Wij benaderen de aspectuele eigenschappen van verschillende twee-werkwoordige combinaties in vergelijking met de individuele werkwoorden waaruit zij samengesteld zijn. Bijv., het werkwoord hù ‘doden’ is uitsluitend telisch (d.w.z. compatibel met een bijwoordelijke bepaling als ‘in vijf minuten’), in tegenstelling tot xò ‘slaan’, dat slechts een atelische interpretatie heeft (‘gedurende vijf minuten’). De samenstelling xò...hù ‘doodslaan’ is echter uitsluitend telisch en erft dus alleen de aspectuele eigenschappen van haar tweede component. De resultaten worden verantwoord binnen een theorie waarin alleen het laatste lid van zo’n samenstelling als lexicaal werkwoord wordt beschouwd, terwijl alle ‘werkwoorden’ die eraan voorafgaan in werkelijkheid functionele hoofden zijn.


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Frans Adriaans, Natalie Boll-Avetisyan, & Rene Kager Utrecht University A Lexicon-Free Approach to the Induction of OCP-Place

zaal 1.05, 10:30

Phonotactic learning models assume that constraints are the result of abstractions over statistical patterns in the lexicon (e.g., Frisch, Pierrehumbert, & Broe, 2004). Psycholinguistic studies, however, suggest that phonotactic constraints may be learnable from continuous speech input. Specifically, human learners are able to track transitional probabilities of nonadjacent consonants (consonant pairs separated by intervening vowels) in a continuous stream of artificial speech, and use such probabilities to extract words from speech (Newport & Aslin, 2004). We extend this lexicon-free approach to the induction of abstract, feature-based phonotactic constraints. Specifically, we look at whether OCP-Place (McCarthy, 1988) is learnable from a corpus of transcribed continuous speech. Computer simulations show that a lexicon-free approach to phonotactic learning is able to account for the learning of constraints that resemble (but not exactly match) OCP-Place. This mixture of specific and abstract constraints, learned from continuous speech, provides a better fit to human word segmentation data than models that rely on pure consonant distributions (i.e., without referring to features) or on a single, pre-defined OCP-Place. zaal 0.05, 14:30

Lobke Aelbrecht Ghent University – GIST Licensing VP fronting

VP fronting and VP ellipsis (VPE) occur in similar syntactic environments and target the same constituent. On this basis, Johnson (2001) argues that VPE is licensed through VP fronting: for a VP to be able to elide, it has to be fronted first. I argue against such a hypothesis because unlike VPE, VP fronting is banned from domains that resist main clause phenomena (cf. (1), and is sensitive to intervention effects (cf. (2)). (1) a. * Jeneen went to the supermarket [after [go to the supermarket] I did t]. b’. Jeneen went to the supermarket [after I did [go to the supermarket]]. (2) a * She never has bought a car and [buy one] never will she t. b. She never has bought a car, and never will she [buy one/a car]. Instead I claim that both VP ellipsis and VP fronting are subject to two conditions: a discourse-structural one and a syntactic one. The discourse-structural requirements differ, leading to the difference in distribution. The syntactic condition, on the other hand, is the same in both phenomena, which explains the similarities. A. Aguilar1, M. Aloni2, A. Port2, K. Schulz2 & R. Simik3 zaal 0.03, 11 :30 Universiteit Utrecht, 2 Universiteit van Amsterdam, 3 Rijksuniversiteit Groningen Free Choice Items as Fossils

1

Free choice indefinites are felicitous in permissions (1. Joe may kiss anybody), where they give rise to a free choice inference, but are ungrammatical in episodic sentences (2. #Joe kissed anybody). Several authors have shown that from (3a), we obtain via purely conversational/pragmatic means the free choice inference in (3b):(3) a. Original existential sentence: MAY(∃x kiss(j,x)) b. Conversational implicature: ∀x(MAY(ONLYx kiss(j,x))) Our main hypothesis is that specialized free choice morphology has emerged as result of a process of fossilization of this pragmatic inference. To assess this hypothesis, we carried out


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some cross-linguistic studies both on the synchronic and diachronic dimension. In the talk, we will present (i) the results of a synchronic corpus study, comparing the German emphatic indefinite irgendein with Italian, Spanish and Czech distinctive free choice items qualunque, cualquier(a), and kterýkoli; and (ii) the first results of two studies on the historical development of irgendein and cualquier(a). (alternate) Nicole Altvater-Mackensen1, Suzanne van der Feest2 & Paula Fikkert1 Centre for Language Studies, Radboud Universiteit, 2 Department of Communication Sciences and Disorders, University of Texas Asymmetrical perception in early word learning: Are plosives acceptable fricatives?

1

This talk addresses infants’ perception of plosive-fricative contrasts in familiar and newly learned words. It is well-known that fricatives are seldom produced in babbling (GildersleeveNeumann et al. 2000) and that children often replace target fricatives by plosives in early word production, but not vice versa, showing a strong preference for one member of this phonological contrast. An important question is whether such asymmetries are due to production constraints, or are found in comprehension as well. We will present the results of a word-learning experiment with 14-month-olds and a knownword-recognition experiment with 18- and 26-month-olds, addressing the following questions: (a) Are children able to detect changes from plosive to fricative, and vice versa; (b) Do we find asymmetries in the perception of this contrast, as found in children’s productions; (c) Is this dependent on experimental method or age group? Diana Apoussidou UiL/OTS Constructing an initial lexicon by and for speech segmentation

zaal 1.05, 10:00

This is a proposal to combine a phonotactic segmentation strategy (STAGE; Adriaans & Kager, accepted) and a lexical segmentation strategy to improve the detection of word boundaries and word learning. STAGE model is a reliable boundary detector, but the limits of this model are cases where word boundaries go undetected because they do not violate the phonotactic restrictions of the language. Incorporating the ability to create a lexicon into the model should enhance the detection of further word boundaries. The proposal is as follows: STAGE is applied first to break up the speech stream into proto-words that are used to create an initial lexicon. The learner will then use this initial lexicon to detect word boundaries by recognizing familiar words. New words that are couched between two familiar words but where the word boundaries obey the phonotactics of the language can be segmented based on the known boundaries of the familiar words (cf. Bortfeld et al. 2005 for evidence in child language). zaal 0.03, 12:00

Linda Badan and Leston Buell Leiden University, University of Amsterdam Focus in Ewe

Ewe, a Kwa language spoken in Ghana and Benin, has SVO word order but uses leftperpheral positions for both topicalisation and focus. Focused elements are often, but not always, followed by a focus particle, which can only occur in the left periphery. In this talk, we explore the properties of Ewe focus constructions from two perspectives: the mapping of the Ewe left periphey, and the semantic conditions licensing focus movement. The discussion of the latter is based on phenomena such as interation with negation and the behaviour of


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6 februari 2010

phrases modified with ‘only’ and ‘even’. Daria Bahtina zaal 1.08, 10:30 Universiteit Utrecht Basic Competencies for Lingua Receptiva in Estonian-Russian Communication Receptive multilingualism (henceforth, RML) is a communication mode in which speakers of different languages apply receptive skills to reach mutual understanding. Lingua receptiva is a synonymous notion described as ‘the language constellation in which interlocutors use their respective mother tongue while speaking to each other’ (ten Thije & Zeevaert 2007; Rehbein et al, to appear). The current research focusses on typologically distant languages with acquired (versus inherent) inter-comprehensibility. It discusses mechanisms behind lingua receptiva and investigates its prerequisites in Estonian-Russian communication. The analysis presented is based on pilot data collected in Estonia. The experiment is a set-up telephone conversation analysed in the framework of alignment strategies combined with functional pragmatics and discourse analytical approach. Based on alignment of the situation model (Pickering & Garrod, 2004) and previous research on inherent RML, it is hypothesised that linguistic pre-knowledge is a crucial feature enabling efficacy of RML. Further research includes socio-linguistic questionnaire and measuring informants’ linguistic competencies with a set of tests. zaal 1.09, 10:00 Iske Bakker1,2, Nada Vasic1 and Elma Blom3 University of Amsterdam, ACLC1, University of Amsterdam, CSCA/IIS2, University of Alberta, Edmonton3 Production and processing of determiners in Dutch Determiners are vulnerable in first language acquisition of Dutch. In production, children often overgeneralise non-neuter gender to the less frequent neuter gender (Blom et al, 2008). An interesting question is whether children use the morpho-phonological cue for neuter provided by diminutives (Orgassa, 2009). Additionally, children frequently omit articles (Baauw et al, 2002). We examine differences between omission patterns in definite versus indefinite semantic contexts. Agreement between the noun and the determiner is a morphosyntactic phenomenon, whereas the subtler omission errors involve discourse information. Our aim is to examine the underlying nature of production errors. If children can perceive agreement errors and determiner omissions in speech comprehension, we can postulate that grammatical representations of these elements are intact and that their errors are related to output problems. We present data for 23 5-6 year-olds and 20 adults. For production an elicitation task is used and for processing a self-paced-listening paradigm. To our knowledge, this is the first study in Dutch examining processing of these different error types in adults and children. zaal 1.08, 15:00 Arina Bangaa, Esther Hanssena, Robert Schreuderb & Anneke Neijta a Centre for Language Studies, Radboud University Nijmegen, b Donders Centre for Cognition, Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen The influence of one's native language on concepts of numerosity In Dutch, noun-noun compounds with the linking element en between the two constituents may occur. Some compounds always appear with the linking element en (boekenkast, 'books case'), whereas other compounds never do (boekhandel, 'book shop'), and in a third category, both options are available (viskom/vissenkom, 'fish bowl'/'fishes bowl'). The linking element


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6 februari 2010

en is homophonous with the regular plural affix for nouns, and previous research has shown that, for native speakers of Dutch, linking en triggers the activation of plural semantics (Schreuder et al., 1998). However, for Frisian and German, the plural affix and the linking element do usually not have the same form. For example for Frisian, the plural affix is -en, whereas the linking element is e. This raises the question whether speakers of Frisian or German with Dutch as a second language have the same plurality interpretations for the left constituent in Dutch compounds as native speakers of Dutch. The participants indicated the degree of plurality on a seven-point scale. We expect that one's native language influences concepts of numerosity. Richard Bank & Onno Crasborn Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen Mouthings in Sign Language of the Netherlands: Lexical variation.

zaal 0.32, 9:30

This talk will address the linguistic status of ‘mouthings’ in Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT): (parts of) spoken words that accompany manual signs. The question is whether they are incorporated in and specified by the lexicon, or whether they should be seen as codemixing with Dutch. Consistency in the combination of mouthing and manual sign would suggest lexical specification (as borrowings from the spoken language), whereas variation in mouthings would point to code-mixing by the user. In my research, 4500 tokens are being analysed, from noun, verb and adjective classes. Preliminary findings show that the verb GEBAREN (“signing”) hardly shows any mouthing: only three out of 25 show use of (redundant or complementing) mouthing. The noun SCHOOL (“school”), however, shows consistent use of reduntant mouthing in the 40 tokens analysed. The results are consistent with the hypothesis that mouthing for certain signs are indeed lexicalised. It is further hypothesized that a clear distinction between verbs and nouns will be found in the use of mouthings. Gemma Barberà and Martine Zwets Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona and Radboud University of Nijmegen Gesture as a gradient factor

zaal 0.32, 12:00

Since the beginning of sign language research, linguists have been disagreeing on the linguistic status of pointing signs in sign languages. Some linguists argue that the use of pointing signs is completely linguistic (i.e. Berenz, 2002) while others have argued that they are partly gestural (i.e. Liddell, 2003). In this talk we will compare pointing signs made in Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT) and Catalan Sign Language (LSC) with pointing gestures in a spoken language, Dutch, in order to pinpoint the nature of the gestural component in signed pointings. Our data shows that sign language is stricter in incorporating gesture than spoken language is; there is less variation in hand shape and movement and a more consistent use of eye gaze. On the other hand, even though gestures in spoken language are created ‘on the spot’, it is possible to categorize for instance handshapes which co-occur with specific meanings. We propose that the notion of gesture might be more of a gradient matter than was thought of before. zaal 0.05, 15:30

Sjef Barbiers Meertens Instituut and Utrecht University Imperatives as distals


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6 februari 2010

Recent work has shown that German and Dutch differ in the possibility of fronting in imperative clauses (cf. Barbiers 2007, Koopman 2007). In German imperatives, maximally one constituent can precede the finite verb (as in declaratives). In Dutch imperatives (unlike declaratives), no constituent can precede the finite verb (left dislocation aside). Middle Dutch was like German. In eastern Dutch dialects, in particular eastern Northern Brabantish, fronting in imperatives is limited to distal D-pronouns and only if the particle maar ‘just’ is present. This paper addresses the following questions: (i) What explains these cross-linguistic differences? (ii) What explains the contrast between declaratives and imperatives in Modern Dutch? (iii) Is there a relation between the fronting contrasts and other well-known syntactic properties that are specific of imperative clauses, such as (in)visibility of the subject in imperatives (cf. Van der Wurff 2007 for a recent overview)? (iv) Why is fronting in NBrabantish imperatives restricted to distal D-pronouns? (v) What is the role of the particle maar ‘just’ in the licensing of fronting in imperatives? Roos Beerkens and Jan D. ten Thije Münster, Utrecht Congruous understanding in Dutch - German receptive multilingualism

zaal 1.08, 10:00

This paper presents a study of discourse structures in Dutch-German receptive multilingualism (Beerkens 2010). The aim of the research was to find out whether receptive multilingualism (henceforth RML) is used as a language mode in a Dutch-German border area, and detect the people who use this language mode. The paper reports on a sociolinguistic survey and a functional pragmatic discourse analysis. RML is used in 8,3 % of language modes that occur in communicative situations at work outscoring the local dialect ‘Platdeutsch’ (1,3 %). English, however, is used more extensively (14,7 %). Compared to the use of standard language modes, RML is less than both German (51,2%) and Dutch (29,4%). The paper concludes that the language mode leads to congruous understanding in the meetings that have been analysed. Several linguistic characteristics and reoccurring patterns in the use of receptive multilingualism in different types of organisations have been detected and interpreted. Karin Beijering zaal 1.04, 15:00 Rijksuniversiteit Groningen deelgebied onderwerp: historische taalkunde, taalvariatie Parallels between lexicalization and grammaticalization: the case of Mainland Scandinavian MAYBE The lexicalization-grammaticalization interface is an unclear domain. There is no consensus on how to define the lexicon, grammar and their interrelationship, or whether grammaticalization and lexicalization are to be regarded as distinct processes or as part of a lexicalization-grammaticalization continuum. Consequently, some changes have been characterized as either grammaticalization or lexicalization. Epistemic adverbs of the MAYBE type (deriving from a modal auxiliary ‘can’ or ‘may’ + a verb meaning ‘happen’ or ‘be’) is one of those cases. On the one hand, their development is characterized by properties of grammaticalization, e.g. syntactic fixation. On the other hand, it is also characterized by properties of lexicalization, e.g. loss of compositionality. Drawing on an empirical study of the usage of MAYBE in Mainland Scandinavian, this paper examines the development of MAYBE by means of Brinton & Traugott’s (2005:110) ‘parallels between lexicalization and grammaticalization’, in order to determine whether this is a case of grammaticalization, lexicalization or perhaps both.


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6 februari 2010

Sanne Berends & Alma Veenstra Rijksuniversiteit Groningen The Acquisition of the Dutch Quantitative ‘Er’

zaal 1.09, 15:00

Our study is the first to investigate the acquisition of the quantitative 'er' (QR). The outcome will provide a baseline with which to establish a measure for the detection of SLI in young children. Twenty typically developing children aged 5;0-6;0 were tested on a repetition task and an elicitation task (Beletti et al., 2009). In the repetition task sentences containing a QR had to be repeated; in the elicitation task sentences had to be corrected with one containing a QR, e.g.: nee, hij heeft er twee; no, he has (QR) two; no, he has two of them. The results show that 5-year-olds do not seem to have fully mastered the QR. Though analysis of individual answers demonstrate that children are familiar with empty heads, they are not yet able to use it in QR constructions. Moreover, we tentatively conclude that the ability to omit DPs is required before mastering the QR construction. It seems that not being able to produce QRs at age 5 is not a signal of SLI. Margot van den Berg, Robbert van Sluijs en Tessa Spätgens zaal 1.04, 16:00 Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen Over tijdmachines en TMA in Sranantongo en Negerhollands. Aanzetten tot een diachrone vergelijking Aan het eind van de 18e eeuw was het Surinaamse Sranantongo slechts de moedertaal van 30% van de bevolking van Afrikaanse herkomst. Dit staat in schril contrast met het Negerhollands, de uitgestorven Nederlandse creooltaal van de Maagdeneilanden, dat zich in dezelfde periode en onder vergelijkbare omstandigheden veel sneller tot moedertaal van een groot deel van de bevolking ontwikkelde. Voor beide talen zijn er substantiële 18e en 20ste eeuwse corpora beschikbaar (zie o.a. van den Berg & Bruyn 2008; van Rossem & van der Voort 1996), die ons als ware tijdmachines in staat stellen om de taal te bestuderen zoals die destijds gesproken werd. Een vergelijking van de hulpwerkwoorden die Tijd, Mood en Aspect uitdrukken in 18e en 20ste Sranantongo en Negerhollands draagt bij aan een beter begrip van de invloed van moedertaalsprekers en L2-sprekers op talen in ontwikkeling. In de vergelijking worden ook de resultaten betrokken uit onderzoek naar het Sranantongo als L2 (Migge & van den Berg 2009), Ghanaian Pidgin English en L2 Nederlands van Gbe- en Twisprekende Ghanezen. Geertje van Bergen, Rik van Gijn, Lotte Hogeweg en Sander Lestrade Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen Waar gaat eigenlijk over? Een semantische analyse van ‘eigenlijk’

zaal 0.03, 16:30

“De doodstraf hoort eigenlijk niet” Dat deze uitspraak van Jan Peter Balkenende na de veroordeling tot de doodstraf van Saddam Hoessein veel stof deed opwaaien komt enkel en alleen door het woordje eigenlijk. Had hij dat weggelaten, was er niets aan de hand geweest. Wat doet dat woordje eigenlijk eigenlijk? In deze presentatie geven wij een semantische analyse van dit partikel, gebaseerd op kwalitatief corpusonderzoek.


