USTAV ANGLICKEHO JAZYKA A DIDAKTIKY
Prekladove protejsky ceskych vztaznych vet v anglictine English translation counterparts of Czech relative clauses
DIPLOMOVA pRACE
Vedouci diplomove pnice:
Zpracovala: Marketa Sedlackova
PhDr. Pavlina Saldova, Ph.D.
Obor: AA-IT
Praha, srpen 2010
"Prohlasuji, ze jsem diplomovou pnici vypracovala samostatne a ze jsem uvedla vsechny pouZite prameny a literaturu." V Praze dne 28. srpna 2010
bz
Dekuji pani doktorce Pavline Saldove, mym blizkym a Sananovi za obrovskou podporu a porozumeni.
List of abbreviations..................................................................................................................................... 4 List of tables................................................................................................................................................. 5 1. 2.
Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................... 6 Theoretical background.................................................................................................................................... 6 2.1.
Basic notions ............................................................................................................................................ 6
2.2.
Modification in Czech .............................................................................................................................. 6
2.3.
Modifier [Atribut] .................................................................................................................................... 7
2.4.1
Function of the Modifiers - Relative Clauses ..................................................................................... 8
2.4.2
Relation of Czech delimitative [delimitační] and qualifying [ kvalifikační] modifiers.................... 10
2.5.
Relative Clauses – Formal Distinction .................................................................................................. 12
2.6
A note on FSP in Czech ......................................................................................................................... 13
2.6.1. Topic and focus .................................................................................................................................... 13 2.6.2. Theme, rheme and transition ................................................................................................................ 13 2.7
Syntactic relations in English ................................................................................................................. 13
2. 8
Phrase structure ...................................................................................................................................... 14
2. 9.
Noun phrase ........................................................................................................................................... 14
2. 9. 1.
3.
Determination................................................................................................................................... 15
2.9.2.
Modification .................................................................................................................................... 15
2.9.3.
Restrictiveness in a noun phrase....................................................................................................... 16
2.9.4
Explicitness of a noun phrase........................................................................................................... 16
2.9.4.1.
Prepositional Phrase ............................................................................................................... 17
2. 9. 4. 2
Non-finite clauses.................................................................................................................... 17
2. 9. 4. 3
Postmodification by finite clauses ........................................................................................... 20
2.9.4.3.1
Relative clauses................................................................................................................... 21
2.9.4.3.2
Further description of relative clauses – syntax, restrictivity.............................................. 22
2.9.4.3.3
Appositive clauses .............................................................................................................. 24
2.10.
Relative clauses and information structure...................................................................................... 24
2.11.
Comparison of English and Czech .................................................................................................. 24
Method and results of excerption ................................................................................................................... 25 3.1.
Excerption results.................................................................................................................................. 26
3.2.
The English equivalents ......................................................................................................................... 27
3.3.
Finite Equivalents................................................................................................................................... 30
3.4.
Restrictive relative clauses .................................................................................................................... 30
3.4.1.
Proper names and other nouns with unique reference postmodified by restrictive clauses........... 32
3.4.3.
Generic reference with universal quantifiers.................................................................................... 33
3.4.3.
Indefinite reference .......................................................................................................................... 33
3.4.4.
Indefinite nonspecific reference ...................................................................................................... 33
3.4.5.
Indefinite nonspecific reference – without any particular features.................................................. 34
1
3.4.6.
Indefinite nonspecific reference - General Antecedents................................................................... 34
3.4.7.
Indefinite nonspecific reference -Repeated antecedent .................................................................... 34
3.4.8.
Indefinite reference- Specific .......................................................................................................... 35
3.4.9.
Definite reference............................................................................................................................. 35
3.5.
3.4.9.1.
Definite cataphoric reference.................................................................................................. 35
3.4.9.2.
Definite reference, anaphoric and cataphoric at the same time .............................................. 36
3.4.9.3.
Definite anaphoric reference .................................................................................................. 37
Nonrestrictive relative clauses................................................................................................................ 37
3.5.1.
Nonrestrictive relative clauses – Proper names............................................................................ 38
3.5.2
Nonrestrictive relative clauses- Definite anaphoric reference.......................................................... 38
3.5.3.
Nonrestrictive relative clauses – Specific reference – definite? ....................................................... 38
3.5.4.
Nonrestrictive relative clauses - Indefinite nonspecific reference.................................................... 39
3.6.
Other realization forms........................................................................................................................... 40
3.6.1. Other than finite clauses....................................................................................................................... 40 3.6.2.
Nonfinite clauses.......................................................................................................................... 42
3.6.2.1. 3.6.2.1.1.
Dynamic vs. stative verbs in –ing participles..................................................................... 43
3.6.2.1.2.
Semantics ............................................................................................................................ 44
3.6.2.1.3.
Reference ........................................................................................................................... 46
3.6.2.1.4.
Like phrases ........................................................................................................................ 48
3.6.2.2.
-Ed participles .................................................................................................................... 50
3.6.2.2.1.
Reference ............................................................................................................................ 51
3.6.2.2.2.
(Dis)continuous structures .................................................................................................. 52
3.6.2.2.3.
Active vs. passive voice ...................................................................................................... 52
3.6.2.3. 3.6.2.3.1. 3.6.2.4.
Infinitives................................................................................................................................ 55 Semantic and syntactic features .......................................................................................... 56 Prepositional phrases .............................................................................................................. 57
3.6.2.4.1.
General................................................................................................................................ 58
3.6.2.4.2.
Pertinent relative clauses and the impediments to the condensation................................... 58
3.6.2.4.3.
Relative clauses condensed ................................................................................................ 60
3.6.2.4. 3.6.2.5.
Syntactic and semantic features ......................................................................................... 61 Adjectives ............................................................................................................................... 62
3.6.2.5.1.
Pertinent relative clauses and the impediments to the condensation................................... 62
3.6.2.5.2.
Comparison of semantic and syntactic features .................................................................. 63
3.6.2.6. 3.6.2.6.1. 3.6.2.7. 4
-Ing participles........................................................................................................................ 42
Premodification ...................................................................................................................... 63 General overview ................................................................................................................ 64 Apposition .............................................................................................................................. 65
Conclusion .................................................................................................................................................... 65
2
4.1.
General introduction............................................................................................................................... 65
4.2.
Methodology .......................................................................................................................................... 66
4.3.
Results of excerption.............................................................................................................................. 66
4.3.
Analysis and its results ........................................................................................................................... 66
4.4.
Final Words............................................................................................................................................ 68
BIBLIOGRAPHY .................................................................................................................................................. 69 SOURCES.............................................................................................................................................................. 70 r.1
ÚVOD .................................................................................................................................................... 71
r.2.
TEORETICKÁ ČÁST............................................................................................................................ 71
r.2.1.
ČEŠTINA......................................................................................................................................... 71
r.2.2.
ANGLIČTINA ................................................................................................................................. 71
r.2.3.
SROVNÁNÍ ..................................................................................................................................... 72
r.3.
METODIKA A VÝSLEDKY EXCERPCE........................................................................................... 72
ZÁVĚR .............................................................................................................................................................. 75
3
List of abbreviations
abbreviations act v CZ def E indef NLB NP NRRC O pass v postm pres RC rel RRC S
meaning verbs in active voice Czech definite English indefinite The Unbearable Lightness of Being noun phrase non-restrictive relative clauses object verbs in passive voice postmodification present relative clauses relative restrictive relative clauses subject
4
List of tables
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
An overview of Czech “atributes (modifiers)” Paraconc query Czech relative pronouns Czech relative pronouns within individual books English Equivalents Function of relative pronouns Formal restrictivity in relative clauses Table of antecedents in restrictive relative clauses Antecedents with indefinite reference in relative clauses Antecedents in nonrestrictive relative clauses Other than finite realization forms -Ing participles Detailed semantic overview of dynamic and stative verbs in the -ing participles
14 15
Detailed semantic overview of dynamic and stative verbs in relative clauses Correlation of verbal non/progressive aspect and reference of the antecedent in the -ing forms
16
Correlation of verbal non/progressive aspect and reference of the antecedent in finite clauses in active voice
17 18 19 20 21 22 23
Head nouns of the –ing postm and RC's in active voice Discontinuity in -ing clauses and in RC's in active voice Head Nouns -ed participles and in RC's in passive voice Discontinuity -ed participles and in RC's in passive voice Restrictivity in -ed participles and in RC's in passive voice Dynamic vs. stative verbs in -ed participles and in RC's in passive voice Deatailed semantic overview of predicates in -ed participles and RC's in passive voice
24 25 26 27 28 29 30
Head nouns in relative clauses Finite clauses: Tense and mood Reference in prepositional phrases Rephrased prepositional phrases clauses Head nouns in prepositional phrases Be and have in relative clauses Reference of premodified head nouns
5
1. Introduction
This study aims to examine authentic translation equivalents of the Czech adnominal relative clauses with the purpose to describe the constancy of realization forms of this type of modifier in English, which, contrary to Czech, may use non-finite participial clauses more frequently. Due to an assumed systematic relation of subject-gap relative clauses and non-finite clauses (cf. CGEL: 1263-64; Šaldová, 2005) only the relative clauses with relative pronouns in the nominative will be considered. The study will take account of differences in the use of punctuation (non/restrictivity) and the level of explicitness of the respective equivalents with regard to such grammatical categories as mood and aspect.
2.
Theoretical background
The following chapter outlines the position of relative clauses in the Czech syntactic system, considering their function and form. Secondly, it will expand on its English equivalents with respect to their form and function. 2.1.
Basic notions
The syntactic relations described in the Czech language are basically of two types, namely the relation of dominance [dominance] and the relation of multiplication [zmnožení]; out of which the former one is essential for inner structuring of an utterance (cf. DANEŠ et al.,1987: 15-18). The principle of dominance is based on the fact that the use of the dominated clause element is conditioned by the use of the dominant clause elements, in other words, the selection of the dominated element is semantically and formally restricted. Further, the dominance may be divided into two relations: valency [valence] and modification [rozvíjení]. An attribute, having one of its representations in a relative clause, is ruled by the dominance relation of modification. 2.2.
Modification in Czech1
Mluvnice češtiny (Daneš et al., 1987: 37) describes modification as a non-obligatory process which incorporates non-constitutive, optional clause elements into the clause structure. These elements become subordinated to the clause element which they are bound to. The process of modification may 1
Unless it is openly stated, we adhere to terminology used by Daneš et al.. When it is perceived as necessary, the original Czech term is stated in brackets. Regarding the illustrative examples, we use versatives. Czech originals are followed by English equivalents in brackets. 6
be endlessly repeated, so the modifier may be modified by another modifier and so on. Such capacity is called ‘recursiveness’. “The group of modifying clause elements consists of the set modifiers2 [atributy] as the supplements [suplementy] of nouns and the set of adverbials [adverbiále].” (Daneš et al,1987: 39). The label modifier will be used interchangeably for the label atribut.
2.3.
Modifier [Atribut]
The form of a modifier may vary. It becomes a part of the syntagma3 through the process of modification. (Daneš et al., 1987: 126) describes these syntagmas as: •
a bare clause element absolutní vítěz ,
•
a phrase vítěz každé kategorie or;
•
a
clause
závodník,
který
vítězí.
The general classification of the modifiers in terms of their form brings about two main groups: atribut shodný and atribut neshodný. The distinction is made on the basis of the congruence between the head noun and its modifier in some grammatical categories, mainly: gender, number, and case. (cf. KARLÍK et al: 491) The atribut shodný corresponds to the grammatical categories of its head, whereas the atribut neshodný does not. The former group consists of adjectives and relative clauses. Adjectives correspond with the head noun in gender, number, and case. The grammatical concord between a relative clause and its head noun is manifested via the relative pronoun in genus and number. The case of the relative pronoun is conditioned by its function as a clause element in the relative clause. The form of the relative clauses may be distinguished on the basis of the relative4 used: který, jenž, kde, kam odkud, kudy, kdy, odkdy, dokdy, když, co, jak + personal pronoun in the third person. The quality of an antecedent is expressed by relative clauses with the relative jaký and relative clauses postmodifying substantive pronouns of the type někdo, něco use relatives kdo, co. Půjde tam někdo, kdo umí německy. [“Someone who knows German will go there.] Leželo tam cosi, co připomínalo kus drátu. [Something that reminded of a piece of wire was lying there.] (Cf. Karlík: 494)
2
Czech notion of a modifier differs from the English one. The Czech theoretical section will use the label modifier for all constituents dominated by a head in a noun phrase. 3 A syntagma= a phrase 4 Relative stands for a relative pronoun or a relative adverbial 7
Table 1 An overview of Czech “atributes (modifiers)” qualifying (mladý muž) relational (lesní vůně) Possessive ( bratrův pes) Substitution
When a relative pronoun is the
of a relative agent:
adjectivized
present
clause with participles –cí (vláček jedoucí) an
When a relative pronoun is patiens:
imperfective Adjectivized past participles -ný/tý verb
(student
zkoušený,
injekce
vstříknutá) When a relative pronoun is the agent: adjectives -vší (člověk rozbivší)
The verbs denotating change of status are substituted by adjectives ending in –lý (zkřehlé prsty, zbledlá dívka) Substitution
When a relative pronoun is the
of a relative patient: clause with Adjectives ending in:-ný, tý Dynamic
2.4.1
a perfective
(náklad dopravený, dopadený vrah,
verb
rozbitý)
Atribut
adjectives
shodný
Relative
který, jenž, jaký, kde, kam odkud, kudy, kdy, odkdy, dokdy, když,
(congruent)
clauses
co, jak + personal pronoun in the third person.
Function of the Modifiers - Relative Clauses
Since the Czech part of the study involves only relative clauses, we will mainly focus on the description of their functions. Mluvnice češtiny (Daneš et al. 1987: 157) describes two types of modifiers with regards to the reference of the noun phrase:
8
a) Restrictive [omezující] or [těsný, cf. Karlík et al: 495] modifiers:
“The delimitation
[vyčlenění] of the subclass performed by the modifier is substantial for the extension5 of the phrase:
Piloti zvyklí na mimořádné situace již jako stíhači jsou dobrými kosmonauty. [Pilots used to exceptional fighter situations are good astronauts.]
The noun pilots is referentially indefinite [referenčně neurčité] and non-specified [nespecifikované]. The class delimitation [vyčlenění], equal to the extension of the noun, is performed by the phrase zvyklí na mimořádné situace již jako stíhači [used to exceptional fighter situations]. If the modifier is omitted, the truth value of the clause changes (ie. with regards to the quoted proposition, the proposition Piloti jsou dobrými kosmonauty [Pilots are good astronauts] may not be true).” (Daneš et al.,
1987:
158)
b) Nonrestrictive (additive, explanatory [aditivní, vysvětlující]; [volný, cf. Karlík et al: 495]) modifiers: “They are not relevant for the delimitation of a subclass, because they either express tautologic qualification”:
Probíráme teď katalyzátory, urychlují chemické reakce. [We are on accelerators; they accelerate chemical reactions.]
or the delimitation is either explicitly or implicitly performed by the determination [determinace]:
Tito piloti, kteří jsou zvyklí [These pilots who are used to]... Některé z (těchto) obrazů, získaných od přátel, dosud visí v umělcově ateliéru. [Some (of these) paintigs, received from friends, are still in the artist’s studio]” (Daneš et al.1987: 158) Other instances of modifiers which the Czech grammar perceives as non-restrictive can be found. The speaker does not wish to create the contrast/opposition of two subclasses. Czech grammar labels them as delimitative qualification [delimitační kvalifikace6]:
5
Extension – (Daneš et al.:, 1987: 155) „Extensional validity [extenzionální platnost] of an expression means number of items which may be referred to by this expression. The lexical extension of the noun is delimited by the set of its features. When a noun is modified by a modifier, it very rarely expresses qualification [kvalifikace] relevant to the whole extensional meaning of the noun. Complete extensional modifiers are tautological: a cylindrical cask , native homeland. Modification constrics the extension of the head noun, its modifier is restrictive.” 9
Jeli jsme ve vlaku se studenty, kteří se vraceli ze sklizně chmele. [We took a train with students, who were coming back from hop harvest.] However, Daneš (1987: 158) mentions the same modifier used in a restrictive way: Česáče ze Žatecka přivezly autobusy, my jsme jeli se studenty, kteří se vraceli z Rakovnicka [Hop pickers came by bus; we went with students who were coming back from Rakovník area.]. The example above shows the opposition of positive and negative proposition may be another criterion for restrictiveness. (Daneš et al: 158) 2.4.2
Relation of Czech delimitative7 [delimitační] and qualifying [ kvalifikační] modifiers
This chapter brings about some clarification related to determiners and modifiers. Although the Czech and English languages may vary in the formal representation of reference, and some may even argue that determiners are not used in the Czech language in such an explicit way as in English, Czech grammar (Daneš et al.,1987: 157) presents some conclusions which may be useful for comparison of the function of modifiers: “...delimitation8 may restrict reference of a noun: A phrase některé plechové sudy (jsou již rezavé a nepoužitelné) [some metal casks (are already rusty and out of use)] restricts the whole group of plechové sudy [metal casks] and creates a smaller group. A similar mechanism may be applied to a phrase tyto plechové sudy [these metal casks]. The hearer learns from the speaker’s gesture or from the context which units of the “metal casks” are indicated. These consequences of delimitation for a referential validity of a noun phrase must be taken into account; other modifiers thus do not have the same importance for referential validity. When the reference of a noun is substantially exactly determined by the delimitation, the qualifying modifier provides only an additional function: Ukázalo se, že tito piloti, zvyklí na mimořádné situace již jako stíhači, budou vynikajícími kosmonauty. [It turned out that these pilots, used to exceptional situations as fighters, will be excellent austronauts.]
6
[Delimitační kvalifikace] seems to be a diplomatic nomenclative escape from a problem which we come across in both languages. There are relative clauses which may be restrictive under some conditions, but implicit or explicit conditions make their restrictivity needless. 7 Delimitative modifier= determinative 8 Delimitation= determination? 10
The anaphoric use of delimiter tito [these] defining piloti [pilots] is referentially unique; that is why the modifier is not necessary from the point of view of the truth value. The delimitation may be expressed by special expression means or it may be inherently present in the noun itself: Proper name:
Otevřela mi Marie, která byla náhodou doma [Marie, who was by coincidence at home, opened the door.]
Relationally unique reference: Ale kde je její manžel, tolik naléhající, abych přijel?
[But where is her husband, who insisted on my arrival?]
Exophorically unique reference: Those metal casks, which are already out of use, are in the way. [Tamhlety plechové sudy, již nepoužitelné, tu překážejí.] Indefinite, but specific reference9: Ukážu vám jeden rukopis, velmi krásný a pro každého badatele neobyčejně zajímavý. [I’ll show you one / a manuscript (,) (which is) very nice and exceptionally interesting for every researcher.]
The unique reference may be inferred from the overall context or extralinguistic situation.” (Daneš et al: 158) A general note on reference and its formal representation in the Czech noun phrase with respect to English should be made. Czech as well as English distinguish between generic and non-generic reference where the latter is further divided into as indefinite and definite. The concepts are the same, however, the representation is different. Czech noun phrases with generic reference do not take any formal determinatives as in Mléko je zdravé,. (Karlík et al:653), whereas English may use the, a/an, zero as in The bull terrier makes an excellent watch dog./ A bull terrier makes an excellent watchdog/ Bull terriers make excellent watchdog. (Quirk et al.:281) The non-generic, indefinite reference in 9
The English language is in agreement with this description. If we accept that restrictive clauses influence the reference of the antecedent, then we encounter difficulties with clauses which postmodify an antecedent that is mentioned for the first time. If a definite article is used, it means anaphoric use. As the anaphoric use is not wanted, the indefinite article is used. “He mentioned an incident that I had remembered from my childhood. [Zmínil se o jedné příhodě, kterou jsem si pamatoval z dětství.] She carried a bag that was too large for her.[Nesla kabelu, která pro ni byla příliš velká]. The postmodification does not influence the choice of the article. The relative clause is a qualifying clause” (Dušková et al.1999: 68; translation mine) We may thus infer that a large group of formally restrictive clauses becomes functionally QUALIFYING when they postmodify antecedents that cancel (neutralize) their restrictive function and represent a group in between restrictive and nonrestrictive modifiers). 11
Czech may be expressed by means of the word order without taking any additional lexical means. It is sufficient that the words with indefinite reference are placed at the end of the utterance as in Koupila jsem ti noviny. Czech also uses lexical means in the form of indefinite pronouns of the type někdo, kdosi, kdokoli as in Někdo nám ulomil zrcátko. or noun phrases with pronouns nějaký, jakýsi, jeden. as in Vpředu u řidiče stál nějaký člověk. The definite reference may be expressed by the word order as in Noviny neměli, placing the known referent initially, or determinatives ten, onen, tentýž, ten, stejný, ten samý, demonstrative expressions, proper names Petr, possessive pronouns Moje žena pracuje na gymnáziu, possessive adjectives babiččin šátek or restrictive clauses Volala mi ta učitelka, které se Pavlík tolik bojí. The main difference between English and Czech in expressing the reference is that English almost obligatorily uses determination in noun phrases with common names. Czech may use various determinative expressions, in addition, it may use the word order as a sufficient way of expressing FSP. 2.5.