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6 februari 2010

Geertje van Bergen, Helen de Hoop, Wessel Stoop, Jorrig Vogels Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen/Universiteit van Tilburg Waarom hun nog steeds "hun" zeggen...

zaal 0.32, 14:30

Abstract: Hoe kan het toch dat "hun" zo succesvol is als subject in het Nederlands, ondanks het feit dat zoveel mensen zich eraan storen en ondanks het feit dat er toch een goed alternatief lijkt te zijn (dat wel door iedereen grammaticaal gevonden wordt), namelijk "zij" of "ze"? Wij hebben de oplossing voor dit raadsel gevonden en we zullen laten zien wat de sleutel is tot het succes van "hun" als onderwerp. Hans den Besten UvA & Universiteit van Stellenbosch Deconstructing Afrikaans “Preposition stranding in COMP”

zaal 0.05, 13:30

Du Plessis (1977) claims that preposition stranding (PS) in COMP is grammatical in Afrikaans. Cf. Waar dink julle voor werk ons? ‘What think 2PL for work 1PL??’ (gramm., but marginal). Basic intuitions suggest that voor werk ons is a dependent clause. These considerations seem to be confirmed when we undo “embedded V2”: Waar dink julle voor dat ons werk? (gramm., less marginal). However, a more fine-grained analysis demonstrates that Afrikaans PS-in-C is ungrammatical and that the apparent cases of grammatical PS-in-C are products of Long Scrambling plus Wh-Movement (cf Barbiers 2002) combined with (root or embedded) V2 involving simplex predicates. Furthermore, the absence of certain Whambiguities in the double V2 cases shows that – unlike Waar … dat ons werk – Waar … voor werk ons is an independent clause so that dink julle must be a clausal insert with an empty operator. Therefore, an exceptional status for PS in Afrikaans is unnecessary. Ekaterina Bobyleva University of Amsterdam 3Pl pronoun as a plural marker: a typical creole feature?

zaal 1.04, 16:30

Many creoles mark plural by means of a free-standing form homogenous with the 3Pl pronoun. This strategy of plural marking is common among the Atlantic creoles with different lexical bases and is also found in the Pacific creoles. While some researchers hypothesized that this might represent a universally default strategy of plural marking, others pointed to the possibility of substrate influence. Both ideas are not unproblematic. Despite of its apparent semantic transparency, the use of 3Pl pronoun as a plural marker is cross-linguistically quite rare. On the other hand, this feature is less common among the substrate languages than it has often been assumed. The aim of this paper is to revise the traditional assumptions surrounding the phenomenon of 3Pl pronoun as a plural marker in creoles. At closer examination of individual cases, the possible sources of this feature appear to be more heterogeneous than the substratist researchers have previously argued. Furthermore, in some cases the homogeneity of the plural marker with the 3Pl pronoun turns out to be coincidental.


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6 februari 2010

zaal 1.08, 11:00

Minne G. de Boer Gepensioneerd Italianist Universiteit Utrecht OVER in de zestiende eeuw

Tegen de achtergrond van de uitgebreide literatuur over het voorzetsel over in het huidige Engels en het huidige Nederlands zal ik de voorkomens analyseren in een corpus bestaande uit de Decameron-vertaling van Dirk V. Coornhert. De plusminus 200 voorbeelden zullen gerubriceerd worden in situation-types en use-types (termen van Annette Herskovits); vervolgens zal er een netwerk van betekenissen worden voorgesteld dat de gevonden voorbeelden uitputtend zal kunnen verantwoorden. Dit netwerk zal vergeleken worden met dat van het huidige Nederlands, waarbij de verwachting is dat het 16-eeuwse netwerk een deelverzameling is van het huidige. Voor de theoretische achtergrond zal een standpuntbepaling ingenomen worden tegenover de principled polysemy theorie van Tyler en Evans 2002 Natalie Boll-Avetisyan, Elise de Bree, René Kager, Annemarie Kerkhoff, and Sandra den Boer zaal 1.05, 13:30 UiL-OTS, Utrecht University Gradient phonotactic constraints for speech segmentation in infants Many languages restrict the co-occurrence of non-adjacent consonants sharing the feature [place]. In previous studies we have shown that Dutch listeners have implicit knowledge about such restrictions, which affects their performance in segmenting an artificial language. This study investigates whether such knowledge is acquired after having established a lexicon, or whether infants have access to it at a pre-lexical stage. In our experiments, 9 and 15 month old infants were trained in artificial languages, constructed in such a way that the only cues for segmentation were constraints on co-occurrences of labial consonants. As a result, infants did not apply any knowledge about the underrepresentation, but did use knowledge about an overrepresentation, specifically, of non-adjacent pairs of /p/ in segmentation. This result opens up the possibility that gradient phonotactics assist pre-lexical infants when segmenting speech. This may facilitate lexical acquisition by providing cues for candidate words. On-going experiments address whether the pre-lexical phonotactic knowledge is grounded in universal preferences, or whether it is acquired from input speech. zaal 1.09, 16:30

Ronny Boogaart LUCL Leiden Modaal straks

Het Nederlandse temporele bijwoord straks kan gebruikt worden in een modale constructie om een mogelijke situatie te presenteren die de spreker negatief beoordeelt. Louis Davids zong het al: straks heb ik Artis in me huis! Maar het hoeft niet eens te gaan om een toekomstige gebeurtenis: straks heeft hij (nog) een ongeluk gehad! In mijn lezing ga ik in op de relatie tussen temporeel straks en modaal straks en bespreek ik drie verschillende gebruikstypen van deze modale straks-constructie. Wat ze met elkaar delen, is hun ‘negatieve argumentatieve richting’.


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6 februari 2010

Laura Bos, Dicky Gilbers, Tim Heeres, Menke Muller, Nora de Vries en Ellis Wierenga zaal 1.05, 14:30 Rijksuniversiteit Groningen Modaliteit als parameter: verschillen tussen spontane en geacteerde spraak Het onderscheid tussen spontane en geacteerde spraak wordt gekenmerkt door onder andere de positie van pauzes, spreeksnelheid en precisie van articulatie. In dit onderzoek trachten wij aan te tonen dat er een extra akoestische parameter te onderscheiden valt, namelijk modaliteit. Hieronder verstaan wij meerdere frequentiepieken in een spraakfragment. We hebben proefpersonen spraakfragmenten van maximaal 10 seconden laten beoordelen op vrolijkheid. De modaliteit van deze fragmenten hebben we vervolgens geanalyseerd door de toonhoogte per syllabe af te ronden op semitonen en deze semitonen te clusteren. Waar de meeste spontane spraak gekenmerkt wordt door één frequentiepiek (de gemiddelde toonhoogte), treffen we in geacteerde spraak meerdere frequentiepieken aan. In een bidirectioneel OT-model zullen we laten zien dat cue constraints een dominante rol spelen in geacteerde spraak maar dat in spontane spraak dat effect overruled wordt door lenitieconstraints. Bert Le Bruyn UIL-OTS Bare and full partitives: unifying the analysis further

(alternate)

Analyzing bare partitives like Italian dei N and Dutch van die N in the same way as full partitives is not straightforward. One of the problems lies in the fact that bare partitives don’t seem to encode proper partitivity whereas full partitives do (see Storto 2003). In this talk I argue that Zamparelli’s 2008 attempt at a unified analysis is not entirely convincing and propose an alternative. The crucial ingredients are: (i) partitive of (or di, van, …) encodes the standard part relation (≤); (ii) determiners that can appear in the upstairs D position of partitives can have a partitive reading; (iii) without the partitive reading of the upstairs determiner the downstairs DP is equivalent to the whole partitive and blocking takes place (Ionin, Matushansky & Ruys 2006).

Helen Buckler zaal 1.05, 15:00 Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics & Radboud University, Nijmegen. Word-level affixes trigger stem-level cycles: evidence from German dorsal fricatives In this paper I argue that both a representational and derivational approach is required to successfully capture the complex relationship between morphosyntax and phonology. This is demonstrated through the use of affix cycles within a Stratal Optimality Theory framework, which combines the insights of serialist derivational grammar and parallelist OT. I show how stem-level (Class-I, or cyclic) affixes pass through the stem level cycle conjoined with their root form, and behave like a monomorphemic word. Word-level (Class-II, postcyclic) suffixes on the other hand trigger their own cycle at the stem-level, before being concatenated with a stem at the word level (Baker 2005). In this way, word-level suffixes behave structurally like miniature stems. This is exemplified through the behaviour of the German diminutive suffix – chen and the frequently discussed [x]~[ç] alternation. Furthermore, the analysis of German using stem-level affix cycles has positive consequences for the wider theory of Stratal OT and opacity paradoxes, and provides a comprehensive analysis of g-spirantization and final obstruent devoicing, and the [x]~[ç] alternation.


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6 februari 2010

Johanneke Caspers zaal 1.04, 11:00 Leiden University Centre for Linguistics The influence of erroneous stress position and segmental errors on intelligibility, comprehensibility and foreign accent In the literature on second language acquisition it is generally assumed that suprasegmental errors are more threatening to the intelligibility of non-native speech than segmental errors. However, as yet there is very little experimental support for this claim. How detrimental are misplaced word stress and segmental errors for the intelligibility of second language speakers of Dutch? To answer this question, words spoken by learners of Dutch with French or Chinese as a first language were presented to Dutch native speakers in a listening test. The words contained either (1) stress error and segmental error, (2) stress error, (3) segmental error, or (4) no stress error or segmental error. Words spoken by native speakers were added as reference condition. In the first part of the experiment the subjects had to transcribe the words, and judge their comprehensibility on a ten-point scale; in the second part of the experiment the words were given a rating for degree of foreign accent. The results of the experiment will be presented and discussed. Ao Chen & Rene Kager Utrecht University Perception of tone coarticulation by native speakers of Mandarin

zaal 1.05, 16:30

When coarticulated, Mandarin lexical tones undergo extensive variation and deviate from their underlying form (Wu 1981, 1983, 1998; Xu 1994, 1997). It has been demonstrated that the tonal context is crucial for the correct recognition of weak and disturbed middle tones in tri-syllabic sequences (Xu 1994). The production data of /mama/ sequences with all possible tone combinations in Xu (1997) showed that the intervocalic consonant is the locus of coarticulation between adjacent tones, at least in sequences composed of nasals and vowels with a continuous pitch contour. The current perception study similarly uses /mama/ sequences with all possible tone combinations produced by a native Mandarin speaker as stimuli, in order to explore the role of tonal context for tone recognition when the pitch contour is continuous. The results indicate that although distorted by coarticulation, the recognition of tones is highly accurate (above 82%), regardless of whether a tonal context is present or not. Nevertheless, the accuracy rate of tone recognition is still significantly higher when a tonal context is present. zaal 0.03, 9:30

Anna Chernilovskaya UiL/OTS Exclamatives have a question semantics!

Classical examples of wh-exclamatives are sentences like (1) "How tall John is!" (2) "What languages Mary speaks!" There are two main approaches to the semantics of wh-exclamatives. The first view (Castroviejo 2006, Rett 2008) states that wh-exclamatives express speaker's surprise at a high degree of some gradable property. The second view (Guttierrez-Rexach 1996, d'Avis 2002, Zanuttini & Portner 2003) is to derive the meaning of a wh-exclamative from the semantics of an underlying wh-question. In this talk I will first argue that wh-exclamatives in some languages can have readings which do not involve degrees. Taking this as an argument


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6 februari 2010

against the degree approach, I will explore the question approach to the semantics of whexclamatives. zaal 0.03, 14:00

Robert Cirillo University of Amsterdam Negation markers are stranded

There is a lot of evidence that prepositions and universal quantifiers can be stranded: 1. a. With whom did you dine last night? b. Whom did you dine with last night? 2. a. All the invitations will be sent out today. b. The invitations will all be sent out today. I will argue that a negation marker can also be stranded and that the stranding of a negation marker is the best way to explain the inverse scope ( ¬ > ∀) reading of (3a), which can be derived from (3b) by stranding the negation marker: 3. a. All the children will not be invited. b. Not all the children will be invited. Other approaches, such as reconstruction of the subject to a position below negation, or covert movement of the negation marker, or partial deletion of copies of the subject, do not work. Maja Ciumak (alternate) CLS at Radboud University Nijmegen Phonetic cues and phonological features of Polish coronal fricatives: predictions for first language acquisition. Polish has three phonemically contrasting coronal fricatives: the post-dental /s/, the retroflex /‫״‬/ and the alveolopalatal /‫נ‬/, as in (Ladefoged 2001, Jacobs ms): ‘sali’ (room, gen.), ‘szali’ (scale, gen.), ‘siali’ (sown, pl.). In loanwords, additionally, another sibilant is produced. In words like Chirac or Hiroshima the palatoalveolar sound [Ѐ] can be heard. Phonetically, therefore, Polish distinguishes between four coronal sibilants. In Hall (1997) it is claimed that no language can contrast alveolopalatals and palatoalveolars as both are coronal, non-anterior, laminal consonants. However, Polish speakers successfully discriminate between the two (Rubach, in Hall 1997). In this talk the phonetic and phonological properties of Polish sibilants will be discussed. Moreover, I will address the question of what predictions arise for child language acquisition if young language learners face the task of acquiring a four-way contrast from amongst sounds whose predominant phonetic cue is not-the-most-perceivable-of-all cue of turbulence noise. zaal 0.03, 15:30

Charlie Claessen & Joost Zwarts Universiteit Utrecht Over heen

Adposities als door en over in het Nederlands komen voor als prepositie, postpositie of als onderdeel van een circumpositie. Zijn dit inwisselbare constructies, of is er verschil in betekenis en functie? Over het onderscheid tussen preposities en postposities is inmiddels wel wat bekend, maar over de bijdrage van heen weten we nog weinig. Wij focussen op het woordje heen: heen komt voor in circumpositie-constructies, waarbij een prepositie voor een NP komt, en heen erna. Wij kijken dus bijvoorbeeld naar de (betekenis)verschillen tussen: (1) Jan loopt door het bos/Jan loopt het bos door/Jan loopt door het bos heen. In dit praatje kijken we hoe heen zich gedraagt in verschillende contexten: welke eigenschappen heen deelt met preposities, welke met postposities en wanneer de constructie met heen de enige mogelijkheid is. Wij zullen laten zien dat preposities gebruikt worden voor


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6 februari 2010

een stereotype betekenis, postposities voor beweging, en dat er bij het gebruik van heen sprake is van een suggestie van beweging. Onno Crasborn Radboud University Nijmegen, Centre for Language Studies The hand doesn’t do anything: the features spread

zaal 0.32, 10:30

One of the most striking modality differences between signed and spoken languages is the use of two symmetrical articulators in sign: the two arms, hands and fingers. For all sign languages studied to date, the non-dominant hand has been shown to be active at various levels in the grammar: it is a distinctive feature in the lexicon for free morphemes, it can be part of the phonology of bound morphemes as in aspectual modulations of verb signs, it is used to regulate interaction, etc. In actual signing, however, the non-dominant hand is often inactive. It either takes on a rest position, or it ‘spreads’: the final state of a sign is maintained, while the other hand continues signing. This non-dominant hand spreading has been used as evidence for the existence of prosodic domains like the phonological phrase in signed languages (e.g. Sandler 1999 on Israeli Sign Language). The present study looks at spreading in Sign Language of the Netherlands, and argues that the spreading behaviour actually takes place at the level of phonological features, rather than at the level of the whole hand. Rongjia Cui & Vincent van Heuven Leiden University Centre for Linguistics The mutual intelligibility of English by Chinese dialect speakers

(alternate)

This research investigates the mutual intelligibility of English monophthongs produced and perceived by the Chinese dialect speakers. In the production experiment, forty-five male speakers from nine Chinese dialect groups were recorded. Out of all the stimuli, eight English monophthongs were chosen to be acoustically analyzed and statistically tested. The experiment has shown that only on a dialectal supergroup level can a speaker’s English production be discriminated. In the perception test, one male dialect representative’s vowels were used as stimuli for two hundred and eighty-six listeners, also from the same nine dialect groups. The confusion matrix was computed. Interestingly, again, on a supergroup level (i.e. Gan, Min, and Mandarin) the mutual intelligibility is significantly high than this between Mandarin groups. This shows that the so-called dialect distances between Gan, Min, and Mandarin is so large that they can even be called languages. zaal 0.06, 16:00

Lieven Danckaert UGent Eiland-piedpiping in het Latijn

Het Latijn laat een relativisatieproces toe waarbij de extractiesite zich bevindt in een syntactisch eiland, meer bepaald in een adverbiale bijzin of een wh-eiland. Dit fenomeen, dat traditioneel bekend staat onder de naam 'Relative Verschränkung', kan het best geanalyseerd worden als een combinatie van twee verplaatsingen (en twee corresponderende gaps). Eerst is er interne wh-beweging, met name topicalisatie naar een positie aan de edge van het eiland, waarna de getopicalizeerde constituent wordt bevroren in situ. Topicalisatie is een nietkwantificerende vorm van verplaatsing, zodat er geen interventie-effect kan worden teweeggebracht met de operator die het propositionele eiland deriveert. Aldus wordt het whfeature op het relatieve pronomen zichtbaar aan de edge van het eiland, waardoor het kan worden aangetrokken door een hogere probe: dit is dan de tweede verplaatsing, de eigenlijke


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6 februari 2010

relativisatie. De kleinst mogelijke categorie die hierbij kan worden verplaatst is het gehele propositionele eiland. Een mechanisme van feature-percolatie zorgt ervoor dat de wh-operator zijn variabele (i.e. de trace van het eiland) kan binden. Karen De Clercq Universiteit Gent/ GIST/ FWO-Odysseus project The syntax of no in prepositional phrases

zaal 0.05, 12:00

The contrast between sentence negation and constituent negation is often illustrated by means of the example in (1). (1) Mary could be happy with no job. (Haegeman 2000; Kato 2000) The negative PP gives rise to two readings, as illustrated in (2): (2) Mary could be happy with no job. a. “There is no job such that Mary could be happy with it.” b. “Mary could be happy without a job.” The ambiguity in meaning is caused by a difference in the scope behaviour of no: in (2a) the negation has sentence scope and in (2b) constituent scope (Klima 1964). It is unclear, however, how for one and the same PP the negation or [neg] can either percolate up to PP (Haegeman 1997: 275) and have scope over the sentence or stay within the PP and have only constituent scope. I believe the answer to the problem lies within the nature of no itself. A closer look at the syntax of no in PPs will be the main aim of this talk. Marijke De Belder CRISSP/ Universiteit Utrecht / HUBrussel Flavors of n°: The morphosyntax of Dutch collective nouns

zaal 0.06, 10:30

Folli & Harley (2005) argue that vº comes with various different feature specifications. They thus account for the fact that not all verbs occur in all aspectual and argumental structures, while still adhering to the idea that lexical items enter the derivation as featureless roots. In this talk I argue that also the feature specification of nº can restrict the amount of functional structure that can combine with lexical roots. The data under discussion are Dutch collective nouns (1). These nouns strongly resist number marking (2). They contrast sharply with other nouns that refer to mass concepts, which can be pluralized (3). (1) handelswaar (2) * twee handelswaren (3) twee suikers: glucose en fructose merchandise two merchandise-PL two sugars: glucose and fructose ‘merchandise’ ‘two sugars: glucose and fructose’ At first sight collectives falsify the claim that roots combine with all morphosyntactic structures. I show that they do not: collectives are not roots, but derivations that contain a featureless root and an nº with a feature specification that is semantically incompatible with number marking. Maud Devos and Jenneke van der Wal Musée Royal de l’Afrique Centrale (Tervuren) Segmental and prosodic marking of focus: a diachronic development?

zaal 1.04, 15:30

The Bantu languages Shangaci and Makhuwa are geographically (Mozambique) and typologically very close. Both use a special tonal pattern to express focus on the element following the verb. In addition, Makhuwa uses segmentally different verb forms, also indicating the focus of the clause. Shangaci displays a segmentally different form as well, but is the system developing or eroding? Can the systems be placed along a timeline?


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6 februari 2010

(1a) ki-tti-ráfúna (1b) ńshaála 1SG-PRES-chew 5.coconut ‘I am eating a young coconut’ (2b) (2a) ki-náá-khúúrá ehópa 1SG-PRES.DJ-chew 9.fish ‘I am eating fish’

ki-tti-ráfúna nshaála 1SG-PRES-chew 5.coconut ‘I am eating a young coconut’ ki-n-khúúrá ehopá 1SG-PRES.CJ-chew 9.fish ‘I am eating fish’

[Shangaci]

[Makhuwa]

Nienke Dijkstra & Paula Fikkert (alternate) Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen Kunnen zes maanden oude baby's het plaats van articulatie-contrast tussen labiale en coronale woorden onderscheiden? In hun eerste levensjaar veranderen kinderen van universele in taalspecifieke luisteraars (Werker & Yeung, 2005; Kuhl, 2004); rond acht tot tien maanden worden consonantcontrasten taalspecifiek waargenomen. In onze pilotstudie onderzoeken we of zes maanden oude baby’s in staat zijn om verschillen in articulatieplaats te onderscheiden, zoals ‘paan’ (labiale initiaal) van ‘taan’ (coronale initiaal). Op grond van eerdere studies voorspellen we dat zowel ‘paan’ van ‘taan’ als vice versa wordt onderscheiden. Om soortgelijke contrasten te testen wordt meestal een switch-task gebruikt. Deze procedure kent echter veel drop-outs en levert alleen groepsresultaten op. In onze pilot gebruiken we daarom een recenter ontwikkelde procedure; de Hybrid Visual Habituation Procedure (Houston et al., 2007). Vanwege het grotere aantal meetwaarden is deze procedure betrouwbaarder. Bovendien kunnen ook de individuele resultaten geanalyseerd worden. Tot nu toe zijn zeventien Nederlandse kinderen (waarvan slechts één drop-out) getest. Voorlopige resultaten laten een asymmetrie in perceptie zien: alleen de kinderen die gehabitueerd zijn op het labiale woord ‘paan’ kijken langer tijdens de alternating trials dan tijdens de non-alternating trials. zaal 0.32, 15:00

Gea Dreschler Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen The Passive By-Phrase as a Topic Introducer

Seoane (2006) proposes that the passive is not only an argument-rearranging device, but also an information-rearranging device. More precisely, by foregrounding a (discourse-)old patient and backgrounding a (discourse-)new agent, the passive restores the unmarked given-new information ordering of the English sentence. However, where research into the functions of the passive has mainly focused on the given-comes-first part of this information rearranging – by saying that the given information belongs in the left periphery of the unmarked sentence in English – this paper focuses on the new-comes-last part. Two observations are important: the majority of the agents in by-phrases are new (Seoane 2006, Biber et al. 1999) and the right part of the English sentence – where the by-phrase occurs – is the preferred position for new information in English. Just as in a active sentence, this may lead to the situation where a discourse-new argument is introduced in the focus position of sentence a and becomes the topic – or starting point – for sentence b. I will present a diachronic study of the by-phrase as such a topic introducer. zaal 1.04, 13:30

Els Elffers UvA, Filosofie van de taalwetenschap Anti-mentalisme ‘revisited’


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6 februari 2010

Hoewel in de taalkunde het mentalisme van oudsher de meest gangbare visie is, heeft de expliciete manier waarop de generatieve taalkunde zich rond 1960 profileerde als onderdeel van de psychologie aanvankelijk veel discussie opgeroepen. Velen verwierpen de claim dat taalkundige uitspraken direct betrekking hebben op het taalvermogen van individuele taalgebruikers als onaannemelijk, ongefundeerd, of zelfs incoherent. Later verwaterde de discussie, zonder overigens geheel te verdwijnen. Recent heeft het verschijnen van Michael Devitts boek Ignorance of language (2006) de discussie een nieuwe impuls gegeven. Devitts -door velen felbekritiseerde- verwerping van het mentalisme bouwt voort op eerdere discussies, maar refereert ook aan ontwikkelingen in de cognitiewetenschap en AI in de tussenliggende periode. In mijn lezing wil ik de discussie van rond 1970 over het mentalisme vergelijken met de controverse n.a.v. Devitts boek. Gaat het om een herhaling van zetten, of zijn de argumenten inmiddels zo van karakter veranderd dat er eigenlijk sprake is van een nieuwe discussie? Mirjam Ernestus & Dominiek Sandra zaal 1.05, 15:30 Radboud University Nijmegen & Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, University of Antwerp The roles of pronunciation, morphological structure, and letter bigram frequencies in the reading of infrequent verb forms Previous research has shown that readers prefer orthographic representations closely reflecting the words' pronunciations and morphological structures. Furthermore, readers prefer words with high frequency letter sequences. The present study investigated the interaction of these preferences. In a self-paced reading experiment, we compared the processing of correctly and incorrectly spelled past-participles used attributively in Dutch (e.g., gehate). Some of the correct forms only reflect the words' pronunciations (e.g., gehate, with the corresponding past-participle gehaat), others also reflect morphological structure (e.g., gewiede, containing the past-participle gewied), while a third group also contain frequent letter sequences (e.g., ingekorte). The reaction times demonstrate that readers show normal reading behavior only for correct forms reflecting morphological structure (gewiede and ingekorte). If the incorrect (gehaatte), instead of the correct (gehate), pronunciation reflects morphological structure, readers prefer this incorrect form. Morphological structure is thus an important factor in the reading of non-lexicalized regular verb forms. zaal 1.09, 15:30

Ad Foolen, Emar Maier en Wessel Stoop CLS, Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen Het quotatieve van met indirecte rede

Verkuyl beëindigde zijn squib over wat hij het ‘performatieve van’ noemde (Spektator 1976, 481-483) met de opmerking dat in zijn idiolect een zin als Marion dacht van dat die man ze niet alle zeven op een rijtje heeft wel mogelijk was maar dat hij tegelijk de neiging had het als slecht Nederlands af te keuren. Sindsdien is meermaals vastgesteld dat van wel degelijk met indirecte rede voorkomt (zie o.a. Foolen et al. 2006 in TTiA 76, 137-149), maar een systematisch empirisch onderzoek naar frequentie en gebruiksmogelijkheden is nooit eerder uitgevoerd. Wij isoleren alle voorkomens van van met indirecte rede uit het CGN en analyseren vervolgens de variatie in matrixwerkwoorden (zeggen van; vragen van; zoiets hebben van) en afhankelijke zinnen (van dat het geen zin heeft; van wie het gedaan heeft). Onze uiteindelijke vraag is of in principe elke afhankelijke objectzin met van geconstrueerd kan worden en of er factoren aan te wijzen zijn die het gebruik van van in deze context bevorderen of afremmen.


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6 februari 2010

Geertrui Geraets Universiteit Leiden Preposition Stranding in de Dagboeken van Fanny Burney

zaal 1.04, 14:00

In het Engeland van de achtiende eeuw wordt de grammatica van de Engelse taal voor het eerst opschreven in grammatica’s. Een van de voorschriften in deze grammatica’s is dat het beter is om een zin niet te eindigen met een voorzetsel; dit terwijl het eindigen van een zin met een voorzetsel een natuurlijke eigenschap van het Engels is. De oorsprong van deze regel lijkt te komen uit het Latijn, waarin de volgorde object + voorzetsel niet toegestaan is. Als alternatief wordt “pied piping” voorgesteld: de plaatsing van het voorzetsel vóór het relatieve voornaamwoord. Een voorbeeld: who did you bake that cake for? versus for whom did you bake that cake? Om het gebruik en de invloed van grammatica’s op het taalgebruik te illustreren is er een vergelijking gemaakt tussen twee dagboeken van de schrijfster Fanny Burney (1752-1840); het eerste dagboek uit 1768 en een later dagboek uit 1792. D.m.v. een “real-time-studie” zal worden geanalyseerd of preposition stranding afneemt en pied piping toeneemt naarmate de tijd vordert. Margarita Gulian zaal 1.05, 14:00 Universiteit Leiden Reduced clusters in child language productions leave an acoustic trace in the vowel Cluster reduction is a common phenomenon in the word productions of young children, i.e. [dʌk] for truck. The question is where the cluster reduction originates in the speech production mechanism. Possible locations are the lexical representation, during syllabification or during phonetic encoding Levelt et al. (1999). We acoustically analyzed recordings of word productions that were transcribed as having reduced onset clusters where the omitted second consonant was either a liquid or a nasal. These productions were compared to highly similar word productions of the same child around the same period, which contained a single consonant in the target adult form. Productions like [bo:t] for target brood /brot/ (bread) were compared to the production [bo:t] for target boot /bo:t/ (boat). For this purpose, utterances from Dutch speaking toddlers were used. We show that the omitted consonant of liquid and nasal clusters leaves an acoustic trace in the vowel that follows, indicating that the most likely source of the omission in these cluster types is the phonetic representation. Nynke de Haas & Ans van Kemenade CLS, Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen Dialect syntax and the rise of the Northern Subject Rule

zaal 1.04, 14:30

The Northern Subject Rule (NSR) involves variation between zero (-ø) indicative present plural verb endings with adjacent pronominal subjects (Spro) and -s endings with nonadjacent Spro and with nominal subjects (SNP). Evidence from the first comprehensive corpus study of the earliest evidence for the NSR, using the early Middle English (ME) LAEME corpus points towards an origin in the Northern English dialect area, where variation is conditioned by both subject-verb adjacency and subject type, surrounded by a periphery where only the subject effect is stable. We present an analysis of the NSR in which -ø is agreement with Spro in Spec,AgrSP and -s is default agreement, occurring with SNP in a lower syntactic position (cf. Henry 1995) and variably when nonadjacency blocks agreement (cf. Bobaljik 2002). We argue that the


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6 februari 2010

presence of multiple subject positions throughout Middle and Modern English nonstandard varieties, coupled with morphological variation which reached a peak first in Northern ME, resulted in the rise of the NSR and later in variant types in other English dialects. Liliane Haegeman & Marjo van Koppen University of Ghent/GIST. Utrecht University/UiL-OTS The non-existence of a phi-feature dependency between C and T

zaal 0.05, 11:30

Several proposals suggest a φ-feature dependency between T and C (cf. a.o. Zwart 1993; Chomsky 2005): i.e. T and C share one set of features. In most (if not all) of these proposals the core piece of empirical evidence is Complementizer Agreement, i.e. agreement between the complementizer and the embedded subject see (1) (cf. a.o. Haegeman 1992; Zwart 1993; Carstens 2002). On the basis of two sets of CA data we conclude that there is no φ-feature dependency between T and C, but that they must each be endowed with a discrete set of φfeatures. Furthermore, we provide counterarguments to the analysis of Complementizer Agreement based on prosodic phrasing or linear adjacency (contra Kathol 2001, Ackema & Neeleman 2004, Zwart 2006). zaal 1.08, 15:30

Daniel Currie Hall Meertens Instituut Probing the unnatural

Mielke (2004, 2008) presents a range of phonological phenomena that pose a challenge to theories of universal phonological features because they appear to involve "unnatural classes"---i.e., sets of segments that pattern together phonologically, but which cannot be represented as natural classes in standard feature theories. The purpose of this talk is to examine some of these cases in more detail, and thereby to show some of the ways in which it is possible for the appearance of unnatural classes to arise from various interactions of processes applying to natural classes. In Bukusu, for example, Mielke claims that there is a rule of nasal deletion triggered by the unnatural class of nasals and fricatives. Deletion of nasals before nasals, however, can be attributed to homorganic nasal assimilation and degemination, each of which is independently motivated; positing a unitary process of nasal deletion would ignore the generality of degemination. Other cases to be discussed include Japanese, Kiowa, and Pero. Esther Hanssen, Arina Banga, Anneke Neijt, Robert Schreuder zaal 1.08, 9:30 Radboud University Nijmegen From pictures to pronunciation: The co-occurrence of speech variants in plurals and compounds Dutch plural -en is pronounced as [ə], [ən] or [n] in different regions of the country. In this study, we compared the pronunciation of plural nouns (noten kraken 'to crack nuts') with the pronunciation of linking en in compounds (notenkraker 'nutcracker'), because some scholars claim that both are similar (Neijt et al. 2004; Schreuder et al. 1998), whereas others claim that they are not (Booij and Van Santen 1998). Our aim is to investigate whether linking elements and plural endings are pronounced similarly. We tested 121 participants, all students of MBO schools, in five regions: North (Heerenveen), East (Doetinchem), Middle (Barneveld), South (Roermond) and West (Rijnsburg). If plural endings and linking elements are pronounced differently, our study would falsify the hypothesis from Neijt and Schreuder.


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6 februari 2010

William Harwood Generative Initiatives in Syntactic Theory English Subject Positions: a Cartographic Approach

zaal 0.06, 14:00

This topic aims to show, within the cartographic framework, that subjects either do not originate within the spec of VP, or raise without being required by the EPP constraint. Subjects are believed to originate within Spec-VP and raise in SVO languages to occupy the specifier of a higher phrase to satisfy the EPP. Evidence for the internality of the subject within VPs comes from existential constructions such There were three men waiting at the station in which the subject position is filled by the expletive there, preventing the real subject (the associate) from raising out of its VP-internal position. However, sentences such as There were three men patiently waiting at the station in which the adverb patiently intervenes between the associate and the verb, demonstrates, according to the cartographic approach, that the associate either inexplicably raises out of the specifier of VP and to the left of the adverb despite the EPP already being satisfied by the expletive there, or originates in a higher position altogether. zaal 1.04, 10:30 Xuliang He1, Vincent J. van Heuven2 and Carlos Gussenhoven1 Centre for Language and Communication, Radboud University Nijmegen 2 Leiden University Centre for Linguistics Acceptability of Dutch intonation patterns as judged by native and Chinese speakers of Dutch 1

Twenty-six sentences making up a coherent episode were recorded with one correct (optimal) and three suboptimal or incorrect intonation patterns. These materials were presented to 20 native Dutch listeners and 20 Chinese learners of Dutch, in the order in which they appeared in the episode. The Chinese learners’ length of residence in the Netherlands was between 3 months and 22 years; all had at least a working command of Dutch. Listeners indicated the melodic version (from four alternatives per fragment) which they considered optimal, with forced choice. The native Dutch listeners singled out the correct melody significantly more often (83%) than the Chinese listeners (53%). Moreover, when the Dutch listeners did not select the optimal version, they strongly converged on one alternative, while the Chinese learners’ error responses were more evenly distributed over the alternatives, with entropy values of 0.25 and 0.79 bit, respectively. High-proficiency Chinese listeners (as determined from expert pronunciation ratings) were more often correct and showed greater consistency in their error responses than low-proficiency listeners. Ben Hermans Meertens Instituut The strength of posttonic syllables in Riustringer Old Frisian

zaal 1.05, 16:00

In Riustringer Old Frisian high vowels are lowered to mid after a stressed heavy syllable or after two light syllables. A mid vowel immediately following a stressed light syllable is raised to high. These distributional patterns are known as Vowel Balance. Tradition considers the lowering component of VB to be weakening. This is wrong on typological grounds. Crosslinguistically, lowering typically applies in strong positions. This necessitates a reinterpretation of VB, which is possible if we rely on the moraic trochee. Assuming this foot, it is easy to maintain that lowering applies in a foot's head, which is a strong position. This makes lowering well behaved from a typological point of view. The raising component of VB now also fits with typology, because it applies in a foot's dependent, which is a weak position.