Relative Clauses – Formal Distinction
The formal distinction expressed by the punctuation does not match the distinction in the function of Czech finite relative clauses. A comma and a pause are used for both restrictive and non-restrictive relative clauses to mark that they are separated from their superordinate clauses. A formal test to distinguish between restrictive and nonrestrictive relative clauses consists in the possibility to use analytic relatives co, jak instead of který, jenž in the case of restrictive clauses, although this is limited to colloquial varieties (Karlík et al.: 495). (Nebylo lehké rozloučit se s bytem, ve které jsem léta žila// co (jak) jsem v něm léta žila. Nonrestrictive use Moje rodina, která// *co (jak) odmítala jíst ty neznámé jedy, polykala svorně nějaké zbytkyod oběda. As the test is only applicable in colloquial varieties, it is difficult to decide whether the use of co, jak in relative clauses is not acceptable due to the nonrestrictiveness of the clause is, or whether it is not acceptable, because of the idiosyncratic perception of the colloquial language. Důležitou formalin vlastností přívlastku je zúpůsob připojení k substantiva. Rozlišuje se připojení splývavé, při němž substantivní fráze tvoří jediný větný úsek, a nesplývavé, v kterém substantivum a
Odstraněno: Ye Naformátováno: Písmo: Kurzíva
postponovaný atribut představují úseky samostatné. Rozdíl mezi splývavým a nesplývavým spojením je ve frázích s postponovaným přívlastkem často funkční. Nesplývavě se připojují především přívlastky nerestriktviní. Moreover, there are forms in which the opposition of restrictive and non-restrictive feature may bereflected in punctuation. These forms include non-clausal modifiers [atributy] in postposition: an adjective phrase (Náš dům svítící bílou omítkou, mě zdaleka vítal.), coordinated adjective phrase (Náš dům, bílý a vysoký, mě zdaleka vital.) or a phrase with the head formed by infinitive (Ten jeho zlozvyk, skákat do řeči, mě popuzuje.). (cf. Daneš et al.1987: 126).
12
Naformátováno: Písmo: Kurzíva
2.6
A note on FSP in Czech
2.6.1. Topic and focus The use and ordering of parts of an utterance is determined by many circumstances; however, the communicative intention of the speaker plays a dominant role. The functional sentence perspective is reflected in the relative importance [závažnost] of parts of the sentence. Thus in a sentence Petr přišel. [Peter came.] may be recognized an old piece of information, ie the part of the sentence which is contextually bound and represents the topic of the sentence (Peter); and a new piece of information, ie the part which is contextually unbound, new and representing the focus of the sentence. 2.6.2. Theme, rheme and transition When a sentence is perceived from a communicative point of view, theme and rheme may be recognized. The theme is the part of sentence which the speaker says something about; and the rheme is the part of the sentence says something about the theme. (cf. Karlík, 1995: 633). The basic order is THEME-RHEME (topic-focus). The transition is a part of the sentence which connects theme and rheme. It is usually represented by verbs and sometimes by a combination of verbal and nominal elements. This fact is important for our analysis as we shall try to examine whether the position of the antecedent in relation to the transition, pre-verbal or post verbal, known or unknown piece of information, may be correlated.
2.7
Syntactic relations in English
Let us now survey some general notions relevant for the description of modifiers as presented in English grammars so that we can compare the basic frameworks on which our understanding of the equivalents of the Czech relative clauses are built on. Two relations may be observed in syntax: “...coordination, a relation between elements of equal syntactic level...and subordination, a relation between elements of unequal status, dependent and head.” (Huddleston et al: 1289). Coordination corresponds to zmnožení and subordination is equal to dominance (cf. 2.2. Basic notions) In case of the latter concept, CGEL10 makes a distinction between elements which enter the process of subordination. When a noun phrase, or a prepositional phrase becomes dependent on another phrase, CGEL speaks about embedding, whereas subordination is the kind of embedding with the help of which a clause becomes a dependent of another clause. (cf. Quirk et al: 44) In this study, we shall use
10
CGEL stands for A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language 13
these concepts interchangeably as it will always be clear which type of constituent becomes the dependent. Subordination is theoretically an indefinite process, thus we can get recursive structures as: “ some students [at [the college [ on [the other side [ of [the park [at [the north end [of…]]]]]]]]] or on [the top floor [of [a house [in [the corner [of [the old square [behind [the church…]]]]]]]]] or This is the cat [that killed the rat [that ate the malt [that lay in the house [that Jack built]…]]]]. CamGEL11 proceeds with the description of a hierarchical composition from above: “...sentences have parts which themselves have parts, i.e. that larger stretches of material in a sentence are made up by putting together small stretches”. More precisely, the concept of structure involves the notion “that the constituents often have constituents themselves, and those are made up from still shorter constituents.” (Huddleston et. al: 20) CGEL speaks about
“hierarchical composition...called constituent structure” and explains that
“constituents containing more than one word (more specifically, containing a central and most important word augmented by appropriate accompanying words...) are called phrases, and are assigned phrasal categories.” (Quirk et al: 38)
2. 8
Phrase structure
After having explained the notion of the constituent structure in CGEL, we may proceed to the description of phrase structure: “The constituents which function as elements of clause structure are either phrases or subordinate clauses.” Each phrase is named after a class of word which has a primary, and indeed obligatory function. This function, however, varies in different types of phrases. The five formal categories of phrase...are verb phrases, noun phrases, adjective phrases, adverbial phrases, and prepositional phrases...(cf. Quirk et al: 61) A noun phrase is headed to the extent that it has a central constituent or head, to which other elements can be optionally added.
However, not all
elements of the noun phrase are optional. For a large class of noun phrases, a determinative element such as a in The room contains a (beautiful) (Flemish) vase .is obligatory.
2. 9.
Noun phrase
A noun phrase, as well as a sentence, “may be indefinitely complex...ie the noun phrase has the capacity to embed indefinite number of constituents. However, the noun phrase constituents are subject to certain rules... The constituents that may be found within the noun phrase are:
11
CamGEL stands for The Cambridge Grammar of English Language 14
the head;
the determinative (predeterminers, central determiners, postedetermines);
the
Odstraněno: ¶ Odstraněno: ¶
premodification (all items placed before the head other than determinatives) and the
Odstraněno: ¶
postmodification.” (cf. Quirk et al. 1238). Later on, it will be shown that the postmodification is in correlation with determinatives. “The postmodification, [comprises] all the items placed after the head, notably: Prepositional phrase:
the car outside the station
Non-finite clauses:
the car standing outside the station
Relative clauses:
the car that stood outside the station
Complementation:
a bigger car than that
2. 9. 1. Determination Determination “… may be used for the function of words and (sometimes) phrases which, in general, determine what kind of reference a noun phrase has: for example, whether it is definite (like the) or indefinite (like a/an), partitive (like some) or universal (like all). Semantically, all noun phrases are determined in some way or another; eg all noun phrases are either definite or indefinite in meaning. But some heads are by their very nature self-determining: proper nouns and personal pronouns, for example, are inherently definite, and in this sense incorporate their own determiner. In such cases, then, a noun phrase will not generally contain a separate word with a determinative function. When the head is a common noun, on the other hand, determination as a syntactic function is normal, if not obligatory.(exception: women, water the absence of an article signals the presence of zero article).” (Quirk et al: 64) 2.9.2.
Modification
The concept of modification is perceived similarly in both languages. As far as English is concerned, we can make use of CGEL “Modification, in contrast to determination and complementation, is a largely optional function performed, for instance by adjectives in the noun phrase, and by intensifying adverbs in the adverb phrase.” (Quirk et al., 1985: 65) “Semantically, modifiers add ‘descriptive’ information to the head often restricting reference of the head. Thus a green table has a more specific meaning than a table, and very tall has a more specific meaning than tall... In this respect, modifiers in phrases parallel adverbials in the clause...” (Quirk et al., 1985:65) Mention should, however, be made of the different status of admonimal relative clauses in English and Czech grammatical theory, as pointed out by Dušková (1999b: 221): “The inclusion of adnominal relative clauses in the complex sentence in MSČ [Mluvnice češtiny III, Skladba (1987)] is based on the definition of the complex sentence as a grammatical structure composed of more than one clause ... CGEL, on the other hand, excludes
15
Odstraněno: ¶
them because a complex sentence is defined as a sentence containing one or more clauses as its immediate constituents.” These facts lead to a different treatment of relative clauses in the two grammars, the main consequence being that sentences with an adnominal clause representing a constituent in a noun phrase, are not regarded as complex sentences. Conversely, the presence of a relative clause with a sentential antecedent makes the superordinate structure a complex sentence (cf. also below the possible paratactic ordering of the propositions expressed by this type of clause).
2.9.3.
Restrictiveness in a noun phrase
The head of a noun phrase may change its reference due to modification. Quirk distinguishes two types of modification: restrictive or nonrestrictive. “The modification is restrictive when the reference of the head is a member of the class which can be identified only through the modification that has been supplied. The girl in The tall girl standing in the corner who became angry because you knocked over her glass after you waved to her when you entered is Mary Smith. is only identifiable provided we understand that this is the particular girl who is tall, who was standing in the corner, and who became angry. Restrictiveness then indicates a limitation on the possible reference of the head.” (Quirk et al.: 1239) By contrast, our decision to use an item as a premodifier such as non-restrictive (silly in a silly fool)
Odstraněno:
that it be taken for granted and not be interpreted as a specific identifier. “Nonrestrictiveness is a feature of modification which provides only additional information to the referent of a noun phrase which has been previously defined, or is inherently, independently identifiable without need for further identification as in example Mary Smith, who is in the corner, wants to meet you”. (Cf. Quirk et al.: 1239.) Noun phrase referents that do not take restrictive modification are proper names, logically unique referents, sentential antecedents, referents that are identifiable through pragmatic knowledge of the hearer/reader (cf. Czech theory part 2.4.1.). Yet, as shall be seen later, exceptions to these descriptions are encountered.
2.9.4
Explicitness of a noun phrase
Modification of a noun phrase may vary. When we take an example of premodification given in CGEL (Quirk et al:1243) oil man, we can see that it can include many of the relations which are explicit in the respective postmodifying structures a man who sells oil, a man who delivers oil, a man who produces oil, a man who investigates oil. We are able to infer the relations hidden in the premodified structure through context, or pragmatic knowledge. Once again, we can say that postmodification is more explicit that premodification, however; the level of explicitness varies according to the type of 16
Odstraněno: ¶
postmodification used. The clause with finite verb is more explicit than the–ing clause which is more explicit than the prepositional phrase. See examples below (Quirk et al: 1243): 1) The girl who was standing in the corner; 2) The girl standing the corner; 3) The girl in the corner.
2.9.4.1.
Prepositional Phrase
A prepositional phrase is the least explicit type of postmodification. Yet, it is the most frequent type of postmodification which typically implies be-sentences as in [1], or have-sentences as in [2]. the car outside the station= the car is outside the station [1] The man with a red beard = the man who has a red beard [2] The commonest preposition of , sixty to sixty-five percent (cf.Biber: 635) in the noun phrases is closely bound to have-sentences, e.g. a woman of courage ~ a woman that has courage(cf. Quirk et al.: 1275) “Some noun phrases have a prepositional phrase component, e.g. the city of Rome, which is not a regular postmodifier, as in the people of Rome. Such expressions are relatable to be-sentences whose subjects are put into of-phrases, when an indefinite complement is made definite: Rome is a city. ~ The city (that I mean) is Rome ~the city of Rome Similarly in: The team’s victory was (announced as) news. ~ The news was the team’s victory. ~ The news of the team’s victory. [1].” (Quirk et al.: 1284) The prepositional phrase [1] corresponds with finite clause: the news that the team had won or with non-finite clause: the news of the team’s having won
2. 9. 4. 2
Non-finite clauses
Three types of non-finite postmodification are used, namely: –ing participles, -ed participles, and infinitives. Non-finite verb phrases do not express distinctions in mood or tense. We have to emphasize that the postmodification by a gerund can be perceived as the postmodification by a prepositional phrase as it is always preceded by a preposition
17
-Ing clause may postmodify a noun phrase only when the relative pronoun of a corresponding relative clause is a subject. In other words, the implicit subject of the –ing clause equals the antecedent in the matrix clause. –Ing clauses implies a paraphrase by a finite verb in the active voice.
Naformátováno: Písmo: Kurzíva
You should look for a man carrying a large umbrella. [ ‘who will be carrying a large umbrella’] -Ing clauses typically neutralize the distinction in progressive aspect of the predicate as in [1], and are restricted in expressing perfective aspect as in [2]: The man working behind the desk .= The man who works/ who is working behind the desk. [1] *The man having won the race is my brother.= The man who has won the race is my brother. [2] (cf. Quirk et al: 1264) Postmodifying function of -ed clauses is restricted to the constructions whose corresponding relative clauses have relative pronouns in the function of subject. –ed construction differs from the –ing construction in the fact that the –ed construction implies passive voice. –Ed constructions do not typically occur with intransitive verbs, they can indicate progressive aspect, see [3, 3a] The food which was/has been eaten was meant for tomorrow. = The food eaten was meant for tomorrow. [3] The food which is being eaten was meant for tomorrow. = The food being eaten was meant for tomorrow. [3a] (cf. Quirk et al.: 1264) Infinitive clauses may occur as postmodification equivalent to relative clauses with the relative in the function of subject, object, adverbial and complement. When the subject of the infinitive construction is not equal to the subject of the matrix clause and there is a need to express it, it may be done so by structure for...to, see [4] The man (for you) to see is Mr. Johnson, [‘who(m) you should see’] [4](cf Quirk et al:1266) Infinitive clauses can express the aspect12 active or passive voice see [5, 6] The man to meet/to be meeting/to have met is Mr Wilson.[5] He is the best man to choose/to be chosen. (cf Quirk et al.: 1267) An infinitive modifier may implicitly refer to modality. If the antecedent of the matrix clause is in the function of the object of the infinitive, the modal reading is the only possible. [7]
12
perfectness 18
Odstraněno:
The thing to do... = The thing we should do...[7] Sometimes we come across cases where the English equivalents of the Czech relative clauses cannot be classified as adnominal relative clause, nor nominal relative clause. They are classified as appositive or other, see 2.9.4.3.1. CGEL mentions a fact that “some nouns with appositive postmodification by means of an infinitive may not have a corresponding finite clause as apposition, but instead an alternative construction with a prepositional phrase.” (Quirk et al.:1272) He lost the ability
to use his hands of using his hands *that he could use his hands.
Semantics of the head noun rules whether to-infinitive or of-phrase will be used: A)
Nouns followed by to-infinitive chiefly express intrinsic meanings. In other words these noun
express modal meanings that involve human control over events, eg decision, will, agreement, resolution Anna’s will to win. B)
Some nouns may be followed by to-infinitive or of-phrase. The variation may be caused by the
capability to express both root and epistemic possibility. The possibility for man to coexist with man is slight. [‘It is possible for man to coexist...’, root possibility, subject introduced by for] The possibility of (them/their) coexisting is slight. [It is possible that...’, epistemic possibility] The construction with to-infinitive is especially suitable for cases where the subject of the infinitive is expressed. The construction with ing-clause is especially convenient when no expressed subject ir present of implicit(generalizing function). However, certain nouns prefer to-infinitive: chance, obligation, power, freedom, opportunity, need, plan. Other nouns prefer –ing constructions: aim, necessity, impossibility, intention, possibility, responsibility.
19
C)
Nouns expressing extrinsic modality, ie nouns that primarily do not express human control of
the action itself, but typically involve human judgement are followed by of +-ing : hope, possibility, prospect, risk
2. 9. 4. 3
Postmodification by finite clauses
This section presents formal and functional classifications of finite postmodifiers outlined by two major grammar books, focussing on the relative clauses13. Before classifying relative clauses, a very important notion presented in CGEL should be mentioned (cf. Quirk et al.: 1244): Two major types of finite clauses as noun phrase postmodifiers are distinguished: relative clauses and appositive clauses. That in appositive clauses is not replaceable by wh-pronoun, because it does not function as a clause element within the that-clause. The news that appeared in the papers this morning was well received
[relative clause]
The news that the team had won calls for celebration.
[appositive clause]
Huddleston et. al solves the problem of terminology differently. He prioritizes the term relative constructions to relative clauses, because relative clauses do not cover all types of postmodifying finite constructions. The term relative construction is capable of covering instances where a prepositional noun phrase postmodifies the noun. (cf. Huddleston et al: 1033) 1. I agree with most of the things that you were saying. [clause] 2. I agree with most of what your father was saying.
[NP]14
Relative constructions are classed in CamGEL according to an anaphoric element used for connecting the superordinate and subordinate clause. These elements are wh-relatives and non-wh relatives which are further divided in bare relatives and that-relatives. The classification based on the relation of the relative construction to the larger structure in CamGEL provides four types (cf. Huddleston et al: 1034): integrated relative, supplementary relative, cleft relative, fused relative. [integrated relative- restrictive15]
1. The boys who defaced the statue were expelled.
13
The term understood as it is in CGEL (Quirk et al.: 1244.) The underlined structure does not correspond to the relative clause that your father was saying,but to the larger NP containing it the things that your father was saying . The CGEL concept would perceive it a relative nominal clause. 15 The second word of the pair is the CGEL terminology 14
20
Odstraněno:
2. My father, who retired last year, now lives in Florida.
[supplementary-nonrestrictive]
3. It was Kim who wanted Pat as a treasurer.
[cleft relative-cleft sentence]
4. What you say is quite right.
[fused relative- nominal relative]
(Huddleston et al: 1034) An integrated relative clause, the most frequent type, functions as modifiers within nominal constituents. It is called integrated, because it is prosodically and informationally integrated into the construction containing it(cf. Huddleston et al.:1034). Integrated relatives are functionally the same as restrictive relatives clause described in CGEL. Supplementary relatives add extra information about their antecedents, the information is not integrated, it does not delimit the set denoted by the antecedent, and it can relate to a wider range of antecedents, as for example pieces of text or clauses. Supplementary relative in CamGEL clauses correspond to non-restrictive and sentential relative clauses in the notion of CGEL. Cleft relative clauses in CamGEL are clauses that occur after a foregrounded element in it-cleft construction. Fused relative clauses are so called because it is not possible to identify the antecedent and relative clause independently. These clauses correspond to nominal relative clauses in CGEL. The work shall adhere to the terminology used in CGEL
2.9.4.3.1
Relative clauses
In further classification of relative clauses CGEL distinguishes nominal clauses, adnominal clauses and sentential clauses. (Quirk et al.: 1244-45) What surprises me is that they are fond of snakes and lizards.
[nominal clause]
The news that appeared in the papers this morning was well received.
[adnominal clause]
They are fond of snakes and lizards, which surprises me.
[sentential clause]
Šaldová summarizes the characteristics of relative clauses with the words: „Nominal relative clauses are introduced by a specific set of wh-elements. These items are termed free relatives because they are viewed as containing their antecedents. Nominal relative clauses are therefore syntactically understood as noun phrases modified by an adnominal relative clause, except that their antecedents are merged with the supposed relative pronoun: the fact which surprises me.
21
The second type, i. e. adnominal relative clause, is the most central type... ...In sentential relative clauses, the antecedent is not a noun phrase, but a complement to an auxiliary, the entire clause or even a larger portion of a text. The relation of a which clause to the whole preceding clause can be seen in the singular concord, the replaceabality of the first clause by a nominal proform, or by the fact that this construction is used to test sentence modifiers- disjuncts. Moreover, they may be often paraphrased by coordinate clauses.” (2005:11)
2.9.4.3.2
Further description of relative clauses – syntax, restrictivity
Relative clauses may be further classified according to various criteria. The first criterion, the form of the relative pronoun, creates following subsets: clauses with wh-relatives, that, or zero relative. For further information, see CGEL (Quirk et al.: 1248) The second criterion may be the function of the relative pronoun in the relative clause. Relative pronoun may operate as subject, object, complement, and adverbial (or complement in a prepositional phrase functioning as adverbial), see respective examples below: S: They are delighted with the person
who/that/*zero
has been appointed.
O: They are delighted with the person
who(m)/that/zero
we have appointed.
C: She is the perfect accountant
which/*who/*that
her predecessor was not.
C: This is not the type of modern house which/*that/* zero
my own is.
A: She arrived the day
on which
I was ill
that/zero
I was ill on.
The third criterion for the relative clauses classification may be the aspect of restrictivity. Quirk et al. recognizes restrictive, non-restrictive and telescoped relative clauses. The telescoped clauses postmodify proper names restrictively. See example [1] below. All this I gave up for the mother that needed me. [1] and they are presented only as one type of the transitory sphere in the continuum between two extremes with restrictive clauses on one side and non-restrictive clauses on the other side. (cf.1985:1257) Fialová (1996: 79) states that relative clauses in the transitory stage are mostly found in fiction and proposes nine subsets based on logical and semantic features.