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The reshuffling of weak and strong I will be proposing finds independent support in two other processes of the language: Metaphonic Harmony and Stress Dependent Harmony. Arjan van Hessen1, Ton van der Wouden2 & Hans Bennis3 1 Universiteit Twente, 2 Universiteit Leiden, 3 Meertens Instituut Tools en data voor taalwetenschappers

zaal 1.05, 12:00

CLARIN is een grootschalig Europees samenwerkingsprogramma dat erop gericht is, bestaande talige hulpbronnen en technologie op elkaar af te stemmen en ze via centrale servers voor alle onderzoekers beschikbaar te maken. Het idee achter CLARIN is dat de talige technologieën en data die de afgelopen decennia ontwikkeld zijn, nog te veel alleen door de TST-onderzoekers zelf worden gebruikt. Buiten die TST-community bestaat er nauwelijks besef van wat er allemaal mogelijk is. CLARIN richt zich daarom nadrukkelijk op alle wetenschappers uit de humaniora en de sociale wetenschappen om hen te overtuigen van de zegeningen die de verschillende bestaande talige hulpmiddelen en instrumenten kunnen bieden voor computerondersteunde taalverwerking. In onze voordracht zullen we proberen te laten zien wat de Nederlandse taalkundige gemeenschap mogelijkerwijs aan CLARIN kan hebben, en omgekeerd. zaal 0.03, 14:30

Jack Hoeksema RU Groningen Grading modal expressions

Modal adjectives and auxiliaries denoting mere possibility do not combine freely with degree modifiers. Combinations such as a bit impossible or highly possible are out, while others show signs of a meaning shift: very possible actually means very likely. Based on a corpus study, I discuss this phenomenon for English and Dutch, and explore the special status of degree modification in this area. The role of adverbs such as well/goed will be outlined and treated as a special type of degree modification, following earlier work by Kennedy and McNally (1999). Eric Hoekstra Fryske Akademy, Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts & Sciences Negative polarity and Compounding (Weinig Veel-)

zaal 0.06, 11:00

In my talk, I investigate the distribution of the quantifier folle 'many, much' in Frisian, as compared to its Dutch equivalent veel. Data will be presented which support the following two differences between folle and veel: (i) folle is a negative polarity item, veel is not (ii) veel is regularly used in compounds whereas folle is not The concept 'many, much' is expressed in non-polarity contexts by using an indefinite DP, consisting of the indefinite determiner in 'a' (Dutch 'een') followed by a noun denoting a large quantity such as soad 'lot', which has lost its original meaning ('a quantity of food that is cooked'). This alternation is also known from other languages and from other quantifiers. An attempt will be made to derive these facts from the theory of Postma (1995).


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6 februari 2010

zaal 0.03, 16:00

Helen de Hoop Radboud University Nijmegen Optimal passives in Biak

Passive sentences are rare in Biak, an Austronesian language of Papua (van den Heuvel 2006). Aissen (1999) argues that passives are sometimes a better choice than active sentences when the patient is more prominent than the agent (or alternatively, when the agent is less prominent than the patient). Prominence can be measured along the referentiality/animacy hierarchy or in terms of discourse prominence (de Swart 2007). For example, when the patient is a local pronoun some languages favour the use of a passive. In other languages, such as English, it is not person or animacy per se, but rather prominence in the discourse, which of course often goes in hand in hand with person, definiteness, and animacy. By contrast, in Biak, passives seem to only occur with inanimate patients, which are at the lower end of Silverstein's hierarchy. In my talk I will try to give an account of this striking fact. zaal 0.06, 15:30

Juliette Huber LUCL Relative clauses in Makalero

Makalero, a non-Austronesian language of East Timor, exhibits relative clauses, a structure generally absent in the languages of the region. Relative clause marking in Makalero is centred on the relative clause’s subject, regardless of whether this subject functions as the head of the relative clause or whether it is an argument within the relative clause. This results in an interesting mixture of head-marking and dependent-marking strategies, as illustrated in the examples below; the extent of the relative clauses is marked with square brackets. (i) [Namiraa=[wa ei ena]RC were]NP hai la’a. ‘The man who saw you left.’ Man=REL

(ii)

2s see

DEM

NSIT

go

[Namiraa [ei=wa ena]RC were]NP hai

la’a.

Man

go

2s=REL

see

DEM

NSIT

‘The man whom you saw left.’

A variety of other relative clause marking patterns with =wa will also be discussed, presenting a full picture of this typologically unusual feature of Makalero. Adrienn Jánosi HU Brussel Case and definiteness in long-distance split topicalization in Hungarian

(alternate)

In this talk I examine the interaction between long-distance split topicalization and case and definiteness marking in Hungarian. As (1) shows, the moved DP-portion can show up in a case different from that of the remnant left behind in the base position. (1)

A vonatjegyet mondta Peter hogy elsıosztályúval tudott the train.ticketACC said Peter that first.class.INSTR could3SG ‘Peter said that he could travel with a first-class train ticket.’

utazni. travelINF

Moreover, the moved DP-portion is optionally accompanied by the definite article a ‘the’ in spite of the fact that the discontinuous DP is indefinite (cf. the translation of (1)). Note the differences between (1) and its in situ counterpart: (2)

Peter azt Peter thatACC

mondta hogy said that

elsıosztályú first.class.

vonatjeggyel tudott train.ticket.INSTR could3SG

utazni. travelINF

I argue that both case and definiteness are assigned by the matrix verb mondta ‘said’ and will explore the theoretical consequences of this analysis.


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6 februari 2010

Peter Jordens VU Universiteit Amsterdam Taalverwerving: van een lexicaal naar een functioneel systeem

zaal 1.09, 12:00

Het taalsysteem van beginnende taalleerders van het Nederlands is een eenvoudig lexicaal systeem. Met dit lexicale basic language systeem hebben taalleerders de beschikking over twee typen uitingen. Uitingen mét een modaal element voor het uitdrukken van een actie en uitingen zónder een modaal element voor het uitdrukken van een toestand of een verandering. In het systeem van de basic language komen morfologische opposities zoals de markering van tijd en het gebruik van de persoonsvorm als uitdrukkingsvorm van finietheid niet voor. Afwezig zijn verder functiewoorden (lidwoorden, hulpwerkwoorden) en anaforisch gebruikte pronomina. Ook heeft het basic language systeem geen variatie in woordvolgorde. Op een bepaald moment in het verwervingsproces wordt het lexicaal-semantische basic language systeem opgegeven ten gunste van een complexer morpho-syntactisch systeem. Daardoor kunnen functionele eigenschappen van finietheid, topicaliteit, het determiner systeem etc. worden uitgedrukt. De vraag is: hoe verloopt dit proces en wat is de driving force? Caroline Junge zaal 1.09, 10:30 Max Planck Instituut voor psycholinguïstiek Woordenschat met 2 jaar hangt samen met snelle woordherkenning met 10 maanden Omdat baby's voornamelijk continue spraak horen is het voor hun taalontwikkeling cruciaal dat ze woorden kunnen segmenteren uit uitingen. Kooijman et al. ( 2005) gebruikte EEG om te kijken of 10-maanden-oude baby's woorden konden herkennen in zinnetjes nadat ze deze eerst 10 keer los hadden gehoord. Dit konden ze. Omdat EEG een uitstekende on-line maat voor woordherkenning is, onderzoeken we nu de grenzen van de familiarisatie periode. Kunnen ze een onbekend woord ook herkennen als ze het slechts één keer eerder hoorden in een zin? Niet alle 28 geteste baby's van 10 maanden lieten het verwachte effect van woordherkenning zien. Als echter gekeken wordt naar hun woordenschatontwikkeling met twee jaar, dan lieten alleen die kinderen met een relatief grotere woordenschat het verwachte effect zien. De correlatie tussen het effect van woordherkenning en latere woordenschat was groot (r²= 0.29; p <.001). Het vermogen om woorden te segmenteren van continue spraak hangt dus samen met latere taalontwikkeling. Baby's die met 10 maanden al vlug woorden konden herkennen kennen later meer woorden. Jacqueline van Kampen and Rianne Schippers Uil OTS, Utrecht University Particles and prepositions in acquisition

zaal 0.05, 14:00

It has been claimed that P-stranding in a language co-occurs with the presence of particle verbs (Stowell 1981). The question is why. What has [tNP P V]/[V P tNP] to do with [particle+V]/[V+particle]? Hornstein & Weinberg (1981) propose that a reanalysis rule turns [V+P] into a single V. A corpus study of child Dutch reveals that 1. Particles are among the first predicate elements in two-word constructions. 2. P-stranding takes place in a surprisingly unconstrained way as compared to the adult grammar (+/-pro, +/-animate Van Kampen 1996, Schippers 2007). - weet je welke ik met speel? - ik weet niet wie ik op verliefd ben. - dat elastiek heb ik mijn voeten op gezet. - (tekening), die ik gekleurd op heb.


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6 februari 2010

The core case is pseudopassives (Van Riemsdijk 1978). However, passives with a PP do not

occur in child language. How should we analyze adult occurrences like “Want wij worden naar gekeken of wij wel ordentlijk spreken” (Betje Wolff & Aagje Deken), “De versnellingen moeten worden naar gekeken” (Marktplaats 10-10-2009)? Folgert Karsdorp en Barend Beekhuizen zaal 1.05, 11:00 Institut für Deutsche und Niederländische Philologie, FU Berlin, MPhil Linguistics, Universiteit Leiden De rol van abstractie bij categorisatie. Het modelleren van de Nederlandse superlatiefalternantie Het Nederlands kent twee manieren om de superlatief te vormen: morfologisch (ADJECTIEF + -st) en perifrastisch (meest + ADJECTIEF). Onderzoek naar determinanten van deze alternantie geeft aan dat sprekers op basis van probabilistische informatie hun keuze moeten maken. Dit gegeven noodt tot het bepalen van de aard van het cognitieve categorisatiemodel dat ten grondslag ligt aan die keuze. In dit paper nemen we het Memory-Based Learning model (Daelemans & van den Bosch 2005) als uitgangspunt en onderzoeken we één aspect van de discussie over categorisatie, namelijk het niveau van abstractie van de kennis die gebruikt wordt bij de superlatiefformatie. In plaats van een binaire opvatting (kennis bestaat slechts uit exemplars óf is volledig abstract) gebruiken we clusteranalytische technieken om de dimensie van abstractie als een schaal te operationaliseren. Mana Kobuchi-Philip UiL-OTS, Utrecht University Japanese Shika ‘Only’ and Its Negative Component

zaal 0.04, 10:00

In the simplest form, the Japanese focus particle shika ‘only’ attaches to a nominal element X, forming [X-shika]. Syntactically [X-shika] is a predicate modifier. Semantically it denotes exclusion like English [except X]. I will show that, pragmatically, [X-shika] has a presupposition that the focused element X is ‘less than expected’, like English [only X] (Beaver and Clark 2008). Unlike English except and only, shika must cooccur with a negative predicate (with the morpheme nai ‘not’), behaving like an NPI. However, unlike e.g. English NPI any, an if-clause, for example, cannot license [X-shika]. In this talk, I argue that the syntax, downward monotonicitiy, and the assertion including the negative meaning together lead to the requirement of the negative predicate. That is, at least for Japanese exclusive shika, the negative component is a formal semantic property, more explicitly than English only (e.g. Horn 2002). Net Koene zaal 1.08, 13:30 www.netkoene.com Het verband tussen taal en werkelijkheid geïllustreerd aan eenvoudige zinsconstructies. Het ‘grammaticale onderwerp’ van zowel positieve als negatieve zinnen kan op verschillende manieren gebruikt worden; een spreker kan met (bij voorbeeld) een kater verwijzen naar een onverwisselbare kater, of de identiteit onbeslist laten, of verwijzen naar iedere willekeurige kater, of met het predicaat de betekenis van kater definiëren. Dit mag een probleem lijken voor de taalkundige, feit is dat de hoorder direct begrijpt waar de spreker het over heeft. We kunnen dit verklaren door stap voor stap na te gaan wat zich afspeelt in het hoofd van de hoorder; het toneel van handelen is zijn bewustzijn, voortkomend uit zijn brein. Vragen:


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welke taalvormen herkent de hoorder in wat de spreker zegt (waaronder prosodische vormen), welke gestalte neemt de informatie aan (een minimale mentale schets die door variatie in intonatie en ritme op verschillende manieren aangevuld wordt), en hoe legt de hoorder verband met de wereld (door versmelting van de mentale schets en de bedoelde situatie voor zover die in zicht komt). De verschillende gebruiksmogelijkheden blijken strikt systematisch. Olaf Koeneman University of Amsterdam Is agreement resolution part of core grammar?

(alternate)

In this talk, I will raise the question in the title rather than answer it. I start out with the simple sentence in (1), which is ungrammatical. (1) *The guys walks through the park. But why? Is it because syntax tries to combine non-matching constituents, or has morphology failed to pick the right affix? To find out, we must look at more complex data. I consider basic conjunction and disjunction structures in Dutch and conclude that they complicate rather than solve the issue. Since syntax sometimes tolerates feature mismatches, it is unclear how it can account for ungrammaticality. Disjunctions seem sensitive to morphological syncretisms but to rule out the ungrammatical cases morphology must be allowed to see the subject. Conjunctions require semantic agreement but in order to be compatible with the model of grammar proposed in Chomsky (1995), semantics must be allowed to interpret agreement. Finally, local solutions at one interface easily lead to problems at the other. Olaf Koeneman & Alies MacLean Universiteit van Amsterdam & Meertens Instituut An empirical approach to morphological indeterminacy

zaal 0.05, 10:30

There exists a significant indeterminacy in how the verbal agreement paradigm of Standard Dutch should be analyzed by morphological theory. Do we for instance accept a bivalent feature system or only privative features? Can affixes express several features or only one? Do we assume impoverishment rules, or not? Is there a default affix? If so, is it the –t because it occurs in 3rd person contexts, the –Ø because it is non-overt, or –en because it occurs in most contexts? We approach this problem of indeterminacy by defining different analyses (i.e., different sets of assumptions) and see how they handle the vast morphological variation observable over 594 ‘dialects’ of Dutch (documented in the MAND database). This allows us to formulate quantitative measures that rank the analyses according to successfulness. In addition, it allows us to formulate qualitative problems for each analysis. The result will be a better understanding of the empirical consequences of the possible assumptions and the solution required within particular analyses.


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zaal 1.09, 11:30

M.J.H. van Koert Rijksuniversiteit Groningen Nee nee motorbike here

Cross-linguistic influence in simultaneous bilingual children has been a matter of debate. There are linguists who believe that bilingual children develop their languages separately, as if they were two monolinguals simultaneously (De Houwer, 1990). And there are linguists who think that grammatical patterns from one language may be used in the other, resulting in cross-linguistic influence (Hulk, 2000). This thesis investigated cross-linguistic influence in the negation development of an EnglishDutch bilingual child (1;06-2;03). English and Dutch negation is comparable, yet there are differences which the child may overgeneralise from one language to another, in (1). The method adopted in this thesis compared monolingual (Hoekstra and Jordens, 1994) and bilingual negation development (Schelleter, 2000). The bilingual child’s development largely conformed to his English and Dutch monolingual peers. Nevertheless, some non-target structures indicated that the child transferred English patterns to Dutch, in (2). The findings thus support a cross-linguistic influence hypothesis. zaal 0.32, 15:30

Erwin R. Komen Radboud University of Nijmegen Clefts as a repair strategy

A cleft transforms a single clause into two clauses, providing more possibilities to comply with clause-bound restrictions on features such as negation, agreement and prosody. French, for instance, has a restriction that disallows focus on a grammatical subject. The avoir-cleft changes the subject into a direct object in its first clause, thereby allowing it to be focused, while complying with the subject constraint (Lambrecht 1994). The scope of monoclausal negation in English is ambiguous between the presupposition and the assertion. A cleft divides the sentence’s assertion and presupposition over two clauses, allowing negation to fine-tune on them individually (Lambrecht 2001). This paper illustrates two more cases where the cleft surfaces as a strategy to repair misinterpretations. Negative concord normally blocks sentence negation in Chechen clauses containing a negative quantifier, but when a cleft is used, one clause contains the negative quantifier, while the other has no restriction on sentence negation. The second case is a diachronic one. When early English lost its ability to express one particular focus type by means of word order, a cleft construction took over. Olga Krasnoukhova Radboud University Nijmegen Classifying morphemes: Focus on NPs in the languages of South America

zaal 0.06, 16:30

The paper deals with classifying morphemes occurring on constituents within the noun phrase in the indigenous languages of South America. The continent harbors a large number of languages with quite diverse and intricate systems of nominal classification. For instance, van der Voort (2009) and Seifart and Payne (2007) show that languages spoken in the Southwestern and Northwestern Amazon regions have classifying morphemes displaying a rich blend of properties of several types of nominal classification. The classifiers in question can occur on nouns, verbs, adjectival elements, numerals, demonstrative and interrogative pronouns, with a different degree of ‘obligatoriness’.


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Considering languages from different language families, I will focus on the use of classifying morphemes on constituents forming an NP, and will look at the pattern of functions they display. Damien Laflaquiere Université Charles de Gaulle, Lille Remarks on the syntax of prenominal infinitival constructions in English

zaal 0.06, 10 :00

Unlike participial forms, infinitival modifiers are generally disallowed in prenominal position in English. Exception to the rule are infinitival constructions that resemble phrasal compounds, as illustrated in (1). (1) a soon-to-be published and damning report. The construction is characterised by two major syntactic constraints: the obligatory presence of a short adverb in front of the infinitive particle and the use of a raising predicate, whose implicit subject is coreferential with the noun the construction precedes. Internally, prenominal infinitival constructions have all the properties of the so-called reduced relatives, though the constraint on raising predicates indicates that the class of reduced relatives can be further subdivided. Externally, the compactness of the construction results in part from a high degree of lexicalisation, as shown by a corpus analysis. But it is also a consequence of the prenominal position itself, whose members are subject to a head final filter. The general acceptability of prenominal infinitival constructions is therefore an indication of a process that opacifies their internal structure Monique Lamers, Kees de Schepper & Josefien Sweep zaal 0.32, 16:30 VU Amsterdam, Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen, Universiteit van Amsterdam Case matters: Differences in argument linearization between Dutch and German Psycholinguistic studies provide ample evidence that in Dutch there is a strong structural preference for subject-before-object sentences. In German, however, this so-called subjectfirst preference seems to be less robust. In many studies it has been shown that for sentences in which verbs are used that assign dative case, it is the object-before-subject order that is preferred. The question arises whether the difference in word order preference can be explained by the difference in overt case marking between these two languages. To answer this question we performed a German and a Dutch sentence production study. In both studies verbs with different characteristics were used, in such a way that it became possible to isolate the influence of case marking from other factors that might influence the linearization of the arguments (i.e. the selection restrictions of the verb, animacy, thematic role assignment). Based on the results we will argue that argument linearization in Dutch and German is a multifactorial phenomenon in which case marking in German does indeed play a role. C.H. Lin Universiteit Leiden The utterance-final particle la in Taiwan Mandarin

zaal 0.32, 16:00

Previous studies claim that the Mandarin spoken in Taiwan differs from mainland Mandarin due to the influence of Taiwanese Southern Min. This paper explores the use of the utterancefinal particle la in spontaneous conversations in both these languages. I propose that there are two types of la in Taiwan Mandarin, fused la and simplex la, whereas mainland Mandarin only has one, fused la. I argue that the simplex la in Taiwan Mandarin serves to mark an upcoming elaboration, in which usage it resembles la in Taiwan Southern Min. My results support the claim that the use of la in Taiwan Mandarin has been shaped through contact with


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Taiwan Southern Min, which in turn supports the claim that differences between the Taiwan and mainland varieties of Mandarin are the result of influence from Taiwan Southern Min. Anna Lobanova Artificial Intelligence, University of Groningen Automatic Extraction of Verbal Antonymy

zaal 1.05, 11:30

Being one of the most frequent lexical relations, antonymy is useful for many NLP applications including automatic identification of Contrast relations (Marcu & Echihabi 2002). Yet, because antonymy is little understood, available lexical resources used for such tasks capture only a small set of well-known antonyms. For example, in Dutch WordNet antonymy is represented only for 0.3% of the noun synsets and 1.5% of verb synsets (Vossen et al. 1999). Lobanova et al. (2009) have shown that antonyms can be extracted automatically by means of lexico-syntactic patterns like the difference between and . However, most of the antonyms they found were nominal or adjectival. We extended previous work to automatically identify verbal antonyms. Unlike nouns and adjectives, verbal antonyms do not often co-occur in short lexico-syntactic patterns, however, they do co-occur within sentences. We modified the method to capture this difference and applied it to a corpus of Dutch. The results suggest that our method can be used for extraction of verbal antonyms. zaal 0.06, 15:00

Sara Lusini LUCL Yes/no question marking in Sienese

This paper aims at presenting a previously undiscussed set of data drawn from Sienese, following up on other accounts of yes/no question-marking strategies in central and southern Italian varieties (cf. Cruschina 2009). In Sienese, yes/no questions are introduced by che, optionally followed by a finite form of the verb fare (=do), which shares the same phi- and tense features of the lexical verb. A similar pattern is found in Sicilian, altough fare is invariable. The Sicilian form is unproblematic: it can be analyzed as a single complex interrogative C, similar to invariable est-ce que in French (Rooryck 1994). Instead, the Sienese form might look like a biclausal sentence involving two questions at first sight. I show that its underlying structure is in fact monoclausal. My arguments are as follows: 1. fare must share the same phi- and tense features of the lower predicate 2. fare cannot be negated 3. subjects cannot occur between fare and the lower predicate 4. fare can combine with verbs that do not assign an agentive theta role to their subjects. Emar Maier, Peia Prawiro-Atmodjo, Kees de Schepper, en Martine Zwetszaal 0.32, 12:00 Radboud University Nijmegen, Centre for Language Studies Towards a two-way person distinction in sign languages It is traditionally assumed that the pronominal system of every language makes at least three person distinctions. Using data from native NGT informants, we argue that sign languages grammaticalize only the first vs non-first distinction. A non-first pronoun can be (i) a demonstrative pointing at an actually present referent, e.g. the addressee, or (ii) a pointing to a more abstract discourse referent previously established in the signing space. We aim to show that there is nothing in the grammar of a pronoun that sets a pointing to an addressee apart from any other pointing at an actually (or 'virtually') present individual. Against Berenz' use


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of the 'body coordinates model' to distinguish 2nd and 3rd, we propose that eyegaze/point/head alignment is not a grammatical factor, but a by-product of a more general pragmatic principle: look at the person you are addressing. Strong evidence for our proposal is our finding that NGT allows non-addressee directed imperatives, comparable to Mastop's Dutch 3rd person imperative "Laat hij het zelf maar oplossen!". Ora Matushansky (UiL OTS/Utrecht University/CNRS/Université Paris-8 A bracketing paradox in privative adjective formation

zaal 0.06, 11 :30

Denominal adjective formation frequently expresses privation or possession: (1) a. trëx- nog- ij c. trëx mernyj leg LF-MSG three-GEN measure ADJ LF-MSG three-GEN three-legged three-dimensional b.beznog- ij d. bezmernyj without leg LF-MSG without measure ADJ LF-MSG legless measureless In Russian, the choice of the adjectivizing suffix appears to be determined by the nominal stem and not affected by the prior addition of a numeral or the preposition: nouns denoting body parts combine with a zero suffix, while all others require the suffix ĭn . As this is by far not the only such apparent bracketing paradox in Russian morphology, I will examine the factors leading to such effects and demonstrate that their resolution can require appealing to both lexical semantics and word-internal syntax. Ora Matushansky and Merijn de Dreu UiL OTS/Utrecht University/CNRS/Université Paris-8, UiL OTS Copular incorporations and related phenomena

zaal 0.06, 13:30

For several languages, among which Erzya (Turunen 2006), Akkadian (Huehnergard 1986) and West-Greenlandic (Mey 1968), it has been suggested that non-verbal predicates appear with so-called “predicative suffixes”: (1) Tago valm-alo-tado! (Erzya, Syatko 1: 14, 13 via Turunen 2006) again window-under-2PL You are again under the window! We will examine the languages in question and demonstrate that in reality predication there is expressed by the mechanisms of phonological cliticization of the copular verb (Erzya, Turkish), of phonological cliticization of personal pronouns (Akkadian) or of noun incorporation (West-Greenlandic). They therefore provide no evidence for the existence of suffixes whose semantics would create predicates, and cannot be used to argue for the existence of the small clause head Pred0 (Bowers 1993, 2001). Alice Middag Leiden University The Dutch letters of Jean Malherbe (1741-1800)

zaal 1.08, 11:30

In this talk I will present the L2-acquisition of Dutch by a French native speaker during the eighteenth century. In 1782, Jean Malherbe married a Dutch wife, Christina van Steensel, which forced him to be an L2-learner of Dutch. Some of his attempts to acquire Dutch are kept in the form of letters, and in this talk I want to present an overview of the main characteristics of his Dutch. First, Jean Malherbe’s Dutch does not reflect much interference


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from French, but rather imperfect learning: he overgeneralizes some grammatical patterns of usage, but does not automatically borrow structures from French. Furthermore, although his Dutch is far from perfect, my data show that he approached the language in a very structured way. Finally, a comparison with his native French shows that his register of French is higher than his register of Dutch, which might be due to the fact that his wife was raised in a lower social environment than the environment Jean himself frequented, at least professionally so. Anneke Neijt en Robert Schreuder Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen Invloed van muzikaliteit op klemtoontoekenning

zaal 1.08, 14:30

Ernestus en Neijt (Linguistics 2008) rapporteren over een experiment waarin proefpersonen de plaats van klemtoon aangeven in pseudowoorden van drie of vier syllaben lang. Anders dan gangbare theorieën voorspellen, blijken de proefpersonen die plaats niet te bepalen op basis van alleen de laatste drie syllaben. De proefpersonen blijken in het algemeen een voorkeur te hebben voor klemtoon op de eerste syllabe en voor klemtoonafwisselende syllaben, maar er is veel variatie. We hebben nader onderzoek gedaan naar deze variatie, vanuit de veronderstelling dat klemtoontoekenning verband kan houden met iemands muzikale achtergrond. Het blijkt dat proefpersonen die zichzelf muzikaal noemen, sneller en accurater zijn in het aanwijzen van de plaats van klemtoon in bestaande woorden dan proefpersonen die van zichzelf zeggen dat ze niet muzikaal zijn. Judith Nobels en Tanja Simons zaal 1.08, 14:00 Universiteit Leiden Dubbel en dwars: de spelling van de reductievocaal in zeventiende- en achttiende-eeuwse brieven In de jaren zeventig van vorige eeuw beschreef W.J.H. Caron de geschiedenis van de uitspraak van de reductievocaal in onbeklemtoonde syllaben. In het hedendaags Nederlands komt die vocaal als een sjwa voor, bijvoorbeeld in het lidwoord de. Maar Carons conclusie was dat in vorige eeuwen een palatalere uitspraak, omschreven als een korte [e], gebruikelijk was (1973). Pas recent is weer aandacht besteed aan dit fenomeen. Gaspar (2007) beweert twee opmerkelijke spellingsvormen in onder andere achttiende-eeuwse brieven gevonden te hebben die de palatale uitspraak reflecteren. Wij zullen Gaspars hypotheses met betrekking tot die speciale spellingsvormen toetsen aan de hand van zeventiende- en achttiende-eeuws materiaal uit het Leidse Brieven-als-buitcorpus, dat informeel taalgebruik bevat uit alle lagen van de bevolking. Zijn de opmerkelijke spellingen ook in deze brieven te vinden en is het waarschijnlijk dat ze een palatale uitspraak weergeven? Laten beide eeuwen een gelijkaardig of een verschillend beeld zien? We hopen aan de hand van ons unieke bronnenmateriaal dit intrigerende onderwerp uit de Nederlandse taalgeschiedenis te kunnen reconstrueren. zaal 0.03, 15:00

Rick Nouwen Utrechts Instituut voor Linguistiek OTS Intensifiers

In the semantic literature on degree, there has been surprisingly little research into the semantics of intensifiers or boosters (i.e. expressions like "very", "extremely", "amazingly", etc.) It is commonly assumed that intensifiers shift the standard of comparison of a gradable predicate, either directly by modifying this standard or indirectly by modifying the comparison class. There is very little


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data that can corroborate whether such analyses are on the right track. In this talk, I want to critically examine various theoretical options with respect to a varied set of data. Rachel Nye GIST: Universiteit Gent How cool is that! A syntactic account of how pseudo-questions in English

zaal 0.06, 14:30

Where interrogative form is associated with a function other than the canonical one of questioning, the issue of whether this should be regarded as a pragmatic effect, or instead attributed to structural differences has been debated (see N. McCawley (1973), Huddleston (1993)). I explore this issue with reference to a class of contemporary English structures, such as (1) and (2), which I term how pseudo-questions (HPQs) and which, to my knowledge, have not previously been discussed in the literature. (1) How cool is that! (2) How very healthy am I! Although frequently string-identical to how-degree questions (HDQs), HPQs are not used as requests for information. Moreover, they are differentiated from both standard and rhetorical questions in terms of their semantic behaviour, performing like canonical exclamatives on a range of tests. On the hypothesis that meaning is derived compositionally, I propose that HPQs differ structurally from HDQs, with the how-phrase raising to a higher functional projection within the CP layer in the former than in the latter. Sandrien van Ommen Rijksuniversiteit Groningen Lenition and the asymmetry in mutual intelligibility of Danish and Swedish

zaal 1.08, 16:00

The three mainland Scandinavian languages (Danish, Swedish, Norwegian) are so closely related that speakers mostly communicate in their own languages (semicommunication). However, the mutual intelligibility between these languages has been found to be asymmetrical. This is particularly the case between Danish and Swedish , where Danish is very difficult to understand for Swedish listeners while Swedish is more easily understood by Danish listeners. Part of the explanation for this asymmetry may be phonetic. This study combines production and perception, focusing on the lenition of intervocalic stop consonants in Danish and the effect of this lenition on Danish-Swedish mutual intelligibility. A phonetic analysis shows the lenition of intervocalic stop consonants in Danish and a discriminant analysis, mimicking Danish and Swedish language users, shows a similar asymmetry in mutual intelligibility as has been found in previous studies with real-life subjects. Ellen Ormel & Daan Hermans Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen Tweetalige processen tijdens visuele woordherkenning door dove kinderen

zaal 0.32, 10:00

Hoewel bekend is dat er een positieve relatie bestaat tussen gebarentaalvaardigheden en leesvaardigheden, zijn studies naar de architectuur van het taalsysteem van dove kinderen beperkt. We hebben onderzocht of dove kinderen hun kennis in gebarentaal (NGT) gebruiken tijdens de herkenning van geschreven woorden. Allereerst voerden de dove kinderen een gebaar-plaatje verificatietaak uit waarin de invloed van iconiciteit en gebarenfonologie op gebaarherkenning werden onderzocht. De dove kinderen herkenden sterk iconische gebaren sneller en beter dan zwak iconische gebaren. Bovendien werden fonologisch gerelateerde gebaar-plaatje paren werden trager en slechter herkend dan niet fonologisch gerelateerde paren. Dezelfde effecten werden aangetoond in een woord-plaatje verificatietaak. De kinderen


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herkenden geschreven woorden sneller en beter wanneer onderliggende gebaar vertaalequivalenten sterk iconisch waren in SLN en de woorden werden minder snel en minder goed herkend wanneer de onderliggende gebaarequivalenten van de woorden en plaatjes fonologische overlap vertoonden. Roland Pfau, Martin Salzmann & Markus Steinbach Universiteit Amsterdam, Universität Konstanz & Universität Göttingen Ergative and multiple agreement in sign languages

zaal 0.32, 14:00

Scholars investigating sign language (SL) agreement have argued that agreement (i.e. spatial modulation of a subset of verbs) is thematic, thereby providing a uniform analysis for regular and backwards agreeing verbs (Meir 2002). Based on data from SLs that make use of an agreement auxiliary (e.g. German SL, SL of the Netherlands), we will argue against the thematic agreement analysis (TAA). We will show (i) that agreement on the auxiliary is clearly syntactic; (ii) that occasionally, an uninflected agreeing verb combines with the auxiliary; and (iii) that multiple agreement (on lexical verb and auxiliary) is also attested. These patterns are problematic for the TAA because they show that in certain configurations, syntactic agreement is at play (i) and, what is more, that it is preferred (ii). We propose an analysis that allows for multiple syntactic agreement (Carstens 2001), as also attested in Bantu and other languages, and that reanalyzes apparent thematic agreement as a syntactic agreement that follows an ergative pattern (Müller 2009). Laurent Rasier1, Johanneke Caspers2 & Vincent van Heuven2 1 Université catholique de Louvain & FRS-FNRS, 2 Universiteit Leiden Perceiving prosodic prominence in a second language

(alternate)

In Dutch, prominence differences between the different parts of an utterance generally reflect the respective information value of those parts. In non-native speech, by contrast, the distinction between ‘communicatively important’ and ‘contextually known or less important’ information is not always marked prosodically (e.g. by means of accentuation vs. deaccentuation) (see Rasier 2006, Rasier & Hiligsmann 2007, 2009), which may slow down or even impede the communication with native speakers. In a perception experiment with native and non-native listeners, we investigated the perception of prosodic prominence in Dutch and French – L1 and L2. We wanted to know to what extent prominence differences are actually perceived (if at all) by L1 and L2 listeners and what kind of semantic information they are able to derive from them. In our talk, we will report exploratory data on the issues under investigation. Amélie Rocquet Universiteit Gent /GIST Past-Participle Agreement in French: a Post-syntactic Phenomenon?

zaal 0.05, 11:00

Finite Verb Agreement in φ -features (FVA) is considered to be the result of a subject NP raising to the specifier of the Inflection Phrase (Chomsky 1993, Kayne 1989, Sportiche 1998, among others). In the same way, Past Participle φ –Agreement (PPA) in French is often taken to be the consequence of an object NP raising from the verb’s complement position to the specifier of the Object Agreement Phrase, AgrOP, where it is assigned accusative case (Belletti 2001, Chomsky 1989, 1993, Friedemann & Siloni 1997, Kayne 1989, …).


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However, Icelandic and certain ergative languages show that a finite verb may agree with its object or even with an NP which is not part of its argument structure. This observation leads Bobaljik (2008) to conclude that FVA occurs after the syntactic computation of sentences. In my paper, I will discuss to which extent Bobaljik’s (2008) account of FVA can be applied to the most frequent instances of PPA in French and determine whether PPA can be qualified as a post-syntactic phenomenon. Eddy Ruys UiL-OTS/UU Movement in Culicover & Jackendoff, Simpler Syntax

zaal 0.05, 9:30

I will review Culicover & Jackendoff’s book, focusing on their treatment of movement phenomena. Displacement (or discontinuous dependency) is a tricky problem in Construction Grammar and similar approaches to syntax. The solution proposed in Culicover & Jackendoff’s construction-oriented model of grammar is twofold. For Abar-movement, the solution is not so interesting: a combination of base-generated chains and slash-categories. For A-movement, the solution is interesting, if correct: grammatical functions can be realized outside the construction they are associated with, and then picked up by another construction. The purpose of this review is simply to demonstrate that this proposal doesn’t work. Anna Sáfár & Onno Crasborn Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen, Centre for Language Studies Hand switching in ambidextrous signers of NGT

zaal 0.32, 11:30

The analysis of handedness for signing in the Corpus of NGT (Sign Language of the Netherlands) revealed that a number of signers do not show the expected pattern of preference for one hand (either left or right) in signing. Four signers show more or less equivalent use of the two hands (based on the ratio of glosses on each hand in the annotated part of the corpus). Our study analyses hand dominance and hand switches among these ambidextrous signers. Dominance reversal is defined as the non-preferred hand becoming the active hand for one or several signs, but signers who do not seem to have a preferred hand pose a problem to this definition. By analyzing dominance relations for each sign, we will establish dominance patterns for each signer, creating a detailed profile of their handedness in signing. We will also look at each instance of hand switching and establish whether they are motivated by articulatory, syntactic or discourse factors. Mara van Schaik-Radulescu Universiteit van Amsterdam (Non-)Homogeneity in Dutch impersonal passives of unaccusatives

(alternate)

It has been claimed that the acceptability of unaccusative achievements (e.g., vertrekken ‘depart’, opstijgen ‘take off’, vallen ‘fall’, sterven ‘die’) in Dutch impersonal passive constructions is limited to an iterative or a generic reading of the predicate, which denotes a homogeneous/atelic event (Zaenen 1993), due to the referential demotion of the implicit argument to an unspecified plural/mass reading (Primus 2009). I argue that impersonal passives of unaccusative achievements with an episodic (near)-instantaneous (collective) reading are in fact non-homogeneous, since they pass telicity tests (e.g., ‘at α time’: Om 10.00 werd er vertrokken ‘Departure took place at 10.00’). Achievement predicates are naturally atomic (and telic) and thus bare plural/mass theme arguments do not necessarily make them atelic (Rothstein 2004). It is progressive, distributive, iterative, and generic readings that


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induce an atelic interpretation, distributing the event(s) along a time interval. Moreover, referentially undetermined arguments may be taken contextually to refer to specific individuals. zaal 0.03, 10:30

Jolien Scholten & Ana Aguilar Guevara Universiteit Utrecht Referentiality in NPs

Indefinite NPs, bare singulars and the so-called weak definites differ in their discourse referential properties. While indefinite NPs are good at setting up referents and therefore able to be referred back by a pronoun (1a), bare singulars are not (1b). Concerning weak definites, the intuitions are unclear (1c-d). (1) a. I saw a man. He wore a hat c. I went to the hospital. #It is a brick building b. Max is in jail. #It is a big building d.?I_went_to_the hospital_but_it_was_closed. This talk reports an experiment that assessed these differences. Participants read sentences containing one of the three kinds of NPs above, and continuations with blanks to be filled with an anaphoric NP, which were intended to refer back to the targets. Participants had to choose between pronouns, demonstratives and definites. The main result was that indefinites elicited a significantly higher proportion of pronouns than bare singulars and weak definites, which elicited more definites. This result specially contributes to the still incipient understanding of bare singulars and weak definites. Franziska Scholz Universiteit Leiden Prosodic Phrasing Variation in Wenzhou Chinese

zaal 1.04, 11:30

Disyllabic verb-object combinations in Wenzhou Chinese vary in their prosodic realization: Depending on the degree of lexicalization, they are predicted to either receive a lexical or phrasal prosody, or to allow for both realizations. This claim was experimentally tested with 10 young adult speakers of Wenzhou in three different experimental conditions. Results suggest that prosodic influence is a much more relevant factor than lexicalization: When the speakers were tested on a list of stimuli that only contained verb-object combinations, they realized an average of 82,5% of tokens with phrasal prosody. However, when the verb-object combinations were interspersed with disyllabic compounds with lexical tone sandhi prosody, the speakers adapted their realizations of the verb-object combinations to the prosody of these filler tokens, and realized 88,1% of the verb-object tokens with lexical tone sandhi prosody. These results speak for a much greater variability in the prosodic realization of verb-object combinations than previously assumed, and for a priming effect of surrounding items. Erik Schoorlemmer & Tanja Temmerman Leiden University LUCL Trapped, or escaping? On verbal heads and ellipsis.