22
Depraetere, on the other hand, claims that based on her findings: “...there is no conclusive evidence for the claim that RRC-NRRC16 opposition is a gradient.” (1995: 434) Her study is important in the way she describes restrictive clauses from the point of view of the speaker. If the speaker “considers it necessary to offer additional linguistic material within the same intonation unit to put the hearer to identify the referent, he does so by using RRC[1]” (1995: 434). If the speaker “believes that the hearer can identify the referent by making use of his contextual knowledge or pragmatic knowledge” (1995: 434), then the speaker uses a NRRC[2]. The main factors affecting the choice of relative clauses are: lexically and semantically empty antecedents for RRCs [3], contextual presence of other similar referents for what kind of RCs [4], antecedents with quantifiers with the relative clauses within the scope of the quantifiers for RRCs [5] and outside the scope of the quantifiers for NRRCs [6] (cf. Depraetere: 434-450). Depraetere says that “...no predictions can be made about the likelihood of NRRC/RRC being used on the basis of the definiteness/indefiniteness...”17(1995:450). [1] Any man that knows three words of Greek could settle the point. (Zaandvort 1964:254, Depraetere:452) [2] My uncle, who will be seventy to-morrow, is still a keen sportsman. (ibid) [3] She married the man who had lived with his mother all his life. (1995:435) [4] The tailor’s scissors were stolen by the tinker who wanted to cut his toenails. (Lucas 1974:98, Depr:442) (more tinkers) [5] He has four sons who became lawyers. (Bache and Jakobsen 1980:60) (more than four sons) [6] He has four sons, who became lawyers. (ibid.) And very importantly she notes that “...any kind of RRC imposes some sort of constraint on the head noun, but not in the sense that the reference is assigned or that one particular item is singled out from a larger set of items.” (1995:456) It has to be noted that at the same time she does not accept typography, commas, as a distinctive factor for the RRCs or NRRCs. A clause in [7] may be perceived as a NRRC, when read with a pause. [7] They continued a sit-in protest which had begun the day before. (Depraetere 1995:450)
16
RRC=restrictive relative clause, NRRC=nonrestrictive relative clause There may be antecedents with indefinite or definite reference followed by restrictive and nonrestrictive clauses(Depraetere:443) (x) a. Elizabeth first came involved in politics through a cousin who introduced her to the movement. (implicature that there are more cousins) b. Elizabeth first came involved in politics through a cousin, who introduced her to the movement. c. Elizabeth first came involved in politics through her cousin who introduced her to the movement. (implicature- that there are more cousins) d. Elizabeth first came involved in politics through her cousin, who introduced her to the movement. 17
23
2.9.4.3.3
Appositive clauses
There is another type of clauses that postmodify a noun phrase. These clauses are introduced by that functioning as a conjunction. The function of that is crucial for distinction of appositive clauses from relative clauses, because that is not an element in the clause structure as it is always in relative clauses. She objected to the fact that a reply had not been sent earlier. [restrictive appositive clause] Both types of appositive clauses, restrictive and non-restrictive , are introduced by that. Which is not allowed. The head of a noun phrase is a general abstract noun. (cf Quirk et al.: 1260)
2.10.
Relative clauses and information structure
Sentences embedding restrictive relative clauses are mentioned by Lambrecht as an example of a “combination of old and new elements” (1996:51). When a speaker wants to convey new information, he does so by relating it to information already known by the addressee (or believed or otherwise taken for granted).
The restrictive relative clause is used in order to help the addressee identify the
information.
2.11.
Comparison of English and Czech
Syntactic relations in English and Czech are basically the same. Modification, the non-obligatory relation, is based on the principle of dominance and can be endlessly repeated. Modifying constituents entering the process are headed by a noun, which is the same principle for both languages. However, Czech as an inflectional language distinguishes modifiers which reflect grammatical categories of the head noun and which do not. English grammar, on the other hand, differentiates between pre and postmodification. Elements which can enter the process of modification to form syntagmas subsume a bare clause element, a phrase, and a clause in Czech. English term for the syntagma is a phrase and its internal modifying elements are classed as prepositional phrase, non-finite clause and finite clause. Where Czech uses finite clauses as the postmodification of the head noun18, English may make use of non-finite clauses.
18 Syntactic condensation in Czech language exists. Czech uses participles, infinitives, nouns, adjectives, and adverbs. Only the participles functioning as adjectives express attributive relations. (Karlík:752)
24
Czech grammarians recognize subsets of qualitative, quantitative and determinative modifiers; while English grammar perceives only the first subset as modification. The second and the third subsets are labelled as determinatives in English. Function of the Czech qualitative modifiers (modification in English) is similarly classified in both languages as restrictive and non-restrictive. Equally, English and Czech acknowledge the dichotomic distinction as deficient. Whereas Czech relative clauses are always separated by a comma from their antecedents, English uses a comma only in the case of non-restrictive postmodification. Nevertheless, commas, the formal sign of non-restrictivity, occur in Czech with modifiers in postposition: an adjective, an adjective phrase, or a phrase with the head formed by infinitive.
3.
Method and results of excerption
In order to perform an analysis of the constancy in the expression of the postmodifier and possible differences between the two languages, two hundred Czech sentences containing a relative clause with a relative in the nominative and their counterparts in English were excerpted. The Czech-English parallel corpus was chosen as a suitable source of the material needed for the task. Since the aim was to compare the English equivalents of the Czech structures, there was a need for Czech to English translations made by native speakers so that the output form should not suffer from any non-native interference. Five novels (see Sources in Bibliography below) were used with the intention to acquire 40 pairs of excerpts from each book. With the aim of obtaining the required constructions, Czech relative pronouns jaký, který, čí, jenž, co, and kdo
in the nominative and their respective forms reflecting the grammatical categories of
19
gender , and person were searched with the help of Paraconc program. Relatives kdo, co were included, because they introduce relative clauses with indefinite pronouns of the type někdo, něco as antecedents. For the resultant query, see Table 2.
Table 2 Paraconc query ( který )|( která )|( které )|( kteří )|( jaký )|( jaká )|( jací )|(co)|(kdo)|( jaké )|( jenž )|( jež )|( již )|( kterýž )|( kteráž )|( kteréž )|( jehož )||( kdož )|( jakýž )|( jakáž )
19
Since it was impossible to carry out the excerption using lemmas at the time of research, the Paraconc query must have been created as a lengthy structure. At the moment, parallel corpus enables such excerption. 25
However, the selected forms are homomorphic and perform various syntactic functions. The relatives kdo, co occurring in nominal relative clauses and cleft constructions were manually deleted. The relatives který,které, která are homomorphic in both the nominative and the acusative cases, therefore the analysis of syntactic functions was used to dispose of the pronouns in the acusative. 3.1.
Excerption results
The most frequent relative pronoun found in the Czech excerpts was který with its inflectional forms reflecting gender and number. Of all, 177 relative clauses introduced by který occur. See Table 3 below. Jaké was mainly found in the function of an object; its representation in the excerpts was very low. The following overall table of Czech relative pronouns is divided into individual books to show whether there is any difference among the writers. Surprisingly enough, Wievegh, the most recent author, uses jenž, jež bookish equivalents of který and its inflectional forms more than other authors, table 4 below. Table 3 Czech relative pronouns CZ rel pronoun Total Který 64 Která 52 Které 45 Kteří 16 Subtotal of all inflectional forms of 177 který
Percentage in (%) 32 26 22.5 8 88.5
Co 8 Jež 6 Jenž 4 Kdo 3 Jaké 2 Subtotal of pronouns other than 23 který
11.5
Total
100
200
4 3 2 1.5 1
Table 4 Czech relative pronouns within the respective books Wievegh Jirotka
Otčenášek
Kundera ULB
CZ rel pronoun který
Total 10
Total 16
Total 13
%
Total % 14 26
%
Kundera Nesmrtelnost %
Total 11
%
kteří 4 které 7 která 8 Subtotal of all inflectional forms of který 32
7 7 7
80
35
88
0 1 2 2 0
37
jež jenž co kdo jaké Subtotal of pronouns other than který
8
20
5
13
Grand Total
40
100
40
100 40
3.2.
5 2 1 0 0
2 14 11
92.5
0 0 1 0 2 3
1 8 12
2 9 14
37
92.5 36
0 0 3 0 0
90
1 1 1 1 0
7.5
3
7.5
4
10
100
40
100
40
100
The English equivalents
The English equivalents can be divided as follows: finite clauses as one subset, and other types of the noun phrase modification, including premodification, as the second subset. See the Table 5 of English equivalents below. The former was further analysed in terms of the type of the finite clause. However, it has to be noted that one finite representation, a nominal relative clause, has not been placed among finite clauses as it was introduced by a preposition. It was thus counted as a prepositional phrase [1]. One adverbial clause [2] was found, one clause raising [3] its status from subordinate to coordinate was found, the rest was a set of relative clauses. [1] V kavárně vykládala známým dámám o nehodě,[[ která ]]potkala strýce. In the cafe she regaled some acquaintance with information about how my uncle met with his accident. /JI 21/
[2] jedna ta příčka praskla, rozštípnuté dřevo trčelo výhružně vzhůru a člověk si darmo představoval, kdyby ten človíček,[[ co ]]se tam batolí, na to upadl. One of those staves recently snapped, leaving the split wood pointing menacingly upwards, and what might happen if the little chap fell onto it as he toddled around there doesn’t bear thinking about. /JI 26/
[3] V kabinetě byl naštěstí zatím jen Jaromír,[[ který ]]měl na rozdíl od Bělikova pro své mladé kolegy většinou pochopení. As luck would have it, there was no one but Jaromir in our office yet, and unlike Byelikov, he tended to be indulgent towards his younger colleagues. /WI 34/
27
The set labelled as “other forms of” modification was further classified according to the form. The forms found include: -ing clause, -ed clause, infinitive, prepositional phrase, premodification, adjective, and apposition. The most numerous subset contains -ing clauses with 32 instances obtained, the second largest group was the set of prepositional phrases, and the third was the set of -ed clauses (cf. Table 5). Initially, there was confusion about two instances of postmodification which contained coordination mistakenly analyzed as a sets subsuming two different realization forms. Namely, the first instance included postmodification by a finite clause and an adjective phrase [4]; the second represented postmodification by –ing clause [5] and –ed clause [6]. This analysis proved to be wrong as the items in coordination should alwys be of the same form. [4] Nebyla to tedy jen hysterie člověka,[[ který ]]si v hloubi duše uvědomoval svou neschopnost lásky a začal ji proto sám sobě předstírat? Was it simply the hysteria of a man who, aware deep down of his inaptitude for love, felt the self-deluding need to simulate it? /KU 11/
[5] Připadal si jako prezident republiky,[[ který ]]stojí před čtyřmi odsouzenci na smrt a smí dát milost jen jednomu. He felt like the president of the republic standing before four prisoners condemned to death and empowered to pardon only one of them. /KU 33/
[6] Často se jí například vracely sny o kočkách,[[ které ]]j9 skákaly do tváře a zatínaly drápy do kůže. For example, she repeatedly dreamed of cats jumping at her face and digging their claws into her skin. /KU 23/
Table 5 English Equivalents Basic distinction Number finite 140 (70%)20 other forms 60
forms relative clauses other finite clauses -ing clause -ed clause
number 138 2 32 8
20
percentage (%) 69 1 15.5 4
Biber (1999:606): “Relative clauses are relatively frequent in…written registers. Proportionally, they are most common in fiction. (c.70% of all non-prepositional postmodifiers). Propositional phrases are by far the most common type of postmodification in all registers…[they] make up 65-80 % of all postmodifiers.” Although Biber’s results are not in keeping with the extracts found in our study (We achieved 70% relative clauses and 5% of prepositional phrases), it does not necessarily mean that the language found in the corpus we use is unnatural or wrong. The divergent results were caused by the default filter of our study restricting its focus to relative clauses in Czech language only and than observed their equivalents in English. 28
(30%)
infinitive prepositional phrase adjectival phrase premodification apposition total
3 9 2 5 1 200
1.5 5 1 2.5 0.5 100
The results have shown that more than two thirds of equivalents were rendered by finite relative clauses, which means sixty-nine percent. A further analysis was carried out to see whether the syntactic function of the relative pronouns matched the subject function of the originals. Ninety-six percent of the counterparts, see table 6 below, matched in the function of the pronoun and in the voice of the predicate. There were three cases in which the subject function of the relative remained the same, but their predicates altered the voice. In addition, one of them [7] , changed the semantics of the predicate. [7] Při nejlepší vůli nedokážu přesvědčivě, nesentimentálně popsat ten balvan otcovské lásky,[[ který ]]zavalil onu jeho větu. With the best will in the world I am incapable of describing in a convincing and unsentimental way the enormous weight of paternal love that was borne by that sentence. /WI 20/
Two cases of a change from subject to object function were found [8]. [8] S hranatou mužskou neobratností ji uchopil do náruče a začal tichounce pohvizdovat banální valčík,[[ který ]]mu uvízl v paměti ještě z tanečních. With masculine awkwardness he took her in his arms and began to whistle softly, a silly waltz tune he remembered from his dancing lessons. /OT 37/
Table 6 Function of relative pronouns Function of E pronoun S S with the predicate in passive voice
Total 127 6
Percentage in (%) 92.0 4.4
Subtotal of matching structure
135
96.4
S with the predicate in passive voice 3 (Czech subject in active voice) O 2
2.2
Subtotal of changes in the structure
5
3.7
Grand Total
138
100
1.5
29
The next feature observed was the presence or absence of commas. One hundred and seventeen clauses lacked the comma, the formal indication of restrictiveness; the remainder, 21 instances, were preceded by a comma.
See table 7 below. There were four cases where a proper name was
postmodified restrictively [9]. [9] Table 7 Formal restrictivity in relative clauses number % restrictive 115 84.8 nonrestrictive 23 15.2 sum 138 100 As Table 7 summarizes, we get 138 finite clauses, of whic85% are restrictive and 15% nonrestrictive. This is in keeping with Biber’s results (cf. 1999: 603): “Non-restrictive relative clauses make up only about 15% of all relative clauses in fiction and academic prose“.
3.3.
Finite Equivalents
As is evident from Table 5 above, English counterparts match the Czech originals in 140 cases (70%) regarding the finiteness. However, not all of them represent relative clauses. A small subset of two clauses had to be taken into account as a separate group. Therefore, the number of clauses complying in finiteness and the type of subordinate clause with the Czech originals was 138 (cf. Table 5). Unlike Czech clauses, English relative clauses express formal distinction between restrictiveness and nonrestrictiveness, which is the presence of commas. It must be borne in mind and it is emphasized that this criterion serves as guidance in delineating a division between formally restrictive and formally nonrestrictive clauses. This formal division, however, does not necessarily coincide with the function of the clauses. Hence, the conclusion is the following. The form, commas, will be treated separately from the function. The subsequent chapters will deal with relative clauses classified according to the abovementioned formal criterion and the smaller subsets will be established on the basis of the antecedents of the pronouns in respective relative clauses. 3.4.
Restrictive relative clauses
Since there exists an assumed relation between a type of clause and the reference of the antecedent, i. e. the majority antecedents are nouns with definite cataphoric reference, restrictive relative clauses were classified according to their antecedents and their reference to see whether some kind of antecedents and reference tends to occur prominently in restrictive relative clauses. The following table presents the representation of antecedents. This criterion delineated four subsets. 30
Table 8 Table of antecedents in restrictive relative clauses Form total % Reclassified proper names (+ reclassified nouns with unique reference) 5 4.35 Generic reference
7
5.22
Definite reference
45
39.13
Indefinite reference
58
51.30
Total
115
100
The following serve as an illustration of respective groups proper name [10], generic reference [11] , definite reference [12], indefinite reference[13].: [10] Je nekonečný rozdíl mezi Robespierrem,[[ který ]]se vyskytl jen jednou v dějinách a Robespierrem, který by se věčně vracel usekávat Francouzům hlavy. There is an infinite difference between a Robespierre who occurs only once in history and a Robespierre who eternally returns, chopping off French heads. /KU 6/
[11] Přestože v mém hlasu byla až do konce přítomna ona známá křečovitá důstojnost řečníků,[[ kteří ]]musí dokončit svůj proslov, jakkoli vidí, že je nikdo neposlouchá, nepřestával jsem být přesvědčen, že vnímán kupodivu jsem ... Even though my voice betrayed that familiar forced dignity of the speaker who is obliged to finish his address in spite of the fact that no one is listening, my conviction never waned for one moment that, amazingly, I had her attention /WI 19/
[12] Pohnutí,[[ které ]]se mnohých přítomných, učitele nevyjímaje, zmocnilo již během Doubkova proslovu, bylo nakažlivé. The emotion that had seized many of the audience, including the teachers, even during Doubek's speech, was infectious. /WI 3/
[13] Nechlubím se tím, chci pouze ukázat na povahový rys,[[ který ]]mi znemožňuje používat ostrých loktů ve snaze o získání dědečkova majetku. I am not boasting in saying this. I merely want to show a certain character trait which makes it impossible for me to use sharp elbows in the attempt to secure Grandpa’s estate. /JI 25/
31
The results show that the most frequent type of reference of an antecedent of a restrictive clause is indefinite (51%). This may be surprising since a restrictive clause is a means to express definite cataphoric reference. There are five factors to be explained. First, it is expected that clauses preceded by comma do not always provide restrictive information to identify the antecedent fully. This antecedent does not express the definite reference. Second, if there are more denotates to which the restrictive information may be assigned, the indefinite article may be chosen. Third, if the speaker does not wish to link the antecedent with the previous context, he may again choose indefinite reference, even if the restrictive clause provides substantial defining information. Fourth, the subset of indefinite reference subsumes large subgroups, see 3.7.; with indefinite specific reference as one of them, expressing the concept of an existing entity. 3.4.1.
Proper names and other nouns with unique reference
postmodified by restrictive
clauses Restrictive clauses in the traditional sense of the word should not postmodify proper names as these are uniquely defined by their own nature of labelling only one referent. However, four instances of proper names followed by restrictive relative clauses were found. These may be further classified as proper names with indefinite reference and definite reference [14]. Proper names allowed restrictive postmodification, because they had been reclassified into common nouns with the use of definite or indefinite article. These reclassified nouns served the purpose of referring to some specific qualities of the former entity labelled by the proper name [14]. [14] Bylo mu nejasně líto toho minulého Pavla,[[ který ]]ji ještě neznal, toho všedního, praobyčejného, vyčouhlého holobrádka. He was somehow vaguely sorry for the Paul that used to be, the Paul who had not known Her, the ordinary, everyday, lanky youth. /OT 25/
One more instance should be included under the reclassified names postmodified by restrictive relative clauses. Again, a traditionally unique noun with definite reference is given special characteristics, in other words, one feature of the antecedent is pinpointed in its postmodifying relative clause [15]. [15] Někdo v nejvyšším poschodí otevřel okno a pustil přístroj naplno, aby přísná Bachova krása zněla jako hrozivá výstraha světu,[[ který ]]se dal špatnou cestou. Someone on a top floor had evidently opened a window and turned up the volume all the way, so that Bach's severe beauty sounded a warning to a world that had gone awry. /40 KR/
In the abovementioned cases the choice of a restrictive postmodification is obvious.
32
3.4.3.
Generic reference with universal quantifiers
Antecedents with generic reference formed a small subset of nounphrases, which included universal quantifiers [16], or the neutralization of the singular and plural was obvious[ 17]. [16] Snažím se schvalovat každý výklad světa,[[ který ]]vede k laskavosti (Šimečka), a nesnažím se číst všechno a rozumět všemu, protože nedostatek vzdělání může být i pramenem... I strive to endorse every interpretation of the universe that is conducive to kindness (Simecka), and do not strive to read and understand everything, because a lack of education can also be a source of strength... /WI 28/
[17] Přestože v mém hlasu byla až do konce přítomna ona známá křečovitá důstojnost řečníků,[[ kteří ]]musí dokončit svůj proslov, jakkoli vidí, že je nikdo neposlouchá, nepřestával jsem být přesvědčen, že vnímán kupodivu jsem... Even though my voice betrayed that familiar forced dignity of the speaker who is obliged to finish his address in spite of the fact that no one is listening, my conviction never waned for one moment that, amazingly, I had her attention. / WI 19/
3.4.3.
Indefinite reference
The set of antecedents with indefinite reference was by far the largest one. This heading subsumes antecedents that were either preceded by an indefinite article, or contained an indefinite pronoun. It also includes noun phrases with possessive pronouns which did not fully identify the noun phrase21. As the correlation between relative clauses and their antecedents with indefinite reference is of a varied nature, the classification of the antecedents with indefinite reference is detailed to reveal further insight. Table 9 Antecedents with indefinite reference in relative clauses categories Subcategories number percentage nonspecific without any particular features 35 60.34 general antecedent 17 29.31 repeated antecedent
3
specific 3 58
total
3.4.4. 21
5.17 5.17 100
Indefinite nonspecific reference
Pragmatic knowledge does not provide the information whether “the object possessed” is unique or not. 33
A large number of instances with indefinite nonspecific reference was found. (This group subsumes only instances which did not seem to have indefinite specific reference from our point of view.) The set subsumes lexically empty antecedents, antecedents with possessive pronouns which do not indicate full identification, antecedents which were repeated and only one of them was postmodified, and antecedents with the overriding principle of the first mention. 3.4.5.