(alternate)

There is language variation as to whether or not a verbal head can move out of an ellipsis site. Van Craenenbroeck & Lipták (2008) present strong morphological evidence that ellipsis bleeds verb movement in Hungarian. In Russian, however, verb movement is not blocked by ellipsis (Gribanova 2009).We propose that this variation is due to (i) the size of the ellipsis site and (ii) the way ellipsis and head movement interact in the morphophonological branch of the grammar. The essential cornerstone of our account is the claim that head movement cannot have a landing site within an elided constituent. We argue that this due to head


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movement being an operation that takes place in the PF-component of the grammar (Chomsky 1995 et seq.; Boeckx & Stjepanović 2001) and ellipsis being non-insertion of vocabulary items in the postsyntactic morphological component (Aelbrecht 2009; Saab 2009). Jan Schroten UiL OTS - Utrecht University The Head of Verb+Noun Compounds in Romance languages

zaal 0.06, 9:30

In the Romance languages, Verb+Noun compounds (VN-compounds), which look like the anomalous English compound pickpocket, are the only productive type of compounds. In Spanish casca+nueces and French caisse-noisettes (crack-nuts = “nutcracker”), the head is neither casca / caisse nor nueces / noisettes. The verb form casca / caisse (“crack”) has no suffix like English –er in cracker, which head the deverbal noun cracker. The usual claim is that the verbal form casca / caisse is followed by an invisible suffix with the meaning and properties of the nominal suffix –er. The mystery is why the Verb needs the Noun in the VNcompound: there are no comparable deverbal nouns of intransitive or ergative verbs. In this talk, Romance and more specifically Spanish compounds will be argued to be headed by the Noun, although it is the semantic object of the verb. A derivation will be sketched, which combines the object properties of the Noun with properties of its verbal head, which needs a subject. Marko Simonović zaal 1.05, 9:30 UiL-OTS Immigrants Start on the Periphery – A Stratificational Approach to Loanword Phonology Unlike the dominant models in the field (Peperkamp et al. 2008, Boersma & Hamann 2009), which equate loanword adaptation with perceptual assimilation of the source language input, the present model allocates a special representation for (recent) loanwords. Building on research into synchronic stratified lexica (Ito & Mester 2001, 2002), the lexicon is assumed to be inherently stratified. The outermost stratum, most liberal in terms of marked phonological structures and most conservative in terms of morphological combinability, is seen as the natural host for new borrowings. The properties of the outermost stratum are derived from two lexicon-internal forces: faithfulness indexed to loanwords FAITH(LOAN) (Ito & Mester 2001, 2002) and Lexical conservatism, which thwarts the proliferation of allomorphs in paradigm formation (Steriade 1997). Having started their life on the periphery, words subsequently ‘descend’ into more inner strata. On each stratum, crucial properties of the loanwords follow from general constraints. In this partial interim report, I will present a preliminary analysis of various cases of morphological and phonological adaptation from Dutch and Slavic. zaal 1.04, 12:00

Marjoleine Sloos Albert-Ludwig Universität Freiburg Frequency effects are sensitive to grammar

Pretonic schwa in Dutch (such as in 'gelijk') is likely to be shortened or even deleted resulting in 'glijk'. This especially occuurs in case the word is highly frequent. The question rises whether this is also expected to occur in words as genoeg.In case of schwa deletion, in this case a consonant cluster comes into existence that is not well-formed (gn). An experiment is carried out, which reveals that the frequency effects only surface in interaction with the grammar, but not as a main effect. A new model for linguistic production and perception will


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be proposed to account for the facts. Crucially, this model is based on both Optimality Theory and Exemplar Theory. Jennifer Spenader zaal 1.09, 13:30 RUG Can children apply coherence relation information to correctly interpret pronouns? Consider the following example: "Iejoor vroeg Tommie om een krijtje, MAAR/WANT hij had er geen." For adults, the preferred interpretation for the pronoun "hij" changes depending on whether or not the sentence connective is the contrastive "maar" or the causal marker "want". But can children actively use this information to interpret pronouns? In this talk I'll present results from two experimental tasks with 45 Dutch children between the ages of 7;09;0. In task 1 children were asked to show understanding of the connectives "maar" and "want" by completing short stories with these connectives. In task 2 children were asked to interpret pronouns in sentences like the example given above. Initial results show that all but the oldest children have problems with correctly using "maar", contrary to results from spontaneous production, but similar to earlier controlled comprehension studies. Further, initial results suggest somewhat surprisingly that children are able to apply coherence information to pronoun interpretation. Fannie St-Pierre-Tanguay zaal 1.08, 12:00 Research Masters student aan Universiteit Leiden Language of the Law, Laws of Language: Reconstructing Babel through Legal Translation In my presentation, I will look at language use in diplomacy and the law in a pluralistic and multilingual context, and what this can tell us about (un)translatability. On the one hand, international diplomats see ambiguity in translation as a tool they can use to steer negotiations in their favor; on the other hand, jurists see the ambiguity caused by legal translation as an obstacle in their work, in which precision of language means everything. I will examine this dichotomy through the lens of a few case studies on the international (United Nations), regional (European Union) and local (Canada, Indonesia) level. In light of these, I will argue for the skopos theory of translation for linguistics in terms of optimality of translations. Complementarily, I will point out the need for jurists to use linguistic strategies in their daily work. Sharon Unsworth & Aafke Hulk Utrecht University/Meertens Institute and University of Amsterdam Measuring age and input effects in early child second language acquisition

zaal 1.09, 9:30

It is generally accepted that there are age effects in non-native (L2) acquisition in the sense that L2 children typically outperform L2 adults (see Herschensohn 2007 for comprehensive review). However, relatively little is known about the extent to which L2 age effects exist within childhood, and furthermore, how these interact with the quantity and quality of input to which the language-learning child is exposed. This paper investigates the role of these two factors by (i) comparing different groups of child bilinguals, i.e. bilingual first language (2L1) children, ‘early successive bilinguals’ (children exposed to an L2 between 1 and 3 years) and L2 children (first exposure between 4 and 8), and (ii) comparing children with varying amounts of input in the target language, Dutch, as measured by a detailed parental questionnaire. The focus will be on the acquisition of grammatical gender as expressed on the definite determiners de and het.


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Dorina Veldhuis zaal 1.09, 14:30 UvT & Leiden University Linguistic unit awareness: based on L1 and literacy, or on a specific language’s structure? Studies have shown that children’s building blocks of language not always correspond to ‘words’. The finding that illiterate children do not automatically segment spoken sentences into words, plus the fact that the characteristics of ‘words’ differ across languages, also suggest that ‘words’ are not universal cognitive units. However, literacy in a specific language reinforces the salience of ‘words’. In this talk, I compare the metalinguistic awareness of the Japanese variant of ‘words’ (kotoba) among native-speakers and L2 learners of Japanese. In addition, their awareness of characters (ji) is investigated, as these may well be the basic linguistic units in Japanese. Results show whether people’s ideas on basic linguistic units are based on their L1, or on general linguistic structure. If the latter is true, then L1- and L2-speakers will give similar answers; if basic units are based on experience/literacy in an L1, though, L2-speakers are expected to transfer their L1-ideas of ‘words’ into their segmentation of Japanese sentences. L2-speakers may then show more native-like segmentation with increasing Japanese proficiency. Marco van de Ven, Mirjam Ernestus, & Robert Schreuder zaal 1.04, 10:00 Max Planck Instituut voor Psycholinguïstiek, Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen Acoustic detail in the recognition of reduced words. Acoustic reductions are highly frequent in spontaneous speech (Johnson, 2004). Previous research has shown that listeners rely heavily on context to understand these pronunciation variants (Ernestus et al., 2002). Nevertheless, listeners also require the acoustic properties of reduced words to recognise such words (van de Ven, Ernestus, & Schreuder, in preparation). The present study used a gating paradigm to investigate which properties of the reduced words are necessary to understand these words. Participants were either presented with only the auditory context, or the auditory context and the onset + vowel of reduced words. Participants were then asked to write down the reduced words. The results of the experiment will be presented at the TIN-dag. zaal 0.03, 11:00

Luis Vicente University of Potsdam Indefinites and the expression of reciprocity

The standard theory of reciprocity (Heim et al 1991, Beck 2000) is based on the fact that English 'each other' is built around the distributive quantifier 'each'. This analysis cannot account for languages like Spanish, where reciprocity is expressed through a 'el uno... el otro' (the one...the other) construction, without distributive quantifiers. This talk proposes an analysis for reciprocals of the Spanish type based on (i) the standard theory of predication from plural subjects (Schwarzschild 1996, Sternefeld 1998), and (ii) an indefinite status of 'uno' and 'otro'. The latter point is especially important: as indefinites, 'uno' and 'otro' lack quantificational force of their own, inheriting instead the force of neighbouring operators. Consequently, the exact reading of a Spanish reciprocal follows directly from the operators that embed 'uno' and 'otro' in each particular case (definite determiners, plurality, various quantifiers), up to the whole typology described in Dalrymple et al 1998. zaal 0.05, 15:00

Mark de Vries University of Groningen Apparent non-locality in paratactic contexts


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The ellipsis site in Right Node Raising constructions can be embedded in a locality domain; see (1), for instance, which involves a complex NP. Regular movement from such a position is impossible (2). A multidominance analysis of RNR can explain (1), because it creates a structural bypass. I will show that this amounts to the application of ‘external remerge’ in a derivational grammar. However, since movement has also been described in terms of remerge, this raises the question how (2) can be excluded. I argue that indeed the difference follows from the system of Merge, if properly defined. Moreover, I will introduce some new data showing that apparent non-local behavior can be found in other constructions that presumably involve external remerge, such as amalgams; see (3): (1) I met someone who’d BOUGHT _ and you met someone who’d SOLD a house. (2) * What did you meet someone who’d bought _ ? (3) Joop got I think that it was Jaap who claimed that it’s a didgeridoo for his birthday. He Wei and Vincent J. van Heuven zaal 1.04, 9:30 Phonetics Laboratory, Leiden University Are Mandarin-accented English vowels British or American? An acoustic evaluation. This study focuses on the effect of L1 on English pronunciation. Acoustic analyses were made of 10 English monophthongs spoken by 16 Mandarin Chinese speakers (MC) from a homogeneous dialect background. The subjects’ data were compared with control data on RP English (RP) and American English (AE), obtained from the literature. Results show that (1) MC vowels are closer to RP than to AE, with significantly shorter acoustic distances between MC and RP counterparts than between MC and AE vowel pairs; (2) MC male performance is closer to the targets than that of females, in both RP and AE; (3) MC learners have more difficulty with English back and low vowels; vowel type also interacts with speaker gender. Difficult vowels are those in head, hawed, hud for males and those in had, hawed, hayed for females; (4) in producing English tense-lax vowel contrasts, MC speakers exploit differences in duration rather than in vowel quality; the latter prove relatively more important in the native realization of the contrast. Jurriaan Witteman zaal 1.08, 16:30 Universiteit Leiden Hoe is verwerking van prosodische informatie gelateraliseerd in de hersenen? Er zijn drie elkaar niet uitsluitende hypotheses betreffende het mechanisme achter hemisferische lateralisatie van prosodische perceptie in het brein: (1) Akoestische lateralisatie hypotheses stellen dat akoestische eigenschappen lateralisatie bepalen (2) De functionele lateralisatie hypothese stelt dat het de emotionele versus linguïstische functie is die hemisferische lateralisatie bepaalt (3) De attractie hypothese voegt hier nog aan toe dat voor linguïstische prosodie de grootte van de prosodische eenheid van belang is In twee dichote luister experimenten werden deze hypotheses direct vergeleken. Er werd gedeeltelijke steun gevonden voor de attractie hypothese maar niet voor de functionele- en de akoestische lateralisatie hypothese. Er wordt geconcludeerd dat prosodische perceptie grotendeels door beide hersenhelften verzorgd wordt wat in overeenstemming is met de recente literatuur.


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zaal 0.06, 12:00

Mulusew Asratie Wondem UIL-OTS The syntax Copular clauses in Amharic

Amharic has three copulas, all of which are verbs. These are näw ‘is’, näbbär 'was/had', and allä ‘exists/have’, with all their inflectional paradigms for subject and object agreements. The copula näw is used in almost all types of present tense copular expressions, except in those which are existential and possessive, which are expressed by allä. The copula näbbär is a past tense form of both näw and allä. allä clauses have existential interpretation when the copula stands without object agreement and possessive interpretation when it takes object agreement. All of the copular clauses are similar in that they identify subjects by an object agreement element. On the other hand the clauses are different in terms of the element they identify by their subject agreement elements. allä/näbbär identify their predicate by their subject agreement elements unlike näw, whose predicate is left as unidentified by any agreement element. In this paper, I argue that näw is a purely tense bearing copula, which selects small clause as its complement, whereas näbbär(ä) and allä are unaccusative, verbal elements which have evolved to bear a copular function. zaal 1.09, 15:00

Ton van der Wouden Universiteit Leiden Nederlands als constructietaal

Dankzij corpora zoals het Corpus Gesproken Nederlands kunnen we meer te weten komen over eigenaardigheden van gesproken Nederlands. In mijn bijdrage zal ik een aantal typische spreektaalfenomenen van zeer uiteenlopende aard bespreken, en ik zal proberen aannemelijk te maken dat een constructiegrammatica-aanpak daarbij zijn vruchten afwerpt. Hedde Zeijlstra Universiteit van Amsterdam The *nall puzzle revisited: a diachronic account

zaal 0.03, 13:30

An old problem in linguistic theory concerns the (universal) absence of universals quantifiers that are morphologically marked for negation (*nall), whereas such negative prefixation is widely attested for existentials (nobody). A similar observation can be made for connectives: whereas many languages have a word for nor, no language in the world has a word for nand (Horn 1989, Jaspers 2007). In this talk, I argue that all current approaches, which aim at providing a synchronic account, face serious problems and I propose an alternative, diachronic, explanation. In short, I demonstrate that (i) a quantifier nall or a connective nand could only have arrived from a phrase [NEG all] or [NEG and] in a previous stage of the language; and (ii) in such a state a negative marker NEG was only a scope marker, indicating that all/and must be under the scope of negation. Then, finally, I show that such phrases are hardly attested, since adding such a statement would only weaken the semantics of the sentence without such a marker. Marie-Elise van der Ziel UiL-OTS The acquisition of Frozen Scope: Investigating non-adult like performance

zaal 1.09, 14:00


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For most adults the only licit interpretation of the double object dative in (1) is that the bear gives a certain hedgehog every cake (e.g. the interpretation corresponding with wide scope of the indefinite). (1) The bear gave a hedgehog every cake. Children, however, assign a different interpretation to the sentence. 3-6 year old Englishspeaking children tend to judge (1) to be true when every cake is given to a different hedgehog, but false when a single hedgehog gets all the cakes (Su and Crain, 2000; Su, 2001). This talk will first discuss an experiment which shows that 4-6 year old Dutch preschoolers also behave non-adult like when presented with sentences like (1), and that the response pattern is not limited to dative constructions. This is followed by an evaluation of three possible explanations for the non-adult like performance, which relate the non-adult like performance to the indefinite, the universal quantifier, or the influence of contextual factors. zaal 0.05, 16:30

Jan-Wouter Zwart University of Groningen Recursion in language: a new approach

Recursion in language is typically associated with embedding, where a structure is recursive as soon as a category (clause, noun phrase) embeds another such category, or even whenever a phrase (XP) embeds another XP. However, such structures can easily be derived by mere iteration, if the derivation involves a Numeration (lexicon) and a structure building operation like Merge in current Minimalism. But recursion is inevitable if we take the derivation to be layered, i.e. if the Numeration may (and, in fact, it must) involve phrases construed in separate derivations. This paper makes that argument and discusses a number of consequences, relevant to the model of grammar and to the question of whether recursion is present in all languages. zaal 0.32, 13:30 Inge Zwitserlood 1,3 Pamela Perniss 2,3 Aslı Özyürek 1,3 Radboud University Nijmegen, 2 DCAL London, 3 MPI Nijmegen How many cows in the meadow? Number, Quantification, and Pluralization in Turkish Sign Language (TĐD)

1

Although much research has been conducted on pluralization strategies in spoken languages, little is known about these phenomena in signed languages. Research on German Sign Language (DGS) focuses on strategies of pluralization morphology on nominal signs, including (sideways) reduplication and zero marking, and spatial strategies that involve classifier constructions which use sign space topographically (Pfau & Steinbach 2006). Our research on Turkish Sign language (TĐD) indicates that reduplication is not a pluralization strategy in TĐD, in contrast to DGS. Moreover, our data show that both topographic and non-topographic spatial strategies are used to indicate object plurality. In our talk, we will discuss the incorporation of a sweeping movement into nouns and classifier predicates to express plurality of objects, as well as the placement of nouns in sign space to indicate number and location of the objects. In addition, we focus on the use of numerals and quantifiers, as well as their order in syntax and the combination of multiple strategies in the light of other (signed and spoken) languages.