Indefinite nonspecific reference – without any particular features
The following thirty-one examples were cases of indefinite, nonspecific reference. The postmodifying relative clause either did not delimit the antecedents in the way that they would be unique, therefore, more denotates matching the delimitation of the relative clause could be found and were not included in the utterance, or the principle of the first mention was more prominent. Example [18], below, serves the illustration of a prototypically unknown antecedent. It receives restrictions through postmodification, but there still may be more referents with the same characteristics. [18] Jsem blázen do Michaela Jacksona a chtěla bych si dopisovat s černochem,[[ který ]]je mu podobný (i nemusí). I'm mad about Michael Jackson and would like a black pen-friend who looks like him (though he doesn't have to). /WI 18/
3.4.6. Indefinite nonspecific reference - General Antecedents It was observed that many antecedents were lexically empty, or rather, of a very general nature. Some of them served as a general base to pinpoint a feature, or characteristics of another referent. The sentence from the extract [19] below may serve well the illustration. [19] Kdykoliv jsem se do takové debaty pustil, připadal jsem si jako člověk,[[ který ]]z pošetilosti prorazil zeď údolní přehrady. Whenever I let myself descend to such an argument, I feel like someone who has been foolish enough to smash a hole in the wall of a dam. /JI 11/
Two other cases of antecedents were also general [20], in addition, the antecedents represented Cs which took part in qualification by false classification. [20] V určitém smyslu slova byl člověkem,[[ který ]]objevil celou řadu chemických pouček a pravidel nejrůznějšího druhu. In a certain sense of the word he definitely was a man who discovered a whole series of chemical theorems and laws of the most various kinds. /JI 16/
3.4.7.
Indefinite nonspecific reference -Repeated antecedent 34
The following antecedents are repeated in the sentence and each repetition receives a new characteristics. Although the antecedent may be perceived as known, the new characteristics given by the relative clause presents the entity from a new point of view [21], in an appositive relation. [21] …ale co byla jejich smrt proti tomu, že mi fotografie Hitlera připomněla zaniklý čas mého života, čas,[[ který ]]se nevrátí? …but what were their deaths compared with the memories of a lost period in my life, a period that would never return? /KU 9/
3.4.8.
Indefinite reference- Specific
A small subset of antecedents with indefinite, specific reference was found [22]. These antecedents are perceived as specific through pragmatic knowledge, or inference from the context. [22] ...celou místnost rozdělovala dlouhá, asi půldruhého metru vysoká knihovna,[[ která ]]vybíhala z protější stěny a přímo proti vstupním dveřím byla po způsobu lodních přídí zakončena barevnou dřevěnou figurou mořské panny,... ...the entire room was divided in two by a long bookcase about five feet high that ran from the opposite wall and ended directly in front of the door after the fashion of a ship's prow by the addition of a figurehead in the shape of a mermaid,... /WI 15/
3.4.9. 3.4.9.1.
Definite reference Definite cataphoric reference
Definite cataphoric reference is formally expressed either through definite articles [23], or through demonstrative pronouns [24]. The noun phrases may also be preceded by a predeterminer [26], see below. All examples belong to the set for their prominent link between antecedent and the restrictive clause. However, it should be noted that there may have been some degree of anaphoric reference in the mind of the speaker as he did not use the indefinite article. The coreferents could have been mentioned previously, but the reader, as the text proceeded, would not be able to identify the coreference without restrictive clause. The antecedent was identifiable through the postmodification. [23] vyšel jsem proto na chodbu a zlehka jsem zatáhl za hlavní vypínač pojistek: ticho,[[ které ]]nastalo, bezesporu patřilo k těm, jimž říkáme krásné. So I went out into the passage and switched off the electricity at the mains: the silence that ensued was one of those justly called golden. /WI 36/
35
[24] Lidé, kterým je lhostejno, budou-li mít milión nebo ne, se vyskytují jen v románech, zrovna tak jako ty neuvěřitelné lidské mátohy,[[ které ]]žijí šťastně a spokojeně, pokud nemají na oběd, … People for whom it is a matter of indifference whether they become millionaires are to be found only in novels, just like those human spectres who live happy and contented lives even if they have to go without lunch. /JI 23/
Extract [25], see below, illustrates definite cataphoric reference. Days are identified through their postmodifying relative clause. [25] Kromě bezmocného hněvu, kvasícího v kdekterém srdci, byl hlavním pocitem ve dnech,[[ které ]]následovaly, strach. Besides the helpless anger rising in every heart in the days that followed, the feeling uppermost in them all was fear. /OT 26/
Extract [26] is presented to illustrate a quantifier used together with definite article. The restrictive relative clause falls under the scope of the quantifier. The confirms that all the referents which comply with the description in the restrictive clause are taken into account. [26] Že prý všichni lidé,[[ kteří ]]tam za ta dlouhá léta bydleli, odnesli své štěstí s sebou, ale bolesti, zármutky a zoufalství tam ne ... Apparently all the people who had lived there before me had taken their happiness away with them, leaving pain, sorrows and despair behind in the building. /JI 6/
3.4.9.2.
Definite reference, anaphoric and cataphoric at the same time
This subset of antecedents is emblematic in their twofold link with the context. These antecedents have an indirect or direct link with the preceding context, and they are postmodified by their relative clauses. Excerpt [27] The old souls refer to parents from the preceding text, which is the first anaphoric link and the second, cataphoric link is provided by the relative clause. Most probably, as the old souls is a paraphrase of the parents, the cataphoric link is provided to bind the noun phrase with postmodification and provide sufficient information for the reader. Another explanation may be that the old souls serve as a base to which quite a large and rich postmodification is related to. [27] Neuměl to, hnusilo se mu podvádět ty dva staré dobráky,[[ kteří ]]pro něho dýchají a kterým v noci ukrádá spánek svým nepochopitelným chováním.. He could not bring himself to do it; it disgusted him to think of cheating those two kind old souls who lived only for him and whose peace of mind he was wrecking with his incomprehensible behaviour. /OT 32/
The demonstrative pronoun those
in extract [28], see below, is cataphorically linked with its
postmodifying relative clause and anaphorically linked to children. 36
[28] Později mi někdo povídal, že ta zvláštní a speciální škola se jmenuje pomocná a že jsou tam vyučovány děti,[[ které ]]by v normální škole postup vyučování brzdily. Later someone explained to me that this unusual and particular establishment was designed for the education of children with ‘special needs’, i. e. those who would hold up the progress of others in a normal school. /JI 15/
3.4.9.3.
Definite anaphoric reference
Antecedents with clear anaphoric reference should be present only in the nonrestrictive relative clauses. The assumption is derived from the fact that the restrictive relative clauses help to identify the referent, therefore a cataphoric link between the antecedent and the restrictive relative clause is created. However, if it is accepted that some of the restrictive clauses serve presenting new information which does not identify the antecedent, the definite article with the anaphoric reference may be found in formally but not functionally restrictive clauses. The pyjamas were mentioned in previous context [29]. [29] Kabát se žlutou hvězdou byl přehozen přes opěradlo a pod jupkou pyžama,[[ která ]]nepřiléhala k tělu, prosvítala bílá kůže. Her coat with the yellow star was thrown over the back of the chair and beneath the pyjama jacket which did not quite fit he glimpsed her white skin. /OT 22/
3.5.
Nonrestrictive relative clauses
The subset of nonrestrictive relative clauses was based on the formal criterion, i.e. a comma preceding the relative pronoun. There appears, however, that noun phrases with indefinite nonspecific reference (KU 35, J I 18, KU 2, WI 9) that were postmodified by clauses with a particular function of an afterthought. The following excerpts are presented for illustration of each subset. Table 10 Antecedents in nonrestrictive relative clauses form total percentage (in %) proper names 8 34.8 NPs with specific reference
6
26.1
NPs with definite reference
5
21.7
Subtotal of NPs with fully identified referents 19
73.6
NPs with indefinite reference , nonspecific
4
17.4
total
23
100
37
3.5.1.
Nonrestrictive relative clauses – Proper names
Proper names, unique labels, are postmodified by restrictive clauses which typically provide additional information [30]. [30] Irenka,[[ která ]]mezitím odběhla do sborovny, se vrátila s novinkou: prý nastoupil nový angličtinář. Irenka, who had meanwhile popped over to the staff meeting room, returned with the news that a new English teacher had just joined the staff. / WI 11/
Exctract [31] was at first subsumed in the group of restrictive clauses because of the lack of comma, however, it should be inserted into a group of proper names followed by nonrestrictive relative clauses. It appears that the antecedent was not separated from its postmodifier by a comma only for the matter of formal appearance: As the relative pronoun is immediately followed by a parenthesis separated by a comma, it would be surrounded from both sides by commas *.. Lizanek, who, with black headphones on his ears, was...
[31] "Již do svých osmnácti let," pravila průvodkyní pořadem a ublíženě pohlédla na Vlastimila Lizánka,[[ který ]]- s černými sluchátky na uších - si právě přitáhl paži svého souseda po pravici, aby s její pomocí mohl lépe imitovat hráče na elektrickou kytaru již do svých osmnácti let vytvořil mladý Mozart přes dvě stovky hudebních děl.” "By his eighteenth birthday…," explained the concert presenter, staring with a hurt expression at Vlastimil Lizanek who, with black headphones on his ears, was just pulling his neighbour's elbow towards him to assist his imitation of an electric guitar player, "…by his eighteenth birthday, the young Mozart had created over two hundred musical compositions." /WI 25/
3.5.2
Nonrestrictive relative clauses- Definite anaphoric reference
In [32], noun phrase the photographs is indirectly anaphorically linked with a thick magazine being a part of it (the photographs of a magazine). The relative postmodifying clause provides additional information. [32] Neměla sílu číst text, prohlížela si jen fotografie, [[které]] byly barevné a bylo jich mnoho. …she felt tired and so to relax she thumbed through a thick magazine.She did not have the strength to read the text but merely looked at the photographs, which were all in colour, page after page. /32 KR/
3.5.3.
Nonrestrictive relative clauses – Specific reference – definite?
38
Four noun phrases were perceived as having unique reference through pragmatic knowledge. For example, the most plausible inference in [33], see below, is a situation with only one referent suit worn by the subject the Principal. [33] Ředitel se na odpolední třídní schůzky dostavil v nádherném šedomodrém obleku,[[ který ]]- řečeno slovníkem žáků naší školy - takřka neměl chybu. The Principal turned up for the parents' conferences that afternoon in a splendid grey-blue suit, which - in the lingo of the pupils at our school - was almost without fault. /WI 38/
This group may also subsume another instance of an antecedent referring to a unique denotate which was postmodifed by a restrictive clause. It is a case where pragmatic knowledge brought about clear information that the referent could not be confused with any other [34]. It seems that the lack of commas is the matter of a formal appearance. It is expected that correctly placed commas would result in *…my wife, who, shortly after half past five in the morning, caught sight of me... [34] Petřík zřejmě zůstal natolik střízlivý, že nás oba mohl odvézt domů - usuzuji tak ovšem jen ze slov své ženy,[[ která ]]mne krátce po půl šesté ráno zahlédla z okna ložnice, kterak s obtížemi vylézám z Králova auta na její dotaz, kde jsem ... Petrik must have remained sober enough to drive us both home - although I only infer this from what I was told by my wife who, shortly after half past five in the morning caught sight of me from the bedroom window getting out of Kral's car with great difficulty. Apparently when she asked me where I had spent the night, I answered in a bhrothel. /WI 32/
3.5.4.
Nonrestrictive relative clauses - Indefinite nonspecific reference
Commas in [35] indicate a relative clause in the function of an afterthought. The clause is not meant to restrict the antecedent. It merely brings about additional information. [35] Tak například zjistil při pokusu,[[ který ]]měl velmi vzrušující průběh, že lít vodu do kyseliny je blbost, a vůbec mu nevadilo, že tento poznat ... Thus, for example, he found out during one experiment, which took a very exciting course, that it is a foolish idea to add water to acid. /JI 18/
In contrast to the assumptions made, the reference of the antecedents followed by restrictive relative clauses is very often indefinite. Not only that, they form the largest subgroup of the set, fifty-one percent..
39
On the hand, the non-restrictive clauses did not bring about any surprise, as the antecedents in nonrestrictive clauses were in the majority fully identifiable, seventy-four percent of the set, see table 10, page 35. 3.6.
Other realization forms
Two different finite clauses were found. The clauses were of different types (one adverbial [36], one in coordination [37]), but had in common an interesting aspect, which was the fact that both antecedents of the Czech originals were uniquely defined. One antecedent was realized by a proper name [37], and the other one was anaphorically defined [36]. If it is taken for granted that a typical relative clause, i.e. restrictive relative clauses, is used for defining the antecedent, it may be inferred that unique antecedents did not need a restrictive relative clause. Therefore, the information included in the subordinate clause could be conveyed in a different structure: an adverbial clause in one case, and a coordinated clause in the second case. [36] ... jedna ta příčka praskla, rozštípnuté dřevo trčelo výhružně vzhůru a člověk si darmo představoval, kdyby ten človíček,[[ co ]]se tam batolí, na to upadl. One of those staves recently snapped, leaving the split wood pointing menacing ly upwards, and what might happen if the little chap fell onto it as he toddled around there doesn’t bear thinking about. /JI 26/
[37] V kabinetě byl naštěstí zatím jen Jaromír,[[ který ]]měl na rozdíl od Bělikova pro své mladé kolegy většinou pochopení. As luck would have it, there was no one but Jaromir in our office yet, and unlike Byelikov, he tended to be indulgent towards his younger colleagues. /WI 34/
3.6.1. Other than finite clauses It is one of the goals of the study to account for the use of the postmodifiers that take a different form in the translation process. We assume that some features of the head nouns, ie animateness22, reference, semantic and syntactic roles, plus features of predicates present or missing in the postmodification, may affect factors affecting the choice of a particular type of posmodification. The following section will examine the above mentioned to infer plausible indicators for the choice of pertinent other than finite forms of postmodification. When particular features are commented on, the will be compared to finite clauses as well.
22
Semantic groups: animate, inanimate, and abstract nouns 40
Realization forms other than finite clauses represent 30% of the English translation counterparts. The most prominent of this set is the –ing clause (52%), followed by prepositional phrase (14%), and -ed participle (12%) 23, see Table 11. The study results compared to the findings of Longman Grammar of Spoken and Written English may be surprising as the –ing participles, the most frequent non-finite realization forms found in our data, represent fifty-two percent of the subset of other than finite forms. Biber (1999:606), though, finds the -ing participles as “moderately common (10-15% of all non-prepositional postmodification)”. Such proportional discrepancy may be caused by a couple of factors: the first prominent cause lies in the original selection of the extracts as it is only focused on postmodifiers in the form of relative clauses. If other excluded modifiers, e.g. Czech genitive construction or a prepositional phrase, were taken into account, the ratio of English realization forms would be surely different. Secondly, translators’ own preferences may have influenced the yielded results; it is already known that Milan Kundera and Jan Otčenášek’s translations make more use of the –ing postmodification24. Kundera’s Unbearable Lightness of Being was translated from French to English and as the Romance languages tend to use participles quite often, we might get a well-grounded explanation for the discrepancy. Otčenášek’s Romeo, Juliet and the Darkness was carried out in the Czech to English translation, however; relatively older date of the translation with the obsolete use o participial constructions in the Czech language may have led the translator to use –ing participles more. Table 11 Other than finite realization forms Realization forms total
Percentage in %
-ing participle
31
52.54
-ed participle
7
11.86
infinitive
3
5.08
prepositional phrase
9
13.56
adjective phrase
3
5.08
premodification
4
6, 78
apposition
1
1.69
Total
59
100
23
Biber (1999:606) Prepositional phrases make up 65-80% of all postmodifiers in all registers. (ale pozor jsou to procenta ze všech postmodifikací, tady už jen zlomek ze zlomku) Ing- clauses are moderately common in all three written registers (10-15%) To- clauses are relatively rare in all registers. 24 -Ing clause occurred the most in Unbearable Lightness of Being eleven times (22% of the book), and Romeo, Juliet, and the Darkness 8 occurrences (16%).
41
3.6.2.
Nonfinite clauses
Before the analysis of individual groups is carried out, it should be noted that the analysis is often made on the basis of comparison of non-finite clauses with relative clauses, and that these relative clauses must be divided according to the features which they share with non-finite clauses. In other words, if we are to compare –ing participles with relative clauses, we will use those clauses that are in active voice, one hundred and twenty-eight cases. Likewise, -ed participles will be contrasted to relative clauses in passive voice only, ten extracts. 3.6.2.1.
-Ing participles
The following sections will describe other than the finite realization forms of source text relative clauses in order to see whether there is a pattern to be found which would enable identfiication of conditions leading to the choice of the condensed forms. It is supposed that that it may be the semantics and reference of head nouns, the semantics of a predicate in a postmodifying construction, restrictivity of a postmodifying construction, discontinuity between a head and its postmodifier, and temporal relations. Similarly, circumstances guiding the speaker to use finite clauses instead of the condensed forms will be studied. We assume that the need to express explicitly complex features of meaning which may be difficult to decode from condensed forms is stronger than the tendency to be brief. The NPs containing –ing participles are in more than one half indefinite. Thirty-five percent of the NPs are definite, see Table 12. A noun phrase with a universal quantifier [38] was included in the set of definite reference, see [38] [38] Každý pedagog,[[ jenž ]]se po absolvování výchovného koncertu vracel do našeho kabinetu, obvykle připomínal zbitého vězně, přiváděného po výslechu nazpět do cely; Every pedagogue returning to our office after enduring an educational concert reminded me of a beaten prisoner being brought back to his cell after interrogation: .... /WI 12/
Table 12 -ing participles restrictiveness restrictive
reference of antecedents indef def
subtotal of restrictive nonrestrictive
proper name common name
sum
42
number 18 9
percentage 58.06 35.48
% to the whole
29
93.55
14.5
1 2 31
3.23 6.45 100
0.5 1 1.5
9.5 4.5
What seems characteristic is a rare (3%) occurrence of the non-restrictive –ing postmodifiers [39]. The prevalence of indefinite NPs with the –ing postmodifiers (58%) is comparable to the situation with relative clauses (52%), therefore this feature does not seem to be linked with explicitness. On the other hand, postmodified nouns with definite reference tend to be interpreted as progressive aspect, which may be the reason forthe low occurrence of definite with –ing postmodifiers, see section Reference, p. 44. [39] Anebo naopak: skrze postavu Tristana,[[ který ]]nemyslí než na svou Terezu, je vidět krásný, zrazený svět libertina." Or, the other way, through a Tristan, always thinking of his Tereza, I see the beautiful, betrayed world of the libertine.' /KU 32/
3.6.2.1.1.
Dynamic vs. stative verbs in –ing participles
As can be seen in the table 13 below, the majority of the verbs used as –ing participles are dynamic25. Such findings may give rise to a conclusion that all the –ing forms of verbs are elliptical forms of progressive tenses as in [40]. Yet, as can be seen in the example [41], the extended form of the utter abandonment breathing her in the face is the utter abandonment that breathed her in the face. The simple tense thus implies non-elliptical origin of the postmodifying –ing structure. [2a] Protože jen hektolitry teplé krve mohou pomstít člověka,[[ který ]]hynul na posteli s rozstřílenými játry. Only a sea of blood could pay for the life of that man dying in his bed with his liver shot to pieces. /OT 29/
[2b]...představoval si, jak odmyká jejich pražský byt a cítil ve vlastním srdci sirobu samoty,[[ která ]]jí ovanula tvář, když otevřela dveře. … he pictured her unlocking their Prague flat, and suffered the utter abandonment breathing her in the face as she opened the door. /KU 28/
A fifth of the stative verbs, 20%, in the –ing forms were found. Since stative verbs do not occur in progressive tenses26, the –ing forms of these verbs cannot be regarded as elliptical versions of the progressive tenses. (Quirk: 1263). To illustrate the data some stative verbs, which formed 5% of all the clauses, are presented: belonging, leading to, declaring, thinking, resembling, lasting.
26
27
CGEL (1985:198), chapter 4.26. Biber (1999:631) Less then 5 % of the postmodifying clauses with a verb in -ing are full relative clauses…. Primary factors seem to be structural: many of the most common –ing verbs occurring in postmodifying clauses are stative in meaning…
27
43
Comparison of the –ing postmodification with the finite clauses reveals that the finite clauses with the verbs in the active voice contain only sixty-two percent of dynamic verbs see table 13, while the -ing clauses have eighty-one percent of the dynamic verbs.(see Table 13). 3.6.2.1.2.
Semantics
The following section deals in more depth with the verb semantics and its classes for there is a presumption that verbs expressing specific activities as motion will be very likely to occur in the –ing postmodification. Likewise, it is expected that for example state verbs will not be very frequent in the –ing forms. To see a more detailed semantic classification of the verb realizations in the –ing postmodifiers, activities or states they express, refer to table 13. Dynamic verbs. Although it may appear as an oxymoronic combination, the most common verbs in the set of the dynamic verbs, thirteen occurrences (fifty-two percent of the set) that are found in the – ing postmodifiers, express static physical activity [42].28 The second most frequent group are motion verbs [43], six occurrences, twenty-four percent. Others, as the verbs of causation, communication, relation, or change are found very rarely. [42a] ... ly mezi věty a kolem nich už se střela tma, ničím neposkvrněná. Ani stěny činžáků,[[ které ]]obkličovaly park jako vysoké hradby, se netřpytily světly oken, spuštěny byly zatemňovací papíry a za nimi dýchali lidé. ... There was not a gleam of light in the walls of the houses standing round the park like the walls of a fortress. The windows were covered with black-out blinds and behind them there were people breathing. /OT 16/
[42b] Protože jen hektolitry teplé krve mohou pomstít člověka,[[ který ]]hynul na posteli s rozstřílenými játry. Only a sea of blood could pay for the life of that man dying in his bed with his liver shot to pieces. /OT 29/
[43] "Rajskou," informoval ho jeden z hochů,[[ kteří ]]už byli po obědě. "Blueee," udělala Agáta z vozu. "Boiled beef in tomato sauce," one of the young lads coming from lunch told him. /WI 10/ Regarding the proportional representation of the dynamic verbs in the relative clauses, the figures differ. As there is a much wider array of the semantic groups, their distribution is more balanced; the most prominent group, does not form so large a fragment of the whole. Let us compare figures with those in the –ing postmodification. Verbs of static physical activity take up thirty-seven percent, the motion verbs represent twenty-two percent, and the verbs of mental activity eleven percent (see table 14). These sets do not differ too much, but what should be emphasized that relative clauses may be 28
Biber (1999:361). …Major semantic domains of …verbs [are]…activity verbs, communication verbs, mental verbs, verbs of faciliatation and causation, verbs of simple occurrence, verbs of existence or relationship, aspectual verbs. 44
used with verbs of mental activity, thirteen percent in our study, verbs of obligation and causation, five percent, verbs of existence and simple occurrence. It should be noted that the semantic overview of the verbs was based on the lexical verbs, not the auxiliary ones (modal verbs occurred in relative clauses five times, out of which only once in active voice [44]). [44] (Dneska jsem si z korektur románu Lubomíra Martínka Mys dobré beznaděje opsal větu,[[ která ]]mne možná nepříjemně usvědčuje… (Today, while proofreading the novel Cape of No Hope by Lubomir Martinek, I copied out a sentence that could well serve as a rather unpleasant indictment of myself…/WI 33/
Table 13 Detailed semantic overview of dynamic and stative verbs in the -ing participles % in the % in the –ing dynamic classes number dynamic set set 6 24.00 motion 13 52.00 static physical activity communication 1 4.00 change 2 8.00 relation 1 4.00 2 8.00 causation Total dynamic 25 100 80.6 stative classes number % mental state 3 50.00 2 relation 33.33 causation 1 16.67 Total stative 6 100 19.4
% to the whole 3 6.5 0.5 1 0.5 1 12.5 % to the whole 1.5 1 0.5 3
The list of the dynamic verbs in the -ing participles: 2 x coming, returning, rattling, retreating, standing, dying, crackling with, growing, jumping, 2 x standing,breathing in and out, radiating, living, blowing, , breathing her in the face, wiping, bringing back, pressing in, lulling, shading, floating, pointing, beginning, declaring, thinking
Table 14 Detailed semantic overview of dynamic and stative verbs in relative clauses dynamic
classes motion static physical activity communication change mental activity causation, obligation
number 22 31 7 4 11 4 45
% 26.2 36.9 8.33 4.76 13.1 4.76
active 21 30 7 4 9 4
% in act v set 17.74 25.00 4.84 4.03 8.87 3.23
Pass verbs set % 1 25 1 25 0 0 0 0 2 50 0 0
Komentář [MS1]: Napsat do zkratek
existence simple occurence Total dynamic stative
classes mental state state relation, existence causation change
Total stative
3.6.2.1.3.
2 3
2.38 3.57
2 3
1.61 2.42
0 0
0 0
84
100
80
62.5
4
100
number 6 34 10 2 2
% 11.1 63 18.5 3.7 3.7
active 6 30 8 2 2
% in act v set 4.69 20.56 7.81 1.56 1.56
Pass v set 0 4 2 0 0
% 0 66.67 33.33 0 0
54
100
48
37.5
6
100
Reference
Now, the goal of the table 15 below is to demonstrate a correlation between hypothetical finite paraphrases of the –ing forms and the reference of their antecedents, i.e. whether there is a relation between reference and simple/continuous tenses. The results show that continuous forms are preceded by heads with indefinite specific or definite reference [45] and simple tenses correlate with indefinite specific and nonspecific reference [46]. [45] Protože jen hektolitry teplé krve mohou pomstít člověka,[[ který ]]hynul na posteli s rozstřílenými játry. Only a sea of blood could pay for the life of that man dying in his bed (that was dying) with his liver shot to pieces. /OT 29/
[46] Často se jí například vracely sny o kočkách,[[ které ]]ji skákaly do tváře a zatínaly drápy do kůže. For example, she repeatedly dreamed of cats jumping at her face and digging (that jumped at her face and digged) their claws into her skin. /KU 23/
[47] Anebo naopak: skrze postavu Tristana,[[ který ]]nemyslí než na svou Terezu, je vidět krásný, zrazený svět libertina." Or, the other way, through a Tristan, always thinking of his Tereza (that always thinks of his Theresa), I see the beautiful, betrayed world of the libertine.' /KU 32/
It may be assumed that definite and indefinite specific references, tied to real life situations and occurring at a certain time, enable the use of continuous tense [45], whereas indefinite nonspecific reference, expressing general existence of a concept, not of a particular entity, blocks the use of the continuous tense [46, 47]. Figures of the table 15 confirm it, as all the continuous forms in the –ing participles are preceded by antecedents with specific or definite reference (the antecedent is definable
46
for the speaker) while a substantial amount of thirty-seven point five percent of the simple verbal forms follow nouns with indefinite nonspecific reference. When compared to the circumstances in the finite clauses, one group of results shows a peculiar resemblance. As well as in the finite paraphrases of the –ing postmodification, the set of predicates in the progressive form correlates with antecedents with the definite reference [48], or indefinite nonspecific reference [49] (See table 16 below). Regarding the set of simple tense verbs, the data diverge. While finite paraphrases of the –ing postmodification adhere to heads with nonspecific (37.5%) or specific (62.5%) indefinite reference only (See table 16 below), finite clauses postmodify heads with all the types of reference: definite reference is represented by thirty-nine percent of the instances and generic reference by two percent (See table 16 below). The abovementioned results may lead to a plausible conclusion that when the speaker wants to postmodify heads with generic or definite reference, and furthermore wants to express nonprogressivity of the predicate with the choice between relative clause, or –ing participle, he should opt for the relative clause. [48] Agáta odkopla tenisky do kouta a lízátko přilepila na Magazín Blesku,[[ který ]]ležel přede mnou na stole. Agata kicked her plimsolls off into a corner and stuck the lollipop on the coloured supplement that was lying on the table in front of me. /WI 14/
[49] Na jeho místě je tu program,[[ který ]]se v jeho nepřítomnosti nezadržitelně naplňuje, aniž by na něm kdokoli mohl cokoli změnit. In his place, there is a program which is ceaselessly running in his absence, without anyone being able to change anything whatever. /KR 21/
Table 15 Correlation of verbal non/progressive aspect and reference of the antecedent in the -ing forms % to % to the -ing % to Aspect Reference of the antecedent number subset set whole indefinite specific 7 43.75 25.93 3.5 continuous definite 9 56.25 33.33 4.5 sum simple sum ambivalent sum Total
indefinite specific indefinite nonsp
16 5 3
100 62.5 37.5
59.26 18.52 11.11
8 2.5 1.5
indefinite specific indef, sp x nonsp
8 2 1
100 66.67 33.33
29.63 7.41 3.70
4 1 0.5
3 27
100
11.11
1.5 13.5
47
the
Odstraněno:
Table 16 Correlation of verbal aspect and reference of the antecedent in finite clauses Proportional tables % to the % to the -ing set Aspect Reference of antecedent number subset % to the whole indefinite specific 6 60 7.25 3 continuous definite 4 40 2.90 2 sum 10 100 7.25 5 simple indefinite specific 46 35.94 33.33 23 indefinite nonsp 24 18.75 17.39 12 definite 45 35.16 32.61 22.5 generic 3 2.34 2.17 1.5 sum 128 100 92.75 64
3.6.2.1.4.
Like phrases
Having dealt with the reference of the head nouns and their possible relation to the hypothetical finite predicate, we should also mention the effect of like prepositional phrases that include –ing participle. Huddleston and Pullum say that in the clause He shook the barman once more, like a bull-terrier shaking a rat. “…it is unclear whether the complement of like is an NP (with shaking a rat a modifier to bull-terrier) or a non-finite clause (with a bull-terrier as subject and shaking a rat as predicate).”29 Our results indicate that this is a specific construction where the use of finite progressive postmodifier is not an option [50, 51]. Such peculiar behaviour of the rephrased structures may be explained again by the fact that the like prepositional phrases are to present hypothetical, imaginary situations, similes. [50] Nezbývá než se vracet zpátky; jako rak nebo jako pavouk,[[ který ]]se stahuje zpět po stříbrné niti. There was nothing for it but to go back, like a crab, or like a spider retreating along its silver thread /OT8/
Rephrased: like a spider that retreats along its silver thread [51] Obraz člověka, který se plácá do čela, plaval v jejích útrobách jako jedem naplněná ryba,[[ která ]]se zvolna rozkládá a kterou není možno vyvrhnout. The image of a person tapping his forehead floated in her innards like a fish full of poison, slowly decaying and impossible to spew out. /38 KR/
29
Huddleston and Pullum 2002: 1154 48
Rephrased: like a fish full of poison that slowly decays Note: Like phrases can be found across all the types of modification. In the set of the –ed participles [n1], contrasting progressive and simple aspect is not relevant, however; it is worth noticing that counter to like phrases with the –ing postmodification mentioned above, the noun in this like phrase is definite, which may explained by simple pragmatic reasoning. …like the suits made.. is a part of a real situation. [n1] Je vlastenec tak trošku staromódní, jako obleky,[[ které ]]vycházejí z jeho solidní živnosti. His patriotism was a bit old-fashioned, like the suits made in his old-fashioned workshop. /OT 12/ Another example taken from set of prepositional phrases [n2] resembles the above mentioned like phrases containing the –ing participles, as its head noun is indefinite due to a simile that is hypothetical. [n2] Naproti ní na dlouhé noze jako čáp stojí televizor. Přehodila přes něj svou košili,[[ která ]]přikryla obrazovku jako bílá zřasená opona. She throws her nightgown over the tube, like a white, tassled theatre-curtain. /10 KR/
Semantic division of the head nouns in the –ing partciples Another characteristics which may show preferences for the –ing postmodifiers is the semantic division into animate, inanimate, and abstract groups of the head nouns. Unlike the –ed postmodifiers, the nouns postmodified by –ing structures do not show any peculiar tendency. Animate nouns are represented in fourty-two percent [4], inanimate nouns [5] in twenty-three, and abstract nouns [6] in eleven percent, see table 17 . [4] lads, peadagogues, girls; [5] tiles, material, houses; [6] visions, misery, abandonment Table 17 Head nouns of the –ing postm
Head nouns of RC's in active voice
type number animate 13 inanimate 7 abstract 11
% 41.94 22.58 35.48
number 62 28 37
% to the 48.44 21.88 28.91
% to the whole 31 14 18.5
total
100
128
100
64
31
The analysis is as well interested in the distance of the head nouns and -ing postmodifiers, more precisely: whether the head noun and its postmodifiers are (dis)continuous, and whether the possible discontinuities in the NPs create ambiguous structures, table 18. table 18 49
Discontinuity in -ing clauses type number % continuous 31 100.00 discontinuous 0 0.00 discon/con 0 0 total 31 100
In RC’s in active voice number % 116 90.63 11 8.59 1 0.78 128 100.00
All the –ing postmodifiers follow their head nouns immediately [52, 53]. There is no doubt about what the antecedent is. None of the NPs are discontinuous, i.e. no other clause constituent is placed in between the head noun and the -ing postmodifier. In some cases the –ing postmodifiers do not follow their heads immediately due to the presence of more postmodifiers as in [54]. One case, however, is not clear even with the help of semantics. There, the –ing modifier may postmodify the nearest noun preceding, or the one which is positioned further back [55]. A rare occurrence of the –ing participle with ambiguous antecedents may lead to a conclusion that –ing postmodifiers tend to follow their antecedent directly in order to avoid ambiguity. [52] Vstal, pokusil se přeskakujícím hlasem rozplašit tíseň,[[ která ]]mu svírala hruď. " He got up, trying in a breaking voice to drive away the misery pressing in on him. /OT 38/
[53] Stál teď u okna a dovolával se té chvíle. Co to mohlo být jiného než láska,[[ která ]]se mu takto přišla dát poznat? Ale byla to láska? ... What could it have been if not love declaring itself to him?" /KU 10/ [54]... jsem se vracel nazpět do kabinetu, byly po celém schodišti v pravidelných intervalech rozestoupeny dívky z šestých tříd,[[ které ]]s pečlivostí uměleckých restaurátorů otíraly vlhkými hadříky každý sebemenší záhyb ozdobných sloupků litinového zábradlí ... When I was returning to my office, standing all along the corridor in regular intervals were sixth-year girls armed with damp cloths wiping every nook and cranny in the decorative posts of the cast-iron railing. /WI 37/
[55] Uvědomil si, že běží známým parkem; zpomalil, udiven zvláštní setrvačností,[[ která ]]vedla jeho kroky. Vracel se na místo činu. He realised he was hurrying through the park he remembered so well, and slowed down, amazed at the unconscious perseverance of his own steps, bringing him back here./OT 2O/
3.6.2.2.
-Ed participles
50
According to the findings of our study, -ed participles represent 3.5% of all realization forms30, see Table 5 above, out of which eighty-five percent are formally restrictive, see table 19 below. The majority of the antecedents (86%) are inanimate [56], see Table 20 below, and naturally, the all the verbs occurring
as the –ed participles are transitive [57]. All the postmodifiers follow their head
nouns directly; there is no discontinuous structure which would lead to ambiguity. [56] ...- raději proto budu v plném znění citovat článek,[[ který ]]byl pod titulkem DOBRÝ NÁPAD publikován ve Zbraslavských novinách (4/1992, str. 3): ... ...- so I had better quote in full an article published under the title "Good Idea" in the Zbraslav News (issue 4, 1992, page 3): /WI 6/
[57] Je vlastenec tak trošku staromódní, jako obleky,[[ které ]]vycházejí z jeho solidní živnosti. His patriotism was a bit old-fashioned, like the suits made in his old-fashioned workshop. /OT 12/
3.6.2.2.1.
Reference
Similar to the –ed participial contructions with eighty-five percent of restrictive structures, the relative clauses in passive voice restrict their NP’s reference in ninety percent, see Table 6. The comparison of predicates occurring in these two realization forms with the focus on their semantics shows that the –ed participles represent seventy-one percent of stative verbs and in the group of relative clauses in passive voice six clauses are formed by stative verbs , i. e. sixty percent, see Table 22. Taking the analysis further to more minute details reveals that for the-ed postmodification, the most prominent verbal semantic group is the static activity with fifty-seven percent, while for relative clauses in passive voice it is a state, sixty-seven percent, see table 23 below. Again, the same conditions as when carrying out the comparison of the –ing postmodification may be perceived. Since there are fewer occurences of the non-finite realization forms, no matter whether it is a group of the ing postmodification, -ed postmodifications, prepositional phrases, etc., the findings are much less diversified. The –ed participial constructions include four semantic groups, whereas relative clauses ten groups include and thus the most prominent group loses “size”. And although it may be assumed that some verbs tend not to occur in particular non-finite groups, there is not much evidence to it. Head nouns in -ed and relative clauses
30
Biber (1999:631) “in constrast, - ed clauses are often used when a full relative with a passive verb is a viable alternative- economy” Factors influencing the use of relative clauses (when not –ed clauses)- when tense, modality, or perfect aspect are important; whenever the postmodifier is separated from its head Valauble contributions towards botanical classification have been made in India, which are discussed later.; with non-subject gaps The alter carries two parallel endless ropes, joined by spacing bars, to which are attached a series of water containers. <prepositional object gap> 51
Not surprisingly, -ed participial constructions postmodify mainly inanimate head nouns, eighty-six percent, see table 19; they do not postmodify abstract nouns at all31, whereas relative clauses in the passive voice do follow all the types of nouns, with the top group of animate nouns taking fifty percent of the set and abstract nouns (which may be subsumed into the set of inanimate nouns) taking forty percent of the set, cf. table 19. The explanation comes with the fact that the relative are mainly in the active voice, which implies that the majority of the head nouns are in the role of agent and along with it the head noun are mainly animate.
3.6.2.2.2.
(Dis)continuous structures
In contrast to NP’s including -ed participial postmodifications that are hundred percent continuous, relative clauses represent eight percent of discontinuous structures and one and half percent of ambiguous [58] structures in their NP’s, see table 5a above. So far, almost all the non-finite structures were continuous. The explanation is obvious; the more the structure is condensed the less clear the grammatical relations are. Making them even more opaque by inserting an intrusive element is not a welcomed alternative. [58] V Miluščiných očích se objevilo čiré zoufalství,[[ jež ]]opravňovalo k domněnce, že ředitel odjíždí rybařit již během dopoledne, ne-li dokonce hned. A look of utter despair came into Miluska's eyes which suggested strongly that the Principal was going off fishing later that morning, if not straightaway. /WI 4/
3.6.2.2.3.
Active vs. passive voice
Taking for granted that all extended –ed participial structures become finite predicates in passive voice and comparing them to the relative clauses, which contain only ten percent of predicates in passive voice, see table x, leads to a simple conclusion: while postmodifying nouns that are in the semantic role of a patient, the speaker may opt almost for –ed participial constructions as the clarity of the grammatical/semantic relations will not be harmed. But, how do we explain the existence of those ten relative clauses in passive voice in our data when it has just been stated that there is no problem in condensation of postmodifying information into -ed clauses? The cause lies in the –ed participles’ inability to express modal meanings [59], complex relative tense relations as anteriority or posteriority [60 a, b32], or to keep idiomatic meanings33 .Besides, the presence of a couple of condensed forms in a sentence may lead to a very dense, unnatural structure [61].
31 However, as has been already pointed out, the small figures of the non-finite subsets do not allow to rely on the inversed analysis. 32 Not found in our data, but supposed to be one of the reasons for the existence of the finite clauses in passive voice 33 Not found in our data, but supposed to be one of the reasons for the existence of the finite clauses in passive voice.
52
When the above mentioned sentences are deducted from the original ten, there are still four sentences left which seem to have no reason why the condensation had not occurred [62, 63, 64, 65]. Maybe it was the translator’s wish to keep the finiteness.
[59] Leží opět tady, zašantročen ve zdech města, v těsné krabici pokojíku,[[ který ]]lze přeměřit pěti kroky. He is lying here once more, an outcast within the walls of the city, in this tiny box of a room which can be measured in five paces. /OT6/
[60] Nemohl jsem to učinit již proto, že mi nebyla lhostejná má pověst,[[ která ]]byla jeho ztřeštěnostmi již stejně značně poškozena. I could not do so because I was not indifferent to my reputation, which had already been considerably affected by his hare-brained schemes. /JI 8/
[61] V computeru nebyla naplánována žádná Agnes a žádný Paul, nýbrž jen prototyp člověka, podle kterého vznikla spousta exemplářů,[[ které ]]jsou odvozeniny původního modelu a nemají žádnou individuální podstatu. The computer did not plan an Agnes or a Paul, but only a prototype known as a human being, giving rise to a large number of specimens which are based on the original model and haven't any individual essence. /KR 23/
[62] Při nejlepší vůli nedokážu přesvědčivě, nesentimentálně popsat ten balvan otcovské lásky,[[ který ]]zavalil onu jeho větu. With the best will in the world I am incapable of describing in a convincing and unsentimental way the enormous weight of paternal love that was borne by that sentence. /WI 20/
[63] Snad ji čekají, snad jí píší dlouhé a krásné dopisy,[[ které ]]se ztrácejí, které bloudí po světě jako nitky babího léta. Perhaps they are waiting for her, writing long, lovely letters that are never delivered and go wandering about the world like threads of gossamer. /OT 19/
[64] Jak je tedy možné, že gesto, které jsem viděl na jednom člověku,[[ které ]]s ním bylo spjato, charakterizovalo ho, bylo jeho osobitým půvabem, je zároveň esencí docela jiného člověka a mého snění How then is it possible that a gesture I saw performed by one person, a gesture that was connected to her, that characterized her, and was part of her individual charm, could at the same time be the essence of another person and my dreams of her? / KR 12 /
[65] Nasedla do auta,[[ které ]]bylo zaparkováno před domem She got into her car, which was parked in front of the house. /15 KR/
Table 19 Head Nouns -ed participles
Head nouns in RC in the passive voice
53
type animate inanimate abstract total
number 1 6 0 7
% 14.29 85.71 0.00 100
Table 20 Discontinuity -ed participles type number continuous 7 discontinuous 0 total 7
% to the whole 0.5 3 0 3.5
amount 1 5 4 10
% to the whole 10 50 40 100
in RC in passive voice number % to the whole 10 5 0 0 10 5
% to the whole 3.5 0 3.5
Table 21 Restrictivity in -ed participles restrictiveness
Reference number %
restrictive subtotal of restrictive nonrestrictive
sum
in RC's in passive voice
indef
3
42.86
% to the whole 1.5
5
50
def
3
42.86
1.5
4
40
85.71
3
9
90
0
10
6
%
indef
1
14.29
0.5
def
0
0
0
1
10
7
100
3.5
10
100
Table 22 Dynamic vs. stative verbs in -ed participles type number percentage % to the whole dynamic 6 85.71 3 stative 1 14.29 0.5 total 7 100 3.5
in RC's in passive voice number % 2 20 8 80 10 100
Table 23 Deatailed semantic overview of predicates in -ed part dynamic
number
classes motion static physical activity communication change mental activity
number 0 4 0 0 1 54
in RC's in passive voice % 0.00 57.14 0.00 0.00 14.29
number 1 1 0 0 2
% 25 25 0 0 50
causation, obligation existence simple occurence Total dynamic stative
classes mental state state relation, existence causation change
Total stative
1 0 0
14.29 0.00 0.00
0 0 0
0 0 0
6
85.71
4
100
number 1 0 0 0 0 1
% 14.29 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 100
number 0 4 2 0 0 6
% 0 66.67 33.33 0 0 100
Table 24 Head nouns in relative clauses amount in active type voice animate 62 inanimate 28 abstract 37 total 128
3.6.2.3.