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Adreswijzigingen graag doorgeven via de website van de AVT (http://www.leidenuniv.nl/onderzoek/avt/) of rechtstreeks per email aan Ale de Boer ([email protected]). Als uw gegevens hieronder niet vermeld worden, is dat vanwege registratie als zodanig in de ledenlijst. Wilt u dit wijzigen, dan kunt u eveneens contact opnemen met Ale de Boer. S. Aalberse - LSG-NTK, Uva, FGW, Spuistraat 134, 1012VB Amsterdam. A. Aalstein, Orchideestraat 1, 3551 GH Utrecht. E.O. Aboh ACLC/UvA, Spuistr 210, 1012VT Amsterdam. F. Adriaans, Janskerkhof 13 (UiL OTS), 3512 BL Utrecht. L. Aelbrecht, Violierstraat 6, B-9000 Gent, België. S. Almekinders, Beukenstraat 1, 4462 TN Goes. N. Altvater-Mackensen - RUN Ned. T&C, Postbus 9103, 6500 HD Nijmegen. A. Amha / TCA, Meijerskade 16, 2313 EG Leiden. N.W.M. Apeldoorn, Westergeest 87a, 1911AH Uitgeest. J. Apostolovic, Le Mairekade 56, 1013CD Amsterdam. D. Apoussidou, Janskerkhof 13/13a, 3512 BL Utrecht. J. Van der Auwera - Univ. van Antwerpen - CGCT, Prinsstraat 13, B-2000 Antwerpen, België. I. Baakker, Hofmeyrstraat 37C, 1091 LX Amsterdam. S. Baauw, Janskerkhof 13, 3512 BL Utrecht. K.J. Backhuys, Groen van Prinstererstr 6, 3551XE Utrecht. L. Badan, Van der Sterrepad 5, 2312 EK Leiden. D. Bahtina, Janskerkhof 13a, 1.02, 3512 BL Utrecht. A. Banga - CLS Grammar & Cognition, Wundtlaan 1, 6525 XD Nijmegen. R. Bank, 2e Sweelinckstraat 20 -3, 1073 EH Amsterdam. F. Bao, Kurt Weillstraat 97, 2625 WV Delft. L.C.J. Barbiers, Belgiëpark 28, 2408CS Alphen ad Rijn. A. Barentsen/Slav Sem/UvA, Spuistr 210, 1012VT Amsterdam. B. Beekhuizen, Middelstegracht 2b, 2312 TW Leiden. K. Beijering, Postbus 716, 9700 AS Groningen. M. De Belder, Paul Delvauxwijk 2, B-3000 Leuven, België. M. Beliën, Haydnlaan 18, 2253 CV Voorschoten. H. Bennis, W v Borsselenw 107, 1181PJ Amstelveen. S. Berends, Koolstraat 38A, 9717 KE Groningen. M. van den Berg, Heiweg 167, 6533 PB Nijmegen. B. van den Berg, Gardeniadal 1, 2317 HV Leiden. G. van Bergen, Burghardt van den Berghstraat 65, 6512 DG Nijmegen. J. Berns - Rom. T&C, Postbus 9103, 6500 HD Nijmegen. J.B. den Besten, Cornelis van der Lindenstr 22 I, 1071TH Amsterdam. A. Blom, Raamgr 10, 1011KK Amsterdam. E. Bobyleva, Spuistraat 210, 1012 VT Amsterdam. E. Boef - Meertens Instituut, Postbus 94264, 1090 GG Amsterdam. A. de Boer, Maalacker 48, 8381 CG Vledder. E.M. de Boer, Rosendaalseweg 534, 6824 KS Arnhem. M.G. de Boer, Klaas de Rookstraat 58, 7558DK Hengelo. R. Bok-Bennema, A-Kerkhof 28 ZZ, 9711JC Groningen. G.W. Bol, KNSM-laan 344, 1019LN Amsterdam. N. Boll UiL-OTS, Janskerkhof 13, 3512 BL Utrecht. M. de Bolster, Balistraat 18, 2585XS Den Haag. R. Boogaart, Geervliet 157, 1082 NN Amsterdam. G.E. Booij, De Rookamer 5, 1852EB Heiloo. B. Botma / UL - Opleiding Engels, Postbus 9515, 2300RA Leiden. S. Bouma, Von Liebigweg 90, 1097RR Amsterdam.


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T. Boves, Jekerweg 61, 6212GA Maastricht. P. Brandt - U. Köln Sprachwissenschaft, Albertus-Magnus-Platz 1, D-50923 Köln, Duitsland. H.J.W.M. Broekhuis - LUCL, Postbus 9515, 2300 RA Leiden. L. Brouwer - Meertens Instituut, Joan Muyskenweg 25, 1096 CJ Amsterdam. M. Bruil, Noordeinde 37C, 2311 CB Leiden. A. Bruyn, P Pauwstr 18-I, 1017ZK Amsterdam. H. Buckler / MPI, Postbus 310, 6500 AH Nijmegen. L. Buell - LUCL, Korte Prinsengracht 51, 1013 GP Amsterdam. L. van Buuren, N Stationswg 21, 2061HG Bloemendaal. T. Cambier-Langeveld IND-GCKAO Bur. Land en Taal, Postbus 16502, 2500 BM Den Haag. C.L. Cannizzaro - RUG, afd. Nederlands, Postbus 716, 9700 AS Groningen. J. Caspers/Opl. Dutch Studies, Postbus 9515, 2300RA Leiden. A.P. ten Cate/Duits, O Kijk in 't Jatstr 26, 9712EK Groningen. A. Chen, , . A. Chernilovskaya, Janskerkhof 13, 3512 BL Utrecht. R. Cirillo - UvA, Milletstraat 16-I, 1077 ZD Amsterdam. M. Ciumak, Muzenplaats 207, 5625 JC Nijmegen. L. de Clerck, Rembrandt van Rijnlaan 1, 2343SP Oegstgeest. K. de Clercq, Koningsstraat 336, B-1030 Brussel, België. R.A. Cloutier, TTU, Dept of Engl & Comm, HH 320, Cookeville, TN 38505, USA. J.A. Coenen, Pythagorasstr 125 hs, 1098GA Amsterdam. C. Constantinescu - ULCL, Postbus 9515, 2300 RA Leiden. P. Coopmans/OTS/UU, Janskerkhof 13, 3512 BL Utrecht. P.A. Coppen/Taal & Spraak, Postbus 9103, 6500HD Nijmegen. L.M.E.A. Cornips / Meertens Inst., Postbus 94264, 1090GG Amsterdam. N. Corver UiL/OTS, UU, Janskerkhof 13 A, 3512 BL Utrecht. G. Coupé - Radboud Universiteit Engels T&C, Postbus 9103, 6500 HD Nijmegen. C.D. van de Craats, M de Jongstr 12, 4904PL Oosterhout. J. van Craenenbroeck, KU Brussel, Vrijheidslaan 17, 1081 Koekelberg, België. O.A. Crasborn KUN, Postbus 9103, 6500HD Nijmegen. C Cremers, Gloxiniadal 19, 2317HB Leiden. M. Crevels, Bankrashof 117, 1183NW Amstelveen. A. Cutler / MPI, Postbus 310, 6500AH Nijmegen. S. Daalder/Letteren, Postbus 7161, 1007MC Amsterdam. J. van Dam van Isselt, Frans Halsstraat 17-hs, 1072 BJ Amsterdam. L. Danckaert - Vakgroep Latijn en Grieks, Blandijnberg 2, 9000 Gent, België. R. Dekker, Sibeliuslaan 47, 5654 CZ Eindhoven. M. DeVos - vakgroep Ned. Taalkunde, Blandijnberg 2, B-9000 Gent, België. J. Diepeveen - FUB Niederl. Phil., Habelschwerdter Allee 45, 14195 Berlin, Duitsland. S. Dijk, Sluytermanwei 12-14, 9023AB Jorwert. N. Dijkstra, Berg en Dalseweg 29, 6522 BA Nijmegen. M. den Dikken - CUNY Grad. Center, 365 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10016-4309, USA. A. Dirksen, Prins Hendrikkade 159a, 1011TB Amsterdam. J. Doetjes, Leeuwerikstraat 29, 2333VW Leiden. J. Don, Kampsedijk 9, 4157 GK Enspijk. X. Dong, Janskerkhof 13A, 3512 BL Utrecht. J. Donkers, Douwes Dekkerstraat 46, 3532 XC Utrecht. J. Dotlacil, Janskerkhof 13, 3512 BL Utrecht. G. Dreschler, Alexanderstraat 85, 6812 BD Arnhem. S. van Dreumel, P.Potterweg 35, 6562XJ Groesbeek. F.A.C. Drijkoningen, A Nobelln 32, 3731DW De Bilt. T. Druijven, Olieslagersstr 443, 6044TP Roermond. J. Dubbeldam, Boomstede 15, 3608 AA Maarssen. L. Edelman, Nijeveldsingel 24, 3525CS Utrecht. W. van Eeden, Cliostr 45-2e, 1077KD Amsterdam.


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L. van Eerten, Damstraat 4 bis, 3531 BV Utrecht. N. Elenbaas, A v Dalsumln 187, 3584HD Utrecht. M. Elenbaas, P.N. van Eyckhof 4, 2311 BV Leiden. E.H.C. Elffers-van Ketel, Mozartkd 11, 1077DJ Amsterdam. J.W. Elshoff, Lyonhof 35, 5627 GH Eindhoven. J. van Emmerik, Derde van hezewijkstraat 13, 6542 JP Nijmegen. A. van Engelenhoven - Opl. TCZOAO, Postbus 9515, 2300 RA Leiden. M. Ernestus, Kiezel 13, 6581 HR Malden. A.J. van Essen, Landsteinerwg 17, 9761HD Eelde. M. Everaert/ATW/UU, Janskerkhof 13, 3512 BL Utrecht. J. Evers-Vermeul, Frambozengaarde 5, 3992KC Houten. C.J. Ewen/Opl. Engels, UL, Postbus 9515, 2300RA Leiden. L. van Ewijk, Isaac da costalaan 27, 1401 BG Bussum. A. Feitsma, De Boeyer 23, 9001JJ Grau. P. Fikkert, Van Heemstralaan 54, 6814KK Arnhem. G. Fiorin, via Libertà 38, 37047 S. Bonifacio, Verona. A.F. Florijn/ATW, Spuistr 210, 1012VT Amsterdam. A.P. Foolen, Valkenburgseweg 4, 6525 CX Nijmegen. T. Geerts Opl.Frans/KUN, Erasmuspl 1, 6500HD Nijmegen. B. Gehrke, Janskerkhof 13, 3512 BL Utrecht. G. Geraets, Bagijnhof 13 A, 2611 AN Delft. R. van Gerrevink, Sophiaweg 16, 6523 NJ Nijmegen. F.C. van Gestel, Kennedyln 89, 3981GB Bunnik. R. van Gijn - MPI for Psychologistics, Postbus 310, 6500 AH Nijmegen. D.G. Gilbers, Baroklaan 3, 9351TR Leek. A.C.M. Goeman, Geerdinkhof 542, 1103RJ Amsterdam. C. Gooskens - Scand.Lett.RUG, Postbus 716, 9700AS Groningen. J. Grijzenhout / IVT, Atalantahof 37, 3544 VD Utrecht. M. Grool, Sterrenbos 57, 3511 ET Utrecht. C. de Groot, A v Waertwg 2, 1035SG Amsterdam. F.C. Groothoff, Simplonbaan 633, 3524 GK Utrecht. B. Gruber, Janskerkhof 13, 3512 BL Utrecht. A. Gualmini, Janskerkhof 13, 3512 BL Utrecht. M. Gulian, , . B Gunsenheimer, Lazecka 16, 77200 Olomouc, Tsjechië. C. Gussenhoven/Engels, Erasmuspl 1, 6500HD Nijmegen. G.J. de Haan, Acaciapark 34, 1213 LB Hilversum. J.J.M. Haan-van Ditzhuyzen, Arnhemsestraatweg 137, 6991AL Rheden. N. de Haas / Eng. Taal en Cultuur, Postbus 9103, 6500HD Nijmegen. S. Hagers, Westerlaan 43, 3731EK De Bilt. D.C. Hall / Meertens Instituut, Joan Muyskenweg 25, 1096 CJ Amsterdam. S. Hamann, Universitaetsstr. 1, D-40225 Duesseldorf, Duitsland. C.S.J.N. Hamans, Baronieln 185, 4818PG Breda. M. Hannay/Engels/VU, Postbus 7161, 1007MC Amsterdam. E. Hanssen, Graafseweg 84, 6512 CG Nijmegen. J. Hanssen RU afd. TW, Postbus 9103, 6500 HD Nijmegen. I. Harmes, Gronowskistrasse 89, 48161 Münster, Duitsland. S. van der Harst, Pleinweg 164c, 3083 ES Rotterdam. J. Hartmann, Joh.-Seb.-Bach-Str. 51, D-69245 Bammental, Duitsland. W. Harwood, 28 Wendover Rise, DN35 8TR Cleethorpes, UK. C. van den Hazelkamp, De Wetstraat 11bis, 3531 AT Utrecht. W.A. van Helden, Roodenburgerstr 21, 2313HH Leiden. C.J. Helsloot, Kazernestr 29, 1018CC Amsterdam. N. Helsloot, Balistraat 39 II, 1094JC Amsterdam. P. Hendriks, Kalverstr 27, 9717HW Groningen.


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H. Hendriks, Clarissenhof 24, 1115CE Duivendrecht. K. Hengeveld LSG Theor.Taalw.UvA, Spuistr 210, 1012VT Amsterdam. H. Heringa, Helperbrink 19, 9722 EG Groningen. B. Hermans, Weverstraat 12, 5612BZ Eindhoven. F. Hermans, H Dunantstr 33 IV, 1066AV Amsterdam. V.J. van Heuven, Vrijheidslaan 96, 2321 DL Leiden. P. Hiligsmann, Quoidbach 14, B-4890 Thimister-Clermont, België. F.L. Hinskens - Meertens Instituut, Postbus 94264, 1090GG Amsterdam. J. Hoeksema, Dr C H de Grootkade 14, 9718KA Groningen. E. Hoekstra, Doelestrjitte 8, 8911DX Ljouwert. J.F. Hoekstra, Aubrook 4, 24113 Kiel, Duitsland. B.J. Hoff, Witte Singel 65, 2311BM Leiden. L. Hogeweg, Van Diemerbroeckstraat 87, 6512 BA Nijmegen. B. Hollebrandse RUG-Lett-Nederl., Postbus 716, 9700AS Groningen. W. Honselaar, Lorentzln 15, 1181WJ Amstelveen. H. de Hoop, Bemmelseweg 24, 6662BE Elst. J.M. van der Horst, Diependaalweg 21, 3020 Herent, België. A. van Hout RUG-Letteren-Engels, Postbus 716, 9700AS Groningen. J. Huber - LUCL, Postbus 9515, 2300 RA Leiden. M.A.C. Huijbregts, Oudwijkerln 39, 3581TB Utrecht. A.C.J. Hulk, Amsteldijk Noord 122, 1183TJ Amstelveen. J. Hulstijn / Geestesw. UvA, Spuistr 134, 1012VB Amsterdam. M. Hüning, Lilienthalstrasse 4, D-10965 Berlin, Duitsland. E.L. Jacobs, Pr Hendrikln 28, 3583EM Utrecht. A. Janosi, Diestsestraat 177, 3000 Leuven. D. Jaspers, Beneslaan 172 /4, B-1080 Brussel, België. R. Jonkers/NL/RUG, Ralreiger 24, 7827VC Emmen. P. Jordens/ITT/VU, De Boeleln 1105, 1081HV Amsterdam. K. de Joseph, Beestenmarkt 6a, 2312 CC Leiden. Caroline Junge, Javastraat 93-R, 1094 HC Amsterdam. R. Kager, Stroband 7, 3962TC Wijk bij Duurstede. J. Kaldewaij, Kartinistr 7, 3573XA Utrecht. J. van Kampen, Janskerkhof 13 A, 3512 BL Utrecht. B Kampers-Manhe, Utgong 30, 9244HD Beetsterzwaag. F. Karsdorp, Hooigracht 31, 2312 KM Leiden. M. Keijzer, Muiderslotweg 89, 2026 AK Haarlem. A.M.C. van Kemenade, Randwijksingel 46, 6581 CG Malden. S.C. van de Kerke VTW/UL, Postbus 9515, 2300RA Leiden. A Kerkhoff - UiL/OTS, Janskerkhof 13a, 3512 BL Utrecht. C. Keskin, Janskerkhof 13, 3512 BL Utrecht. P. Kester, Merellaan 9, 5613AK Eindhoven. C.E. Keysper, Ierlandstr 105, 2034LM Haarlem. A. Kirk - LUCL, van Wijkplaats 4, 2311 BX Leiden. R.S. Kirsner/Dpt Germanic Lang., 212 Royce - UCLA, Los Angeles,CA 90095-1539, USA. M.A.F. Klamer, Fagelstraat 2, 2334AX Leiden. M. Klein, Knapheideweg 77, 6562 DS Nijmegen. E.H. Klein-van der Laaken, Ratelaarwg 37, 9753BE Haren. W.G. Klooster, V Eeghenstr 169, 1071GC Amsterdam. H. Kloots - Dept. Taalkunde CNTS, Prinsstraat 13, B-2000 Antwerpen, België. M.E. Kluck - Afd. Taalwetenschap, Postbus 716, 9700 AS Groningen. M. Kobuchi-Philip, Spechtenkamp 126, 3607KG Maarssen. B. Koehnlein, Laarderweg 13c, 1402 BA Bussum. N. Koene, Ilperveldstraat 41, 1024 PH Amsterdam. O. Koeneman, Krugerstraat 76bis, 3531 AS Utrecht. E. Koenen, Paramariboplein 39-3 HG, 1058AP Amsterdam.