% to the % to subset whole 48.44 31 21.88 14 28.91 18.5 100 64
the amount in passive voice 1 5 4 10
% to subset 10.00 50.00 40.00 100
the % to the whole 0.5 2.5 2 5
Infinitives
Infinitives form only one and half percent of all realization forms. Although Biber does not offer precise numbers, he mentions that infinitival clauses34 are relatively rare postmodifiers”35. According to Quirk (cf.1999: 1267), the infinitives may imply modal meaning [66] and in addition, Biber points out a future planning orientation of the ininitives [67] and their frequent use with general head nouns [67, 68] (cf: 1999:607). [1] Byl by ji rád navštívil, ale nenašel žádnou výmluvu, která by mohla před Terezou ospravedlnit jeho cestu. He would have been only too glad to visit her, but was unable to find an excuse to explain his absence to Tereza /KU 15/ [2] Pozná ji vůbec? Pozná, určitě ji pozná i mezi tisíci jiných,[[ které ]]kolem něho ještě přejdou a za nimiž se ohlédne jen tak letmo přes rameno a po nichž v něm nic nezůstane.
34 35
infinitives Biber: 606 55
Of course he would, he would recognise her among the thousands of other women yet to pass him by, women he would glance at over his shoulder and nothing of them would remain in him. /OT9/
[3] ... neodpovídá zcela skutečnosti, neboť Králův souhlas se zveřejněním tohoto příběhu byl jednoznačně podmíněn požadavkem, abych provedl taková opatření, která by znemožňovala spolehlivou identifikaci. I shall state straightaway that the following description of Kral's villa (and Kral's surname for that matter) is not entirely factual, because Kral's consent to the publication of this story was categorically conditional on my taking certain precautions to prevent any reliable identification. /WI 1/
Again, as the study is mainly based on the comparison of the relative clauses with other than finite postmodification, the following will deal with the contrast between relative clauses and infinitives. However, it has to be borne in mind that in order to get relevant data, the complete set of relative clauses without any selection cannot be used. And since the main function of the infinitives is to express future or modal meaning, only clauses expressing the same will be dealt with. 3.6.2.3.1.
Semantic and syntactic features
Regarding the relation of the infinitives and their head noun, the following was observed: none of the postmodifiers is separated by commas from their antecedent. Moreover, the antecedents are all indefinite. The noun phrases postmodified by the relative clauses are mainly indefinite (four clauses), the rest, one clause is definite cataphoric. While participial constructions occur quite frequently as non-finite postmodification in the excerpts, infinitives are rare. As a result, only three infinitives found represent so low a number that any proportional analysis made out of them must be viewed with this knowledge. Verbs used as the infinitives are all transitive and active [69]; their antecedents are in two thirds inanimate [70] and one third animate [71]. All the NP’s have continuous structure. One of the infinitives is seemingly separated from its head noun by an adverbial (adjunct). However, the adverbial yet is a part of the infinitive which altogether correspond to the future meaning of the whole phrase [72]. [69] Byl by ji rád navštívil, ale nenašel žádnou výmluvu,[[ která ]]by mohla před Terezou ospravedlnit jeho cestu. A tak přijela Sabina do Curychu. He would have been only too glad to visit her, but was unable to find an excuse to explain his absence to Tereza..../KU 15/
[70] women yet to pass him by /OT9/ [71] an excuse to explain /KU 15/, precautions to prevent /WI 1/
56
[72] Pozná ji vůbec? Pozná, určitě ji pozná i mezi tisíci jiných,[[ které ]]kolem něho ještě přejdou a za nimiž se ohlédne jen tak letmo přes rameno a po nichž v něm nic nezůstane. ... Of course he would, he would recognise her among the thousands of other women yet to pass him by, women he would glance at over his shoulder and nothing of them would remain in him. /OT9/
As has been mentioned previously, the number of infinitives in the postmodifying function is very low, however; the findings resulting from their analysis should be compared to those arising out of relative clauses. Both all the infinitives and the relative clauses are of a restrictive nature. All the head nouns postmodified by infinitives are indefinite nonspecific, while relative clauses have four head nouns whose reference is either indefinite nonspecific or indefinite specific. Table 25 Finite clauses Tense and Mood indicative past indicative present indicative future indicative modal (past+ pres) conditional (past+pres) total
number 86 40 2 4 6 138
percentage 62.32 28.99 1.45 2.89 4.35 100
% to the whole 43 20 1 2.5 3 69
All in all, infinitives in the function of postmodifiers are much more marked in a certain way than the –ing and –ed participles. They do not appear in various conditions as relative clauses. They certainly convey modal meanings, future, or tentativeness in a much denser manner than a combination of auxiliary and lexical verbs in relative clauses. Those relative clauses that express the same as the infinitives are quite rare in contrast to the rest of their subset, cf. Table 25. 3.6.2.4.
Prepositional phrases
According to Biber (1999: 634): “...prepositional phrases are fairly common”. Findings arising from the analysis of non-finite postmodification align quite well with his statements taking into account the fact that in our data, only relative clauses are their source. Though, the number of relative clauses is still quite low, supposed that majority of relative clauses with predicates have or be +Cs in the form of a prepositional phrase be should be reducible into prepositional phrases. As comparisons of –ed and – ing postmodifiers and relative clauses have shown, outwardly suitable conditions do not guarantee condensation of a relative clause. Thus, even the category of prepositional phrases is most likely to reveal that not all the relative clauses with be +Cs in the form of a prepositional phrase and have can be reduced.
57
Although Biber’s corpus findings presents of as the top preposition with sixty to sixty-five percent (1999: 635), the most common preposition found in the excerpts is with, three occurences ; other prepositions of, about, at, like occur in the prepositional phrases one each. Table 26 Reference in prepositional phrases reference restrictiveness antecedent restrictive indef
the
def subtotal restrictive nonrestrictive
of indef
5
Percentage % 55.55
1
11.11
6
66.66
1
11.11
number
def
2
22.22
subtotal of nonrestrictive
3
33.33
sum
9
100
Table 28 Head nouns in prepositional phrases type percentage animate 4 44.44 inanimate 2 22.22
Table 27 Rephrased prepositional phrases clauses type percentage Transitive (have) 3 33.33 Copular (be) 2 22.22 non-rephrasable 4 44.44 total 9 100
3.6.2.4.1.
Abstract total
3 9
33.33 100
General
In order to have stable data for comparison of the various realization forms of modification, it is necessary to examine other features that have already been taken into account with participial and infinitival postmodifiers. Therefore, it is appropriate to analyze head nouns from their semantic point of view, to infer predicates from context and the prepositions themselves and analyze the predicates, and to describe distribution of (dis)continuous noun phrases with the prepositional phrases involved. As has been mentioned above, relative clauses with predicates consisting of be with the subject complement in the form of prepositional phrase and have may be condensed into prepositional phrases or vice versa. Consequently, it is useful to see whether any relative clauses with these two verbs occur in the extracts, and if they do, in what percentage and for what reasons. 3.6.2.4.2.
Pertinent relative clauses and the impediments to the condensation
58
Table 29 below shows that more than ten percent of relative clauses contain a copular verb be; still, we should take into account only two cases with a prepositional phrase as the subject complement. Clauses with have represent three percent of the set. However, much lower numbers were expected since the option for condensation is a viable way. It seems that there must be some obstacles blocking it. To find likely impediments, it was attempted to rephrase all the relative clauses with predicates in the form of be + Cs, or with lexical have into prepositional phrases. “have relative clauses” are blocked because of the collocation status of the have which was not meant to signify any independent lexical meanings see [73], or because of stylistic reasons or pragmatic (too much nominalization, difficulties with unravelling the semantic-syntactic relations) [74]. Nominalization of “be + Cs relative clauses” with the use of prepositions is blocked due to the parenthetical structure inserted between the head and its postmodifier [75] and the presence of determiner [76]. Both the examples cannot be condensed, since the shorter form would lack the information which seems to be essential. Note: An experiment to to create suitable nominalised structures from relative clauses with be + other Cs failed due to the lack of systemic tools to make them [77], or rather it should be emphasised that there is no need or pressure to create prepositional phrases postmodifying the head nouns, since there are many other non-finite realization forms fully satisfying the tendency to condense the contents as much as possible. Sometimes, even the version of a finite predicate is shorter. [78] Where something that is ephemeral may be transformed into something of an ephemeral nature. [73] ... compassion nebo pitié vzbuzuje nedůvěru; zdá se, že označuje špatný, druhořadý cit,[[ který ]]nemá mnoho co společného s láskou. … it designates what is considered an inferior, second-rate sentiment that has little to do with love. /KU 30/ [74] Jisto je, že by se v Čechách našlo velmi málo mladých mužů,[[ kteří ]]by měli svého sluhu, a mé klidné a konzervativní povaze je vzpomínka na to, že jsem udělal něco tak Certainly no one can deny the fact that not many young men can be found in Bohemia who have their own gentleman’s gentleman. /JI 4 / [75] Ředitel se na odpolední třídní schůzky dostavil v nádherném šedomodrém obleku,[[ který ]]- řečeno slovníkem žáků naší školy - takřka neměl chybu. The Principal turned up for the parents' conferences that afternoon in a splendid grey-blue suit, which - in the lingo of the pupils at our school - was almost without fault. /WI 38/
[76] Neměla sílu číst text, prohlížela si jen fotografie, [[které]] byly barevné a bylo jich mnoho.
59
She did not have the strength to read the text but merely looked at the photographs, which were all in colour, page after page. /32 KR/
[77] Je však druhá možnost: nad computerem naší planety jsou ještě jiné,[[ které ]]jsou mu nadřazeny. Pak by se ovšem bytí po smrti nemusilo nijak podobat pozemskému ... But there is a second possibility: beyond our planet's computer there may be others that are its superior. /KR 27/ [78] Jak je možno odsoudit něco,[[ co ]]pomíjí? For how can we condemn something that is ephemeral, in transit? / KU 8/ Table 29 Be and have in relative clauses type be + Cs (prep phrase) be + Cs (adj) be + Cs (noun) be + Cs (pronoun) have other lexical total
3.6.2.4.3.
%to the whole
percentage 2 1.45 5 3.62 4 2.90 1 0.72 3 2.17 124 89.86 138 100
1 2.5 2 0.5 1.5 62 69.5
Relative clauses condensed
The rest of these clauses may be rephrased and condensed into prepositional phrases without any serious injuries to comprehensibility. Have prefers with, whereas be (Biber) is associated with various prepositions without any preferences. Prepositional phrases satisfy the aim to condense; they comply with the nominal character of English. The analysis finds thirty-three percent of structures that imply rephrasing into relative clauses with the verb have [79] and twenty-two percent with the verb be [80 a, b]. The rest of the prepositional phrases does not allow any extension into clauses with finite verbs [81]. [79] Radu, že jsem se mohl kdykoliv během té doby postavit mimo skluzavku, mohl by mi dát jen člověk,[[ jenž ]]neví, co to je zápasit zoufale o poslední zlomek rovnováhy, který člověk má. Only a person with no knowledge of what it is to engage in a desperate battle to keep one’s balance and not topple over would say that I could have left the ice patch at any moment of that undignified descent. /JI 3/
[80a] Naproti ní na dlouhé noze jako čáp stojí televizor. Přehodila přes něj svou košili,[[ která ]]přikryla obrazovku jako bílá zřasená opona.
60
She throws her nightgown over the tube, like a white, tassled theatre-curtain. /10 KR/
[80b] Mně by ty prachy přišly náramně vhod. A tady… Osoby,[[ které ]]se zdržují v pro… protentokrátu, aniž se přihlásily k pobytu, musí se ihned přihlásit… And what about this… Any persons at present in the Pro… protentokrát… without having registered must do so without delay…/OT 18/
[81] Tito lidé se většinou smířili se svým životním standardem, ale je pochopitelné, že trvají na tom, aby se i jejich skříně otvíraly, skla v knihovně posunovala a aby nedocházelo k paradoxu, který by je nutil, aby proto, že nejsou bohatí, musili kupovat každé tři roky nový nábytek. These people have for the most part reconciled themselves to their standard of living, but it is understandable that they should insist on having wardrobes that open, a bookcase with a glass front that’s willing to slide and that they do not wish to find themselves in the paradoxical situation of having to buy new furniture every three years just because they are not well off. /JI 14/
3.6.2.4.
Syntactic and semantic features
Prepositional postmodification does not seem to be preferred by any specific group of head nouns. Animate nouns rerpesent fourty-four percent of the set [82], abstract nouns thirty-three percent [83], and inanimate twenty-two percent [84]. See Table 28 above. In contrast to it, relative clauses with predicate be + Cs in the form f the prepositinal phrase postmodify two inanimate nouns. [82] a person with no knowledge, any persons at present, waitress with practically no chance [83] centre stage in the forth coming play, her nightgown (over the tube), like a white, tassled theatrecurtain [84] the paradoxical situation of having to buy new furniture As regards discontinuity between the head nouns and their prepositional postmodifiers, only one case ( i.e. eleven percent of the set) is discontinuous [85]. The following sentence presents discontinuity caused by an adjunct. However, the discussion on discontinuity of this particular prepositional structure may be useless since it is very ambiguous in terms of its syntactic function, where the postmodifer competes with an adverbial. One of the two relative clauses is discontinuous [85] Naproti ní na dlouhé noze jako čáp stojí televizor. Přehodila přes něj svou košili,[[ která ]]přikryla obrazovku jako bílá zřasená opona. She throws her nightgown over the tube, like a white, tassled theatre-curtain. /10 KR/ [86] Ředitel se na odpolední třídní schůzky dostavil v nádherném šedomodrém obleku,[[ který ]]- řečeno slovníkem žáků naší školy - takřka neměl chybu. 61
The Principal turned up for the parents' conferences that afternoon in a splendid grey-blue suit, which - in the lingo of the pupils at our school - was almost without fault. /WI 38/
Concerning restrictivity and reference of antecedents, the data are analogous to previous groups. The majority of the prepositional phrases are restrictive, sixty-seven percent. And again, the reference of the antecedents followed by restrictive postmodification is mainly indefinite (five cases out of six). 3.6.2.5.
Adjectives
Referring to Biber(519), we know that postposed adjectives are quite rare as postmodifiers, and that they “are especially prevalent with indefinite pronoun heads, such as no one, anything, and somebody.” (Biber: 519). Our data correspond to the previous statement partially as the occurrence of postmodifying adjectives in the excerpts is low as well, only 2 percent of all realization forms. As there is only one indefinite pronoun head found. Even though the number of adjectives is really small, adjectival postmodifiers present a unique conformity in the predicates of their underlying structures. Copular verb be is used whenever the adjectival postmodification is extended into a relative clause [1], with the list of adjectives in the function of subject complement. [1]Vyprávěl pohádky, které pro ni vymýšlel, nesmysly, slova, která monotónně opakoval, a[[ která ]]byla útěšná nebo legrační. He would whisper impromptu fairy tales about her, or gibberish, words he repeated monotonously, words soothing or comical, which turned into vague visions lulling her through the first dreams of the night. /KU 18/ Paraphrase: ...words that were soothing or comical... 3.6.2.5.1.
Pertinent relative clauses and the impediments to the condensation
Once more, after the examination of pertinent relative clauses, i. e. those that were formed by copular be and adjectives as their nominal elements, it was observed that there were five sentences of that type. A natural question repeated many times arose: Why are these clauses present? Why the information incorporated was not conveyed by means of a more condensed form, this time by an adjective? The omitted copula is recoverable; there is no space for confusion. The impediments of condensation are: conditional mood [86],
subject complement which itself is modified [87],
apposition, coordination of parts of speech [88], or translator’s preference to retain the syntactic structure of the original as much as possible [89]36. In the case of [89], there is no other explanation possible, since the head is indefinite pronoun somebody(Biber: 519); it is the ideal environment for the postposed adjective to occur.
36
Jirotka’s translator, Mark Corner, evidently kept the structure the most of all the translators from our excerpts.. 62
[86] Myslím tím, že znám značný počet lidí,[[ kteří ]]by ji do toho vodotrysku docela rádi hodili. I mean by this that I know a considerable number of people who would be quite happy to throw her into a fountain as well. /JI 7/
[87] ... nejkrásnější část dne: dík rádiu jsem si vědom svého ustavičného usínání a probouzení, té nádherné houpačky mezi bděním a spaním,[[ která ]]sama o sobě je dostatečným důvodem, aby člověk nelitoval svého zrození It is the most beautiful part of sleep, the most delightful moment of the day: thanks to the radio I can savour drowsing and waking, that marvellous swinging between wakefulness and sleep which in itself is enough to keep us from regretting our birth. /5 KR/
[88] Jak je možno odsoudit něco,[[ co ]]pomíjí? For how can we condemn something that is ephemeral, in transit? /KU 8/
[89] Kdykoliv jsem se do takové debaty pustil, připadal jsem si jako člověk,[[ který ]]z pošetilosti prorazil zeď údolní přehrady. Whenever I let myself descend to such an argument, I feel like someone who has been foolish enough to smash a hole in the wall of a dam. /JI 1/
3.6.2.5.2.
Comparison of semantic and syntactic features
As regards other features of adjectival postmodifiers compared to relative clauses , one out of four adjectival postmodifications [90], and one out of five relative clauses are nonrestrictive . All the predicates in hypothetical extended finite postmodification are naturally intransitive (copular verb be). Concerning head nouns, the interesting point is that they are not animate at all, still; since we know from other sources (Biber: 519) that head nouns may be formed by indefinite pronouns including somebody, we should not infer serious conclusions from this fact. Relative clauses, on the other hand, postmodify thre abstract and two animate nouns. To proceed to (dis)continuity, heads and their postmodifying adjectives from our data form hundred percent continuous structures with the same conditions occurring in the relative clauses. [90] Změní: stane se z ní blok,[[ který ]]ční a trvá, a její blbost bude neodčinitelná. It will: it will become a solid mass, permanently protuberant, its inanity irreparable. /KU 4/
3.6.2.6.
Premodification
63
So far, the analysis has examined only postmodification as the original data consist of postmodifying relative clauses. Yet, there are four clauses with their head nouns premodified. Premodification is realized by three adjectives; and one structure formed by an adverb and an –ed participle [91]. This particular structure seems to have swapped syntactic roles in comparison to those in the pertinent extended relative clause. The head of the NP in the relative clause summer storms that were tossed becomes a part of the modifier of the condensed NP the storm-tossed summer sky. Unlike toss, the rest of the verbs in the NP extensions is semantically empty. We can always arrive at the formula of the copular verb be + Cs in the form of an adjective, for example suffering which was intolerable, reproach which was without words as in [92 a,b]. 3.6.2.6.1.
General overview
All in all , the interest of the analysis is more focused on the motives for translation of the postmodifying information to premodifying. The first is complex postmodification [91], and the following is the presence of a copular be, or have [92 a,b] [91] ... parku na lavičce, dokud ho náhlá červnová sprška nezahnala do průjezdu, a pak hleděl s podivnými pocity na letní bouřku,[[ která ]]trhala oblohu nad střechami, zalévajíc náhlou průtrží dlažební kameny, na kanály, klokotající přívaly špinavé vody smích ... Then he watched the storm-tossed summer sky above the roofs, sending a sudden downpour on to the streets; he watched the streams of muddy water washing the dust from the streets and swirling along the gutters. /OT
31/ [92a] Ten pohled ji působil utrpení,[[ které ]]nemohla vydržet. The sight of it caused Tereza intolerable suffering./ KU 20/
[92b] Civěl na ně bez zájmu, se zmatkem v srdci. Lítost, hořkost výčitky,[[ která ]]neměla slov. Nedobrý stud. He looked at them dully, with confused feelings in his heart - regret, and the bitterness of a wordless reproach. /OT 39/ Given the pattern of the extension, the proportional results of the predicates in hypothetical relative clauses are following: seventy-five percent of the verbs are intransitive, twenty-five transitive. There is no discontinuity between the modifiers and their heads all of which are abstract nouns. Table 23 Reference of premodified head nouns Reference of restrictiveness antecedent
the
number 64
%
Restrictive nonrestrictive
indef
0
0
def
1
25
indef
3
75
4
100
Sum
3.6.2.7.
Apposition
An appositive noun phrase occurs in our data once. Appositions in general share some characteristics with adjectival postmodifers and premodification in the way that it may be extended into a relative clause with the use of a copular verb be. [93] The nouns in appositive relations are not separated from each other; no discontinuity occurs. The first noun of the pair is abstract. Our assumption is that when the Czech relative clause is formed by a verbonominal structure be+Cs with a noun in the function of the subject complement, without any ambitions to express modality, complex tense relations or formulaic structures, be may be omitted giving way to formation of an apposition. Vestibul stanice metra Smíchovské nádraží,[[ který ]]byl tradičním shromaždištěm před výchovnými koncerty, radostně hučel. The metro entrance hall at Smichov Station - the traditional assembly point before educational concerts - buzzed merrily. /WI 21/
4
Conclusion
4.1.
General introduction
I used to think that words like: “I do not make use of grammatical rules while speaking English. It is enough for me to use common sense to speak correctly even though I am a non-native speaker.” were unacceptable. Later, I realized that we had only different labels for the same concept, a structure. The so called common language sense was unconscious following of structural and pragmatic rules, whether the patent ones or those which run deep like slow waters. Some of those less tangible tendencies became a topic of this work. Its overall purpose was to find guidelines helping in the transposition of the rules from one language system to another. Since the systems work differently, as Czech is an inflectional language, while English is an isolating language with the tendency to the nominalisation, it had been expected that there will be a discrepancy in the forms of the counterparts. Next, the aim was to describe the counterparts and the environment they occur in, in order to get an understanding of the translation from one language to another.
65
4.2.
Methodology
In order to get consistent data, two hundred Czech relative clauses with the relative in the nominative were extracted via parallel corpora. The extraction was carried out with a query searching for relative pronouns in the nominative followed by a lengthy manual deletion of the homomorphic, yet functionally diverse forms. Since the extraction was not possible using a query based on lemmas, the query was quite complex. The original assumption that the antecedent itself and its relation to the modifying information would be the most influential on the choice of a particular type of the modification led to a lot of energy spent on the above mentioned examination of correlation between the reference and the restrictivity. This strategy proved to be cul-de-sac of the study, since it did not bring any crucial distinguishing results. Luckily, only a slight modification of the descriptive method crossed with a comparison of the relative clauses with other than finite modification clarified the issue at least a little. 4.3.
Results of excerption
Owing to the authors’ diverse writing style, some examined features varied quite a lot according to the pertinent books. The use of relatives, for instance, was surprisingly bookish in the least expected source, which was the language used in Wievegh’s novel. However, this fact did not appear as a crucial piece of information for our study. More interestingly, Jirotka, or rather his translator, Mark Corner, was quite consistent in the effort to keep the translation as true as possible, i.e. he tried to keep finite clauses instead of using non-finite, nominal postmodification, therefore he limited the presence of nominal postmodification to a minimum. Conversely, Kundera’s English version of The Immortality was abounding in the –ing participles probably due to a different language source of the primary text, which was French. As all the Romance languages, French commonly utilizes participles; hence the excessive number of the –ing participles in the translation. Generally, the numbers of the English counterparts were proportional, taking into account the fact that only relative clauses were the original source of postmodification. Hence, in contrast to the standard ratio of noun postmodification where the most prominent type is a prepositional phrase, our data were formed in more than two thirds by relative clauses. The second most recurring form was the –ing postmodification for which we have explanation in Kundera’s novel translation and also Otčenášek’s Rome, Juliet and the Darkness with quite an old publishing and translation date from the times of expected active usage of participles in the Czech language. 4.3.
Analysis and its results
66
As has already been hinted before, the method of analysis had to be modified, since the primary one did not bring any satisfactory data. On the other hand, some of them were quite surprising; after having described reference of the antecedents of the relative clauses, we found out that the major group was not the definite cataphoric reference (forty percent), but indefinite reference (fifty-one percent). Why, with a typical textbook example of a noun postmodified by a restrictive relative clause expressing definite cataphotric reference, did we keep on getting stable data from all the types of postmodifcation telling us that the most prominent reference was indefinite? There were many explanations to clarify this tendency; starting with a formal one which impeached the function of a comma as a reliable indicator of the restrictivity, and ending with the acceptance and description of the indefinite specific reference which smoothly conformed with two principles: the overriding principle of the first mention which demands the use of an indefinite article and the undeniable effect of relative clauses on the reference of the antecedents. The analysis proceeded with a simple description of other than finite clauses and features that may have been influential along with their comparison to the relative clauses. Of course, not all of them resulted in the discoveries of revolutionary thoughts, but at least they helped to understand the relationships and behaviour of the nouns and their modifiers, confirming or denying some of the original assumptions. The first to be described and compared were the –ing participles, as they formed more than fifty percent of other than finite modification. The antecedents with indefinite reference recurred as tje top set (fifty-eight percent) and as was found out later, it was present in other types of modification as well. The examination and comparison of semantic syntactic features did not bring about any particular surprises, yet, the work with this section showed the way how the relative clauses should be selected in order to get reliable output: the –ing postmodification was contrasted only with those relative clauses whose predicates were in the active voice (one hundred and twenty-eight clauses in active voice to ten clauses in passive voice). Similarly, the -ed participles were judged against the relative clauses in the passive voice and the infinitives were contrasted with those relative clauses that expressed a future or modal meaning. As regards prepositional phrases, we had to compare them only with the relative clauses containing have or copula be with Cs in the form of a prepositional phrase; the postposed adjectives were compared with RC’s formed by copular be + Cs in the form of an adjective, and finally, the only apposition presented could have been related to RC’s containing copular be in the form of a noun. Coming back to the –ing participles, it was noted that all the –ing participles should not be perceived as mere ellipses of the head nouns since a few stative verbs, which do not take the form of a progressive tense, occurred in the set of the –ing participles. However, the majority of the -ing 67
participles was extendable into finite paraphrases. After their examination it was found that generally the nouns expressing the indefinite reference yielded predicates in the simple verb forms and conversely, the nouns with definite a indefinite specific reference were linked with the predicates in progressive tense forms. Similar conditions repeated in the relative clauses, mainly in the set of the predicates in the progressive form whose antecedents expressed only definite, or indefinite specific reference. Such results were interpreted into a very subtle instruction saying that when the speaker wants to postmodify nouns with generic or indefinite reference together with non-progressivity of the predicate, he should use relative clause so as not to give rise to any dubiousness. Rather than uncovering discrepancies between the -ed participles and the relevant relative clauses, and accordingly producing the expected data to give us the guidance, the study discovered more similar features in e. g. the capacity to restrict the reference, the semantics of the predicates and the antecedents, and the distance between the heads and their modifiers. Fortunately, as another concept was investigated, some conclusions could be presented. Since it was assumed that almost any relative clauses in passive voice could be harmlessly condensed into –ed participles; we became curious why our data included ten relative clauses in passive voice. More thorough examination revealed quite satisfying answers which were also applicable to other sets of other than finite postmodification. While the condensed forms satisfy the innate tendency of a language to be as economical as possible, they do not have the capacity to convey complex relative temporal relations and modal meanings. In addition, other than finite clauses cannot keep the structure derived or idiomatic meaning and when they occur close to other condensed forms (within a sentence), they may create structures which are too dense and opaque. Regarding the infinitives, our data offered only three cases that either implied future or modal meaning. These characteristics may serve as a good indicator for a suitable choice of the postmodification by the infintive when we intend to express values that are not implied by the participles. The prepositional phrases, the postposed and the premodifying adjectives, and the apposition shared a common feature: all of them were extendable into relative clauses by a copular be and pertinent forms of subject complements. Moreover, the prepositional phrases formed by with were extendable by the verb have. As the analysis of the sets of adjectives proceeded, it confirmed the previous findings regarding the obstacles to the condensation, and it advanced to a further comprehension of them, such as an additional modification of a subject complement and the presence of coordinated parts of speech which would have quite opaque structure without a copula be. 4.4.
Final Words 68
The study aimed to answer many questions, however; some of them were left unanswered, because the original purpose to describe the effect of restrictivity of modifiers on the reference of their antecedents proved to become a task difficult to fulfil. Moreover, the reference of the head nouns did not reveal any discrepancies among the individual types of postmodification. Nevertheless, the proportional results of various subtypes of the reference caused a slight astonishment and confusion at the same time. Restrictive relative clauses of our data postmodified fifty-one percent of the antecedents with indefinite reference, although it is generally understood that restrictive relative clauses are the means of cataphora. Like any work, even ours may incorporate more points of view. The study did not examine the topic from the point of view of the functional sentence perspective and the position of antecedents in the clause. We have also noticed that the appositive postmodifiers and like phrases showed behaved in a peculiar way, which would be worth analyzing. Apart from the above mentioned setback, the study brought meaningful results elucidating the a few principles by which the structure of language a language may be transformed into another one.
BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBER, D., at al. 1999, Longman Grammar of spoken and written English. Harlow: Pearson Education Limited. DANEŠ, F.,et al. (1987), Mluvnice češtiny [3]Skladba. Praha: Academia. DEPRAETERE,I (1995), Leuvense Bijdragen-Factors Requiring, Promoting and Excluding the Use of a (Non-) Restrictive Relative Clause. Belgium
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BACHE C. & JAKOBSEN, L. K.(1980), ‘On the distinction between restrictive an non-restrictive relative clauses in modern English’, Lingua, 52, 243-267. DUŠKOVÁ, L., et al. (1994), Mluvnice současné angličtiny na pozadí češtiny. Praha: Academia. DUŠKOVÁ, L. (1999), Studies in the English Language, Part 1. Praha: Karolinum. FIALOVÁ, P. (1996), Restrictive and Nonrestrictive Relative Clauses and the Transition between Them. Diplomová práce. JACCOBSON, B. (1963), ‘On the use of that in non-restrictive relative clauses’, Moderna Sprak, 57, 406-416. LAMBRECHT, K. (1996), Information structure,:Cambridge University Press. KARLÍK, P., et al. (1995), Příruční mluvnice češtiny. Praha: NLN. LUCAS, M.A. (1974), ‘The Surface structure of relative clauses’, Linguistics, 139, 83-120. PETR, J., et al. (1986), Mluvnice češtiny [2]Tvarosloví. Praha: Academia. ŠALDOVÁ, P. (2005), Finite and participial postmodifiers in fiction and prose. dizertační práce QUIRK, R., et al. (1985), A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. New York: Longman Group Ltd.
SOURCES Jirotka, Zdeněk (1991), Saturnin. Praha: Československý spisovatel .Translation: Corner, Mark (2003)Saturnin. Praha: Karolinum. /JI/ Kundera, Milan (2006), Nesmrtelnost. Brno: Immortality.Harper Collins /KR/
Atlantis.
Translation:
Kussi,
Petr
(1999),
Kundera, Milan (2006) Nesnesitelná lehkost bytí. Brno: Atlantis. Translation: Heim, Michael Henri(1985), The Unbearable Lightness of Being. New York: Harper and Row /KU/ Otčenášek, Jan (1982)., Romeo, Julie a tma. Praha: Československý spisovatel. Translation: Urwin, Iris, Romeo and Juliet and the Darkness./OT/ Wievegh, Michael(1994), Výchova dívek v Čechách. Translation: Brain, A. G. (1997), Bringing up Girls in Bohemia.London: Readers International. /WI/
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RÉSUMÉ r.1
ÚVOD
Diplomová práce Překladové protějšky českých vztažných vět v angličtině má za cíl zkoumat autentické překladové protějšky českých vztažných vět s relativem v nominativu. Základem je rozdílnost těchto jazyků v používání forem modifikace, z nich angličtina využívá více nefinitních prostředků. Dalším zkoumaným hlediskem je odlišné formální značení funkce vztažných vět. r.2.
TEORETICKÁ ČÁST
r.2.1.
ČEŠTINA
Česká teoretická část se primárně zabývá syntaktickým vztahem rozvíjení, pokračuje popisem forem a funkcí atributů s akcentem na podrobné pojmenování vlastností vět vztažných. Kapitola o delimitačních
a kvalifikačních atributech se zabývá restriktivní funkci vztažných vět a zmiňuje
vliv determinátorů, popřípadě pragmatického kontexu, který může nulovat restriktivitu neshodného atributu. V době psaní teoretické části autorka práce věří, že rozšifrování reference může být jedním z nejzásadnějších pomocníku při řešení restriktivity a opačně. Následuje podrobnější líčení formálně neřešené (ne)restriktivity vztažných vět, které jsou vždy oddělé od antecedentu čárkou v psaném projevu a slyšitelnou pauzou v projevu mluveném. Naznačuje se, že aktuální větné členění a problematika rozvíjení tématu může být ovlivňujícím faktorem formy a funkce přívlastku. r.2.2.
ANGLIČTINA
Zrcadlová anglická část také postupuje od obecných k podrobným syntaktickým vztahům. Zabýva se strukturou syntagmat a jejich konstituenty. Dál se soustředí na jmennou frázi, čímž zohledňuje cíl práce – popsání rozvíjejícho větného členu, který je závislý na substantivu.
Jmenná fráze je
rozčleněna na řídící člen, čímž je v tomto případě samozřejmě substantivum, tzv. hlava, na které jsou závislé determinátory
a další členz rozvíjející, jež jsou formálně rozděleny podle pozice před nebo
za řídícím substantivem. Vyčíslují se formy postmodifikace, jimiž jsou předložkové vazby, nefinitní postmodifikace (participium přítomné, participium minulé a infinitiv), finitní vztažné věty, a nakonec komplementace a zmiňuje se také, že rozvíjející větné členy jsou většinou nepovinné. Další podkapitolou je restriktivita a její vzájemné ovlivňování s referencí, přičemž stále panuje názor, že následná analýza odpoví na možné hypotézy týkající se právě restriktivity a reference. Autorka následně popisuje škálu zřetelného vyjadřování syntaktických vztahů mezi řídícím substantivem a všemi druhy postmodifikace. Nejprůhlednější jsou vztažné věty následované nefinitní postmodifikací a předložkovou frází. Přistupuje se k líčení jednotlivých druhů modifikace a jejich relevantních vlastností.
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r.2.3.
SROVNÁNÍ
Závěrečná kapitola teoretické části se snaží porovnat oba jazykové systémy, které, ač rozdílných typů, používají v zásadě podobný sytém. Členy rozvíjející jsou řízeny substantivem, což se u češtiny projevuje mnohem více (shodou v rodě, čísle, a pádu relativ). Zmiňuje se rozdílné teoretické nahlížení na rozdělení modifikace, které jsou ovlivněné přeci jen mírnýmí rozdíly v konstituentech jmenné fráze. Česká gramatika uznává kvalitativní, kvantitativní a determinační modifikátory, zatímco v anglické gramatice vnímají jako modifikaci pouze kvalitativní modifikátory. Kapitolu uzavírá zmínka o interpunkci, která v češtině nemá rozlišovací roli, zato v angličtině by tomu mělo být naopak; čárka by měla značit nerestriktivitu vztažné věty. Bohužel tomu tak vždy není. r.3.
METODIKA A VÝSLEDKY EXCERPCE
Aby se dostálo co největší konstantnosti dat, zachází autorka s dvěma sty paralelních souvětí ve směru z češtiny do angličtiny. Jako zdroje slouží pět románů přeložených rodilými mluvčími do angličtiny, Počet souvětí na román je stejný, tedy padesát na každé dílo.Všechna souvětí obsahují vztažné věty s relativem v nominativu. Pro excerpci se používá s program Paraconc a tzv. dotaz na vyhledávání je sestaven ze všech forem vztažného zájmena který, jenž, kdo a co v nominativu (myslí se tím skloňování podle osoby a čísla). V době excerpce program není schopen vyhledávat pomocí lemmat, a tak je vzorec dotazu poměrně dlouhý. Kdo a co jsou brány v potaz, protože mohou uvádět vztažné věty, které rozvíjejí neučitá zájmena jako někdo, něco. Česká vztažná zájmena který, která, které
jsou v v nominativu a akuzativu homomorfní, a tak je třeba přistoupit
k manuálnímu vymazávání intruzivních relativ v akuzativu. Osmdesát devět procent vztažných zájmen je tvořeno všemi formami zájmena který. Překvapuje knižní jenž, které je nejvíc používáno Vieweghem, ačkoliv je jeho román nejmladšího data. Co se týče anglických ekvivalentů , dostává se výsledků, které jsou proporční, souhlasí totiž s obvyklým poměrem realizačních forem postmodifikace v angličtině za předpokladu, že se jsou brány v potaz tři faktory: vstupním materiálem byly pouze vztažné věty, stylistické preferencemi překladatelů a jejich možný vliv na výběr druhu posmotdifikace nehledě na nejvhodnějšího kandidáta a překlady Kunderových románu, které neprošly obvyklou cestou, ale vznikly překladem z francouzštiny. Francouzština, jako všechny románské jazyky, používá mnohem více participiálních konstrukcí, což může mít vliv na vetší počet přítomných participií právě v jeho knihách. Přestože angličtina užívá mnohem více nefinitní modifikace, vztažné věty jsou počtem největší skupinou. Ve dvou stech excerptech se jich nachází sto třicet osm. Objevují se i dvě vedlejší věty jiného typu, přičemž přítomná participia tvořící patnáct procent všech realizačních forem, jsou následována pedložkovými frázemi (pět procent), minulými participii (čtyři procenta), adjektivy
72
v prepozici (dvě a půl procenta) a postponovanými adjektivy (jedno procento). Výčet zakončuje jedna apozice tvořící půl procenta celku. Analýza pokračuje popsáním funkce relativ, jejich sečtením v angličtině a srovnáním s českými relativy, z čehož vychází, že devadesát šest procent souhlasí s původní funkcí podmětu, která se mění, když primárně činný český slovesný rod přechází překladem do pasivního a když si překlad vynutí změnu konstrukce, která funkci původního relativa mění na předmět. Formálně zkoumanou vlastností, která je vnímána i funkčně, je přítomnost čárky. Nerestriktivní věty jsou čárkou odděleny, u restriktivních je to naopak. Výsledek, osmdesát pět procent restriktivních vět, opět proporčně souhlasí s nálezy v Longman Grammar of Spoken and Written English, (Biber, 1999: 603). Poměrné zastoupení finitních ekvivalentů souhlasí s českými originály ze sedmdesáti procent v případě, že jediným kritériem je finitní tvar predikátů. U všech sto třiceti osmi vztažných vět se předpokládá, že existuje strukturně pospatelný vztah mezi referencí antecedentů a (ne)restriktivitou, a proto následuje dlouhosáhlé zkoumání těchto aspektů. Začíná se větami restriktivními, jejich rozdělením podle reference a jednotlivé poskupiny jsou popisovány, až se nakonec dojde k velmi překvapujícímu výsledku. Proti obvyklé učebnicové poučce, která říká, že vztažné věty kataforicky vymezují antecedent a tím jeho referenci zužují na určitou, stojí padesát dva procent vztažných vět, jejichž antecedent vyjadřuje neurčitou referenci. Nabízí se několik způsobů, jak vysvětlit tento jev. Jako první je možné zpochybnit funkčnost čárky a vyvozovat tak, že nejde o větu restriktivní, která ji následuje, ale pouze o vztažnou větu, která dodává informaci. Dále může nastat situace s více denotáty, ke kterým by mohla být informace z vedlejší věta vztažena. Ve třetím případě si mluvčí nemusí přát, aby byl antecedent spojován s předchozím kontextem a ve čtvrtém jde o zajímavý koncept neurčité specifické reference, který pomáhá vyřešit rozpor dvou principů, jimiž jsou pravidlo první zmínky vyžadující neurčitý člen a nepopiratelný odraz restriktivních vět na referenci antecedentů. Snaha o lepší porozumění těmto vztahům vede k ještě podrobnějšímu rozpracování a klasifikaci antecedentů, nepřináší ale uspokojivé výsledky. U neurčité reference by měl vztah se vztažnou větou být slabší, než u reference určité. Nerestriktivní věty tvořící jedenáct a půl procenta všech realizačních forem se vyznačují přítomností čárky, výraznější pauzou, a u obou jazyků možným vyřazení postmodifikující informace, aniž by hlavní věta pozbyla významu. Jejich obvyklými antecedenty jsou vlastní jména, substantiva s neurčitou specifickou referencí a substantiva s určitou anaforickou referencí, která se vyznačují relativní nezávislostí na nerestrikktivní věte, která pouze dodává informaci. Není nutno, aby blíže vymezovala svůj antecedent. Je třeba si ovšem uvědomit, že na škále zakončené prototypickými příklady nerestriktivní a restriktivní věty je mnoho mezistupňů, které mohou být kombinací obou typů vět. 73
Zvláštní skupinku tvoří dvě finitní věty, které vlivem překladu získaly jinou syntaktickou funkci. Je to věta příslovečná, která značí, jak je snadný přechod od přívlastku k adverbiu a věta, která je členem parataktického souvětí. Větší pozornost jim už není věnována. Zbývají tedy ostatní realizační formy, které tvoří třicet procent všcech postmodifikací. První největší skupinou jsou přítomná participia zastupující více než padesát procent podskupiny jiných realizačních forem.Tato participia jsou popsána z mnoha hledisek ve snaze najít důležité ukazatele používání
přítomných participií v kontrastu ke vztažným větám. Znovu se setkáváme
s překvapujícím počtem neurčité reference u antecedentů restriktivních participií, padesát osm procent. Další sémanticko syntaktické srovnávání není příliš informativní, přesto může být zmíněno, že osmdesát celých šest procent participiální postmodifikace je tvořena dynamickými slovesy, ovšem důležitejšími jsou slovesa zbývající, slove statická, která osvětlují situaci přítomných participií. Logickým vyvozením se studie dostává k závěru, že přítomná participia nejsou pouhými eliptickými konstrukcemi, které při doplnění chybějícího finitního slovesa dávají predikaci v průběhové formě. Stavová slovesa průběhové formy totiž zpravidla netvoří. Na druhou stranu jsou získány poznatky o interakci reference antecedentů a predikátů finitně rozšířených vazeb . Průběhové formy predikací mají stoprocentní vazbu na substantiva s určitou kataforickou referenci nebo referenci neurčitou specifickou (šedesát procent sekce přítomných participií). Jednoduchá predikace se váže k neurčité referenci (třicet procent). Zbytek tvoři skupina participií, u kterých je rozšiření do finitních vět možné, ale není jasné, ke které formě predikace jí zařadit. Jedním z nejdůležitejších poznatků získaných v této části je způsob komparace a selekce vztažných vět. V žádném případě není možné srovnávat jednotlivé realizační formy s celou skupinou vztažných vět. Vybírají se pouze ty věty, které se v podstatných kritériích shodují s jednotlivými skupinami. U přítomých participiií se zohledňují pouze vztažné věty v aktivu (sto dvacet osm vět ze stotřiceti osmi), pro minulá participia platí pouze vztažné věty v trpném rodě (deset vět), infinitivy se srovnávají s větami, které vyjadřují budoucnost nebo modalitu (šest vět) a předložkové vazby (šest vět) společně s adjektivy a apozicí jsou srovnávány se vztažnými větami, které jsou tvořeny jmennými slovesy se sponou. Forma nominálního členu, jmenovitě substantivum adjektivum, předložková fráze má dále vliv na srovnávání zmíněných forem modifikace. Při zkoumání minulých participií autorka nabývá dojmu, že srovnání minulých participií s patřičnými vztažnými větami nenabízí příliš mnoho k zamyšlení , protože většina nálezů sdílí podobné výsledky. Je jedno, jestli se jedná o sémantiku sloves a jejich antecedenty, restriktivitu nebo diskontiuitu. Minulých participií je co do počtu sedm, přičemž vztažných vět, jejichž predikace je v trpném rodě je deset. Tento poměr zásadně porušuje ekonomickou potřebu jazyka zhutňovat promluvy zvlášť, když jsou tyto nefinitní konstrukce velmi průhledné co se týče syntaktickosémantických vztahů.