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M. van Koert, Hoekstraat 22-1, 9712 AN Groningen. E.R. Komen, Lievensweg 21, 6562 XL Groesbeek. N.O. Koornwinder, Stuytstraat 1, 3544 MP Utrecht. M. van Koppen, Hogenbanweg 156b, 3028 GZ Rotterdam. L. Koring, Janskerkhof 13 A, 3512 BL Utrecht. C. Koster, Hortusln 17, 9751BE Haren. H. Kranendonk, Janskerkhof 13 A, 3512 BL Utrecht. O. Krasnoukhova - RUN Taalwetenschap, Erasmusplein 1, 6525 HT Nijmegen. J. Kremers, Röderbergweg 6, 60314 Frankfurt am Main, Duitsland. E.M. Krikhaar, Lange Brouwerstraat 15, 6511 WH Nijmegen. S. Kroon, Dorpsstr 50, 6587AZ Middelaar. S. Kuijper - RUG afd. Nederlands, Postbus 716, 9700 AS Groningen. F. Kuiken, Jollemanhof 50, 1019 GW Amsterdam. S. Kürschner - Scandinavistiek RUG, Postbus 716, 9700 AS Groningen. D. Laflaquiere, 54 rue de clery, 75002 Paris, Frankrijk. M. Lamers - Taal & Communicatie VU, De Boelelaan 1105, 1081 HV Amsterdam. R. Lankamp/Engels, C de Wittln 105b, 2582AE Den Haag. B. Le Bruyn, Haverstraat 16.1, 3511 NC Utrecht. J.A. Le Loux-Schuringa, Van Gelderln 49, 1215SM Hilversum. F. van der Leek, Cliostr 53 I, 1077KD Amsterdam. T. Lentz, Janskerkhof 13A, 3512 BL Utrecht. A.N. Lenz - RUG-Lett.-Duitse TK, Postbus 716, 9700 AS Groningen. S. Lestrade - Radboud Univ. Nijmegen, Postbus 9103, 6500 HD Nijmegen. C.E. Levelt LUCL/Lett. VU, Witte Singel 20, 2311BG Leiden. C.H. Lin, Arsenaalstraat 1, 2311 CT Leiden. K.J. van der Linde, Karmelitessenlaan 4, 6816 PK Arnhem. E. van der Linden - opl. Frans, Spuitraat 134, 1012 VB Amsterdam. G.P.J. van Lint, Doktersland 26, 1541NK Koog aan de Zaan. V Lo Cascio, Rooseveltln 126, 1183CM Amstelveen. A. Lobanova - Art. Intell. RUG, PO box 407, 9700 AK Groningen. B. Los / Eng. T&C Radboud Univ., Postbus 9102, 6500 HC Nijmegen. J.H.J. Luif, Zach Jansestr 9 hs, 1097CH Amsterdam. S. Lusini, Stuurmankade 220, 1019 WC Amsterdam. E. Maier, van Royenlaan 27, 9721 EK Groningen. J. Malepaard, Lutmastr 48 2hg, 1073GZ Amsterdam. O. Matushansky UiL?OTS, Janskerkhof 13, 3512 BL Utrecht. E. Mauder, van Swietenstraat 5, 2334 EA Leiden. A.J.M. van Megen, Westvest 60, 3111BW Schiedam. L. Meroni, Janskerkhof 13, 3512 BL Utrecht. A. ter Meulen Engels/RUG, Postbus 716, 9700AS Groningen. A. Middag-Cromwijk, Voorburgstraat 9-3, 1059 TT Amsterdam. N. Milicevic - Taal en Informa.wet. Kam Y350, Postbus 90153, 5000LE Tilburg. A. Molendijk, V Giffenstr 21, 9891BJ Ezinge. B. Moskal, Willem de Zwijgerlaan 9, 3871 CE Hoevelaken. M. Mous/Afrik.tk, Postbus 9515, 2300RA Leiden. P.C. Muijsken / ATD Linguistics, Postbus 9103, 6500HD Nijmegen. R.H. Mulder, Roozenburglaan 119, 4337 JC Middelburg. I. Mulders OTS/UiL, Janskerkhof 13 A, 3512 BL Utrecht. J.T. Muller, Kirchenplatz 14, 76275 Ettingen, Duitsland. N. Müller - CLS, Postbus 9103, 6500 HD Nijmegen. A.H. Neijt / Ned. KUN, Postbus 9103, 6500HD Nijmegen. E. Ngangoum, Postbus 1070, 3500 BB Utrecht. R. van Nierop, Klikspaanweg 16 kmr 13, 2324 LW Leiden. J. Nijen Twilhaar, Oerdijk 35, 7433AG Schalkhaar. J. Nobels, Schelpenkade 45, 2313 ZX Leiden.


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J. Noordegraaf, Juweelstr 81, 2403BK Alphen ad Rijn. S.G. Nooteboom, Janskerkhof 13 A, 3512 BL Utrecht. M. Norde - Scandinavisch RUG, Postbus 716, 9700AS Groningen. J.M. Nortier UiL/OTS, Janskerkhof 13 A, 3512 BL Utrecht. R.G. Noske, Scheepstimmermanstraat 51, 1019WV Amsterdam. M. Noteboom/Engels, Postbus 9515, 2300RA Leiden. R. Nouwen, Karpaten 50, 3524DE Utrecht. R. Nye, Muinkkaai 42, 9900 Gent, België. J. Odijk, Melkwegel 46, B-9070 Heusden (Destelbergen), België. H. Olbertz, Kruithuisstr 122, 1018WW Amsterdam. L. Oldenkamp, Wikke 14, 6663 GH Lent. D. Van Olmen, Singel 104, 2150 Borsbeek, België. S. van Ommen, Visserstraat 14, 9712 CV Groningen. M.G. Onrust, Stichtstr 27, 1079RB Amsterdam. N. Oostdijk, Eikendreef 83, 6581PC Malden. M. van Oostendorp, 5e Binnenvestgracht 19, 2311VH Leiden. A Oosterhof, Merendreedorp 17-bus 1, B-9850 Nevele, België. A. Orgassa, Spuistraat 134, 1012 VB Amsterdam. E. Ormel, Domela Nieuwenhuisstraat 21, 6535 TX Nijmegen. M. Pannemann Ned.Taalk. - UvA, KNSM Laan 371, 1019 LG Amsterdam. H.C.B. Perridon, Beethovenstr 3 A-I, 1077HK Amsterdam. R. Pfau ATW-UvA, Spuistr 210, 1012VT Amsterdam. M. Philippa, Het Laagt 19, 1025GC Amsterdam. V. Piai, Willem Crulstraat 11, 5224 DA 's-Hertogenbosch. L. Pieters, Van Schaeck Mathonsingel 57, 6512 AK Nijmegen. H. Pinkster, Herengracht 102G, 1015BS Amsterdam. M. Pinto, Homerusln 33, 3581MC Utrecht. L. Plug - Dept. Ling & Phon., University of Leeds, Leeds LS2 9JT, UK. M. Pluymaekers, Postbus 310, 6500AH Nijmegen. D. Polisenska, Nieuwe Karselaan 54, 1182BS Amsterveen. C. Portielje, Waterlooplein 173, 1011 PG Amsterdam. M. Post, Da Costakd 113 hs, 1053WR Amsterdam. G. Postma, Eerste Helmersstr 283-I, 1054 EA Amsterdam. M.E.Y. Pots, Dibbetsstraat 66, 2518 PT 's-Gravenhage. M. Prehn, Vaartweg 15-1, 1211 JD Hilversum. F. van der Putten, Transvaalkd 5 A, 2312ZE Leiden. M. Que, Janskerkhof 13a, 3512 BL Utrecht. J. Quer - DTCL, UPF, Roc Boronat, 138, 08018 Barcelona, Spanje. L. Rasier, Rue d'Antheit 2A, 4530 Villers-le-Bouillet, België. G. Redeker Communicatie RUG, Postbus 716, 9700AS Groningen. P.T. van Reenen, Kotterspad 14, 1081KP Amsterdam. E.J. Reuland, Acaciapark 2, 1213LA Hilversum. A. Ribbert / Engelse Taal en Cultuur, Bronsgeeststraat 19, 6541 ZJ Nijmegen. H.C. van Riemsdijk, Villa Salmi, Loc. Stoppe d'Arca #2, I - 52100 Arezzo (AR), Italy. J. van Rij - CLC / AI, Postbus 716, 9700AS Groningen. J.N.M. Rijkhoff / Dept Ling Aarhus Univ., Ndr. Ringgade 1, Building 1410, DK-8000 Aarhus C, Denemarken. A. Rocquet, , . J. Roodenburg, Postbus 15692, 1001 ND Amsterdam. V.A. de Rooij, Funenpark 112, 1018AK Amsterdam. N. Roos, Eikenburglaan 12, 5248 BK Rosmalen. M.I. Rozendaal LSG Psychol. & Taalpath., Spuistraat 210, 1012VT Amsterdam. E. Ruigendijk UiL/OTS-UU, Nadorsterstr. 299, 26125 Oldenburg, Duitsland. E. Ruijsendaal, De Boelelaan 317, 1082 RD Amsterdam. G. Rutten - LUCL, Postbus 9515, 2300 RA Leiden.


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E.G. Ruys/Nederlands, Janskerkhof 13 A, 3512 BL Utrecht. M. Salzmann, Schaffhauserstrasse 276, 8057 Zurich, Zwitserland. A. van Santen, Swammerdampad 55, 2334DA Leiden. N. van Schaijk, Ploeg 18, 5351 NW Berghem. M.A. van Schaik-Radulescu, Spionkopstraat 68, 2021 TL Haarlem. K. de Schepper, Delistraat 21, 6524 KM Nijmegen. E.C. Schermer-Vermeer, Hacquartstr 19a, 1071SG Amsterdam. R. Schippers, Janskerkhof 13, 3512 BL Utrecht. L. Schlichting, Veeartsenijstr 199, 3572DJ Utrecht. B. Schlücker, Carstennstr. 25 e, 12205 Berlijn, Duitsland. P. von Schmid, Warande 64, 3705 ZE Zeist. J. Scholten, Van Lieflandlaan 10, 3571 AB Utrecht. F. Scholz - Phonetics Lab., Cleveringaplaats 1, 2311 BD Leiden. E. Schoorlemmer, Herensteeg 24, 2311 SJ Leiden. M. Schouwstra, Janskerkhof 13, 3512 BL Utrecht. J.D.W. Schroten, v Abcoudeln 40, 3971AB Driebergen. H. Schultink, Pr Bernhardln 26, 3722AG Bilthoven. K. Sebregts, Nieuwegracht 125bis, 3512 LK Utrecht. T.F. Shannon, 770 Rose Drive, Benicia, CA94150, USA. N. van der Sijs, Schaepmanplein 20, 2314 EH Leiden. R. Šimík - RUG/ATW, Postbus 716, 9700 AS Groningen. M. Simonovic - Linguistics, Janskerkhof 13a, 3512 BL Utrecht. A.P. Sleeman, v Mierisstr 36 III, 1071RT Amsterdam. M. Sloos, Grünlandstr.3, 79108 Freiburg-Hochdorf, Duitsland. N.S.H. Smith, Oostermoer 4, 2036BJ Haarlem. R.J.C. Smits, Amstelkd 10-2, 1078AB Amsterdam. K. Souckova - ULCL, Postbus 9515, 2300 RA Leiden. J. Spenader, van Royenlaan 27, 9712 EK Groningen. W. Spooren sect. NTC, Lett., VU, De Boeleln 1105, 1081HV Amsterdam. S. Steeman, Rie Cramerlaan 30, 2331 LA Leiden. F. St-Pierre-Tanguay, Ultramarijnhof 3, 3402 JR IJsselstein. R. Straaijer - ULCL, Postbus 9515, 2300 RA Leiden. N. Strik, 30, rue Bichat, 75010 Paris, Frankrijk. J.P.A. Stroop, Botenmakersstraat 90, 1506TH Zaandam. J. Sturm - 't Vergulde Pansijzer, Nieuwstraat 19, 4331 JK Middelburg. H.E. de Swart, Krommerijn 70, 3582CT Utrecht. P. de Swart, Fazantlaan 31, 6641XT Beuningen. J. Sweep, Spuitstraat 210, 1012 VT Amsterdam. F. Swets, Richard Wagnerstr 42, 1077VW Amsterdam. R. Sybesma / Sinologie UL, Postbus 9515, 2300RA Leiden. W. Tabak, Wundtlaan 1, 6525 XD Nijmegen. R. Tedeschi, Janskerkhof 13 A, 3512 BL Utrecht. T. Temmerman - LUCL, Postbus 9515, 2300 RA Leiden. M.M.G.J. Thelen, Oostermaasweg 17, 6226 VJ Maastricht. C.L. Thiersch, Wilgenstr 45, 5038PC Tilburg. J.D. ten Thije, Trans 10, 3512 JK Utrecht. T. Tiedemann, Joachim Altinghstraat 34a, 9724 LX Groningen. I.M. Tieken-Boon v Ostade - Opl. Engels UL, Postbus 9515, 2300RA Leiden. E. Tribushinina / LUCL, Gerard Terborgstaat 30-1, 1071 TN Amsterdam. M. Trommelen/OTS, Markstraat 8, 3582 KL Utrecht. A. Tzioka, Henri Dunantlaan 54, 2286GG Rijswijk. S. Unsworth, Karpaten 50, 3524 DE Utrecht. L. de Vaan, Onderwijsboulevard 344, 5223 DP 's-Hertogenbosch. M.J. van de Vathorst-Smit, Geertestr 15, 3511XD Utrecht. F. Van de Velde - Departement Linguïstiek, Blijde Inkomststr 21, B-3000 Leuven, België.


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H. van de Velde ATW-UU, Janskerkhof 13 A, 3512 BL Utrecht. D. Veldhuis, Nieuwstraat 82, 3311 XR Dordrecht. M. van de Ven, Menzel 33a, 5388 SX Nistelrode. A. Verhagen, P. Buysstr 19, 2334CH Leiden. E. Verheugd-Daatzelaar, Mijnheerkens 12, 6041AT Roermond. A. Verkerk, Van Nispenstraat 16, 6521KM Nijmegen. M. Verrips, Noordeinde 50, 1141AN Monnickendam. M. Verspoor Engels/RUG, Postbus 716, 9700AS Groningen. J.P. Vet, Hereweg 22 C, 9725AD Groningen. L. Vicente / Linguisitk Uni. Postdam, Karl Liebknechtstr. 24/25, D/14476 Golm, Duitsland. J. Vis, Johan de Meesterstraat 18b, 3031 SP Rotterdam. R. Vismans - Germanic Studies, University of Sheffield, Sheffield S10 2TN, UK. M. van de Visser, Hagelkruisplein 12, 5038ME Tilburg. W. Visser/Fryske Akademy, Postbus 54, 8900AB Ljouwert. M. Vliegen, Groenestraat 291, 6531HL Nijmegen. S. van Vliet, Rozengracht 27D, 1016LR Amsterdam. U. Vogl - FU Berlin, Niederl. Phil., Habelschwerdter Allee 45, D-14195 Berlin, Duitsland. A. Volkova - UIL/OTS, Janskerkhof 13, 3512 BL Utrecht. H. van der Voort, Hofmeyrstraat 11-E/F, 1091 LV Amsterdam. A.L. Vos, Torenln 47, 1251HH Laren. M.A. de Vos / English Language and Linguistics, Rhodes University, Ling. Dept., 6140 Grahamstown, South Africa. P.J. de Vries, Stevertsemolen 4, 5612DT Eindhoven. M. de Vries ATW-RUG, Postbus 716, 9700AS Groningen. J. van der Wal, Maredijk 133c, 2316 VX Leiden. M. van der Wal Opl. Nederlands / UL, Postbus 9515, 2300RA Leiden. F. Weerman, Ingen-Houszstr 9, 3514HT Utrecht. J.M. van de Weijer/LUCL, Aalsburg 17-10, 6602 VD Wijchen. C.H. van Wijk, Markt 40-B, 5211 JX 's-Hertogenbosch. F.N.K. Wijnen / OTS, Janskerkhof 13 A, 3512 BL Utrecht. W.A. van Wijngaarden, Rupelmonde 95, 1081 GS Amsterdam. G. Vanden Wijngaerd, Vrijheidsln 17, B-1081 Brussel, België. S. Winkler - VU, Letteren, De Boeleln 1105, 1081 HV Amsterdam. H. de Wit, Torenstraat 10, 9988SP Usquert. J. Witteman - Lipsius Building, Cleveringaplaats 1, 2311 BD Leiden. M.A. Wondem, Janskerkhof 13A, 3512 BL Utrecht. A. van der Wouden, Maresingel 43, 2316 HC Leiden. C. de Wulf, Koningstraat 18, 9000 Gent, België. W. van der Wurff, School of English U. of Newcastle, Newcastle upon Tyne NE1 7RU, UK. Chaoqun XIE - Center for Ling. and Appl. Ling, Guangdong University of Foreign Studies, 510420 Guangzhou, Guangdong, China. J.S.M. van Zaal, Sparresholm 14, 2133BP Hoofddorp. E.D. Zakrzewska, Verspronckwg 59, 2023BB Haarlem. H. Zeijlstra, Stuurmankade 208, 1019 WC Amsterdam. M.E. van der Ziel, Jagerlaan 78, 3701 XL Zeist. W. Zonneveld, Havikstr 13, 3514TL Utrecht. W. Zwanenburg, Heggeln 5, 3981GJ Bunnik.


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