Po podrobnějším zkoumání se přichází na to, že překážkou kondenzace 74
vztažných vět je přítomnost modálních sloves, složité časové vztahy, ať je to přečasnost nebo následnost, další rozvíjení samoté modifikace, věty vložené mezi antecedent a postmodifikaci, vztažná věta, která jesoučástí idiomatické konstrukce a nakonec přítomnost další nefinitní konstrukce. Co se týče infinitivů, důležitým ukazatelem pro jejich používání je záměr vyjadřit modalitu nebo budoucnost. Proto je tato forma postmodifikace srovnávána pouze se vztažnými větami s modálním podtónem (ne nutně za přítomnosti způsobového slovesa). Zbývající formy modifikace: předložková vazba, adjektiva a apozice byly srovnávány se sponovým slovesem být , u předložkové vazby to bylo ještě sloveso mít v případě předložky s. Při zkoumání těchto forem realizací modifikace se take dbá na hledání dalších faktorů, které zamezují kondenzaci vztažných vět. Je to například provázání jednotky modifikace s další jednotkou formou parataktického vztahu, nebo např. rozvíjení nominálního členu, které celou konstrukci zatěžuje. ZÁVĚR Zatímco zkoumání restriktivity a reference nepřineslo kloudnou rady, jak nakládat při překladu s formálními znaky, jako je použití interpunkce a vhodných členů, dostalo se nám přinejmenším zjištění, že restriktivní vztažné věty postmodifikují nejvíce subtantiva s neurčitou referencí (padesát jedna procent). Totéž bylo vypozorovatelné u dalších forem modifikace. Mnohem důležitější nález se týká seznamu faktorů, které brání vztažným větám v jejich kondenzaci. Angličtina jako jazyk se sklonem k nominalizaci má tedy proti předpokladu vysoké procento finitních vět Studie má stále slabiny v neprozkoumaném vlivu aktuálního větného členění a pozice ve větě. To autorka navrhuje jako další možný úhel pohledu na danou problematiku.
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ABSTRAKT Práce zkoumá autentické překladové ekvivalenty českých vztažných vět s relativem v nominativu s cílem popsat realizační formy tohoto typu modifikátoru v angličtině, která na rozdíl od češtiny využívá ve větší míře věty nefinitní. Navíc pro signalizaci funkce modifikátorů využívá interpunkce jako rozlišovacího prostředku, čeština nikoliv. Teoretická část nejdříve pojednává o syntaktických vztazích, modifikaci a svousejících tématech zvlášť pro každý jazyk. Shrnuje hlavní rozdíly a podobnosti vnímané jako důsledek odlišnosti flektivně verbálního charakteru češtiny oproti analyticky nominálnímu charakteru angličtiny. Postupuje se od obecného k podrobnějšímu, tedy od syntaktických vztahů, přes neobligatorní proces rozvíjení substantiva. Dále jsou popisovány vlastnosti jednotlivých konstituentů jmenné fráze s důrazem na vztažnou větu. Naproti tomu v anglické části, předpokládajíc, že v excerptech budou nalezeny i další formy modifikace, je pozornost věnována nefinitním konstrukcím jako je participium přítomné i minulé, infinitiv, adjektivní modifikace, předložková fráze (jejímž konstituentem může být i gerundium), a apozice. V excerptovaných datech se potom ukazuje, že vztažná věta je překládána i do adjektiv a dalších typů finitních vět. Jako další teoretické téma jsou zpracovávány vztahy mezi konstituenty jmenné fráze. Jde hlavně o referenci řídícího substantiva, o kterém se předpokládá, že bude ovlivňováno (ne)restriktivní funkcí členu podřízeného. Výzkumný materiál se opírá o paralelní korpus česko-anglických překladů. Vzorků je dvě stě, přičemž se vybírá z pěti různých románů, aby bylo zamezeno vlivu idiosynkracie autora a překladatele zároveň. Konvergentní výjádření realizačních forem modifikace se vyskytuje v sedmdesáti procenttech příkladů. Divergentní realizační formy vykazují zajímavé odchýlení od standardního anglického jazyka. Nejčastější je přítomné participium (15.5%, 38 dokladů), další divergentní protějšky se vyskytovaly v méně než deseti procentech: předložková fráze 9 dokladů, minulé participium 8, premodifikace 5, infinitiv 3, adjektivum v postpozici 2 a apozice 1 doklad. Vlivem původní hypotézy, která předpokládá, že vztažné věty budou mít svou restriktivitou dopad na referenci antecedenta a tento vztah bude v podstatě obousměrný, věnovala autorka mnoho prostoru analýze a následné klasifikaci jednotlivých tendencí objevujících se ve vztahu řídícího členu a jeho (ne)restriktivní modifikace. Jasné pravidlo z této analýzy nevyplývá. Na
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druhou stranu autorka přichází k zajímavému zjištění, že učebnicová poučka prezentující restriktivní postmodifikaci jako realizaci kataforické určenosti řídícího členu se v datech neuplatňuje. Převládá reference neurčitá (52%). Jako hlavní faktor vysvětlující tuto odchylku uvádí autorka převažující pravidlo první zmínko, které si vynucuje realizaci reference neurčité. V potaz je ovšem brána i nespolehlivost formálního odlišení restriktivních vět od nerestriktivních. Dále jsou u všech realizací popisovány syntakticko sémantické vlastnosti řídících členů jmenné fráze a predikace jejich modifikátorů se snahou vytřídit okolnosti, při kterých se daří kondenzovat finitní věty do již zmiňovaných nekonvergetních realizací postmodifikace. Ohlíží se na rysy významné pro jednotlivé nekonvergetní realizace modifikátorů, podle kterých se potom vyčleňují vztažné věty jako relevantní srovnávací skupina. Autorka dochází ke zjištění, že blokujícími faktory jsou složité temporální vztahy mezi řídícím a podřazeným členem, které nejsou v kapacitě vyjádření méně explicitních kondenzovaných forem. Dále je kondenzování blokováno modální modifikací predikátu, syntaktickou strukturou nebo idiomatickým významem.
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ABSTRACT The thesis studies authentic English translation counterparts of the Czech relative clauses with the relative in nominative with the objective to describe realization forms of this modifier, which uses nonfinite clauses on a larger scale. In addition, English signals restrictive function of the modifiers with a comma, Czech does not do so. The theoretical part deals separately with English and Czech syntactic relations, modification, and related topics. It sums up main differences and similarities perceived as the consequence of the differences between analytical-nominal character of English, and flective-verbal character of Czech. The study proceeds from general to more detailed, i. e. from the syntactic relations to the non-obligatory process of the modification of the noun. Next, the characterisitics of nominal phrase constituents is described, emphasising the relative clause. However, English part is more focused on the non-finite modifiers, as is supposed that their presence in the data will be denser. Hence, there are separate sections speaking about –ing participle, -ed participle, infinitive, adjectives, prepositional phrase, and apposition. The excerption results show that the relative clause may be translated into preposed adjectives and other types of finite dependent clauses. As the next topic, the relations between the noun phrase constituents are treated. The main focus is the reference of the head noun which is supposed to be affected by the (non)restrictive function of the modifier. The study material is taken from the parallel corpus of the Czech-to-English translation. Two hundred extracts are selected from five novels to avoid the idiosyncratic influence of the authors and the translators. It is observed that the convergent realization forms are present in 70 percent of the extracts. Divergent realization forms show interesting deviation from the standard English modification. The most prominent modifier is the present participle (15.5%, 38 examples), other divergent counterparts occur in less than ten percent of the set: prepositional phrase 9 examples, past participle 8, premodification 5, infinitive 3, adjective in postoposition 2, and apposition 1 example. As a result of the original hypothesis presupposing that the relative clauses will restrict the reference of the antecedent, the author paid a lot of attention to the description, analysis and classification of the tendencies occurring in the relations between the head noun and its (non) restrictive postmodifier. Any clear rule does not arise, however; the author finds out that the
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text book principle presenting the restrictive postmodification as the cataphoric realization of the definite reference is not applied. The indefinite reference of the head noun (52 % ). The main cause of such deviation is seen in the overriding principle of the first mention, which enforces the realization of the indefinite reference in the form of the indefinite article. However, it is not the only plausible cause; the unreliability of the formal distinction between restrictive and non-restrictive clauses is also taken into account. As the next step, the author describes syntactic and semantic features of the head nouns and the predication of their modifiers with the effort to select those circumstances that enable condensation of the finite clauses into the above mentioned divergent realizations of postmodification. It is important to note that the aspects meaningful to particular divergent modifiers are taken into account when the pertinent relative clauses are selected in order to make their mutual comparison. The procedure is meant to reveal factors blocking the condensation of the relative clauses into less explicit modification. As a result, it is found out that the main causes keeping the form of relative clauses are complicated temporal relations between the constituents of the noun phrase, which the less explicit forms do not have the capacity to express. Further, the condensation is blocked by the modal modification of the predicate, the syntactic structure, or the idiomatic expression.
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ADDENDUM
WI 1
... neodpovídá zcela skutečnosti, neboť Králův souhlas se zveřejněním tohoto příběhu byl jednoznačně podmíněn požadavkem, abych provedl taková opatření,[[ která ]]by znemožňovala spolehlivou identifikaci.
I shall state straightaway that the following description of Kral's villa (and Kral's surname for that matter) is not entirely factual, because Kral's consent to the publication of this story was categorically conditional on my taking certain precautions to prevent any reliable identification.
WI 2
Doprovodili mne k mramorovému schodišti,[[ jež ]]vedlo na prostornou letní terasu, poněkud problematicky zařízenou dvěma bílými plastikovými stolky, čtyřmi fialovými plastikovými křesílky.
They escorted me to a marble staircase that led up to a spacious summer terrace, equipped rather intriguingly with two white plastic tables, four purple plastic mini-armchairs and one orange and green parasol.
WI 3
... náma prostě stáli a občas se po nás tak utahaně podívali, jako že abysme už konečně přestali hrát piškvorky a flokat modelínou a vypluli za nima, k tomu druhýmu břehu. - A za tohle volání bysme jim možná poděkovat měli." Pohnutí,[[ které ]]se mnohých přítomných, učitele nevyjímaje, zmocnilo již během Doubkova proslovu, bylo nakažlivé.
... time to time, as if to say isn't it time you stopped mucking about and flicking plasticine around and sailed across to us on the other bank. - And maybe it's that calling that we ought to thank them for." The emotion that had seized many of the audience, including the teachers, even during Doubek's speech, was infectious.
WI 4
V Miluščiných očích se objevilo čiré zoufalství,[[ jež ]]opravňovalo k domněnce, že ředitel odjíždí rybařit již během dopoledne, ne-li dokonce hned.
A look of utter despair came into Miluska's eyes which suggested strongly that the Principal was going off fishing later that morning, if not straightaway.
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WI 5
. Stejně tak terénní automobil Jeep,[[ který ]]od jara stává v pracovních dnech před školou, není jen tak obyčejný terénní automobil.
If I want to get it out whole, I will have to proceed with the utmost caution. Incidentally: the trenching tool that Chvatalova-Sukova always uses to obtain bait is no ordinary trenching tool. Similarly, the jeep, which from the spring onwards stands in front of the school on schooldays is no ordinary all-terrain vehicle.
WI 6
- raději proto budu v plném znění citovat článek,[[ který ]]byl pod titulkem DOBRÝ NÁPAD publikován ve Zbraslavských novinách (4/1992, str. 3): ...
- so I had better quote in full an article published under the title "Good Idea" in the Zbraslav News (issue 4, 1992, page 3):
WI 7
... a všech daní včetně daně z přidané hodnoty a daně darovací) mimo jiné získala osm vysouvacích žebříků, použitelných jako ribstoly, trojnožkové lafety,[[ jež ]]se dobře uplatní coby stojany na potřebné přenosné tabule, dále sadu pracovní obuvi a oblečení a konečně ojetý terénní automobil značky Jeep.
In this way our school obtained at very low cost (the goods being exempt from import duty and all tax, including VAT and gift tax) eight extending ladders usable as wall-bars, gun tripods that will find use as easels for the much needed portable blackboards, a set of working boots and clothes and, last but not least, a second-hand jeep.
WI 8
ředitel z neznámých důvodů odmítal odpárat) právě udílel poslední pokyny dvěma chlapcům vzadu na korbě, žáku Havlíčkovi, jehož již poněkud vleklým úkolem bylo zasvětit pana ředitele - patrně v krátkých přestávkách mezi jednotlivými nahozeními - do problematiky obsluhy osobního počítačea žáku Lázňovskému,[[ který ]]nyní držel pruty a modrý vak (někde v jeho útrobách se v Jaromírově skleněné dózičce bezpochyby svíjely Miluščiny žížaly). ...
the Principal, Mr Naskocil, in his favourite working uniform with the name Sergeant L. Wright (which for some reason he refused to remove) had just given the final orders to the two lads on the back of the jeep: Havlicek, whose by now rather protracted task was to initiate the Principal into the niceties of operating a personal computer (apparently in the short intervals between casts) andLaznovsky, who was at present holding the fishing rods and the blue kit-bag (somewhere in the depths of which Miluska's worms were no doubt squirming in Jaromir's coffee jar).
WI 9
- a přistihl jsem se, že ve mně roste jakási stupidní zvědavost. A v půl druhé čekal před školou Král. 4. Seděl ve svém tyrkysovém audi. Řidiče jsem znal: byl to jeden z členů jeho ochranky Agáta seděla vzadu a čelila poznámkám spolužáků,[[ kteří ]]v hojném počtu postávali kolem.
Agata was sitting in the back and fielding the comments of her fellow pupils, who were thronging around her.
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WI 10
"Rajskou," informoval ho jeden z hochů,[[ kteří ]]už byli po obědě. "Blueee," udělala Agáta z vozu.
"Boiled beef in tomato sauce," one of the young lads coming from lunch told him.
WI 11
Irenka,[[ která ]]mezitím odběhla do sborovny, se vrátila s novinkou: prý nastoupil nový angličtinář.
Irenka, who had meanwhile popped over to the staff meeting room, returned with the news that a new English teacher had just joined the staff.
WI 12
Každý pedagog,[[ jenž ]]se po absolvování výchovného koncertu vracel do našeho kabinetu, obvykle připomínal zbitého vězně, přivádìného po výslechu nazpět do cely;
Every pedagogue returning to our office after enduring an educational concert reminded me of a beaten prisoner being brought back to his cell after interrogation: his movements would b: similarly torpid, and he too would receive immediate care and attention.
WI 13
Ten,[[ který ]]ve čtvrtek řídil Královo audi, mi nakonec přišel otevřít.
The one who had been driving Kral's Audi on Thursday eventually came to let me in.
WI 14
Agáta odkopla tenisky do kouta a lízátko přilepila na Magazín Blesku,[[ který ]]ležel přede mnou na stole. Poté přešla bosa k lednici, kopírujíc během chůze vzorek na dlaždicích. ...
Agata kicked her plimsolls off into a corner and stuck the lollipop on the coloured supplement that was lying on the table in front of me.
WI 15
celou místnost rozdělovala dlouhá, asi půldruhého metru vysoká knihovna,[[ která ]]vybíhala z protější stěny a přímo proti vstupním dveřím byla po způsobu lodních přídí zakončena barevnou dřevěnou figurou mořské panny,
the entire room was divided in two by a long bookcase about five feet high that ran from the opposite wall and ended directly in front of the door after the fashion of a ship's prow by the addition of a figurehead in the shape of a mermaid, whose expressively upraised arms served as a coat stand.
WI 16
Odpověď zní ne." Pohlédl na krabice s televizory, videorekordéry a mikrovlnnými troubami,[[ které ]]byly naskládány podél zdi, jako by tyto prokazatelné obchodní úspěchy byly důkazem jeho literárněhistorické kvalifikace: ...
He glanced over at the boxes of televisions, videorecorders and microwave ovens stacked by the wall as if these proven commercial achievements were evidence of his qualifications in the field of literary history:
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WI 17
"Koupila jsem si Bravíčko - neva?" Zaváhal jsem. "Neva," řekl jsem nepříliš upřímně. "Je to tvoje kapesné." "Jsou tam i písničky v angličtině," pravila v průhledné snaze poukázat na poznávací hodnoty inkriminovaného časopisu. Připomněl jsem si prostřední dvoustranu Láska, sex a něžnosti,[[ která ]]mne minule nepatrně rozčílila.
"It's got songs in English too," she said in a transparent attempt to prove the educational value of the incriminated magazine. I recalled the middle-page spread Love, sex and tenderness that had slightly annoyed me the previous time.
WI 18
Jsem blázen do Michaela Jacksona a chtěla bych si dopisovat s černochem,[[ který ]]je mu podobný (i nemusí).
I'm mad about Michael Jackson and would like a black pen-friend who looks like him (though he doesn't have to).
WI 19
Přestože v mém hlasu byla až do konce přítomna ona známá křečovitá důstojnost řečníků,[[ kteří ]]musí dokončit svůj proslov, jakkoli vidí, že je nikdo neposlouchá, nepřestával jsem být přesvědčen, že vnímán kupodivu jsem - šlo zřejmě o podobný dru ...
Even though my voice betrayed that familiar forced dignity of the speaker who is obliged to finish his address in spite of the fact that no one is listening, my conviction never waned for one moment that, amazingly, I had her attention
WI 20
Při nejlepší vůli nedokážu přesvědčivě, nesentimentálně popsat ten balvan otcovské lásky,[[ který ]]zavalil onu jeho větu.
With the best will in the world I am incapable of describing in a convincing and unsentimental way the enormous weight of paternal love that was borne by that sentence.
WI 21
Vestibul stanice metra Smíchovské nádraží,[[ který ]]byl tradičním shromaždištěm před výchovnými koncerty, radostně hučel.
The metro entrance hall at Smichov Station - the traditional assembly point before educational concerts - buzzed merrily.
WI 22
, prakticky všichni dosud přítomní chlapci se na způsob včelího roje tlačili kolem slečny učitelky Trakařové,[[ jež ]]stála čelem k nástěnnému automatu s kondomy a s výrazem průkopnice sexuální osvěty jim bez falešného ostychu hlasitě vybírala nejspolehlivější druhy, popřípadě pomáhala dobýt nazpět vzpříčenou pětikorunu
almost all of the boys present swarmed like bees around their teacher, Miss Trakarova, who stood facing the condom vending machine on the wall and with the expression of a pioneer of sexual enlightenment, eschewing any false modesty, was loudly selecting for them the most dependable types or helping them unjam a five-crown coin.
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WI 23
S výjimkou kolegyně Chvátalové-Sukové,[[ která ]]s gestikulací dirigenta Wagnerova Soumraku bohů o čemsi přesvědčovala vyděšeného dozorčího stanice, postávali zbylí členové pedagogického doprovodu v malém rozpačitém hloučku, a uhýbajíce před pohledy kolemjdoucích, snažili se nevnímat rachot vytrvale drancovaného automatu.
With the exception of our colleague Chvatalova-Sukova, who with gesticulations of someone conducting Wagner's Twilight of the Gods was trying to make some point or other to the petrified stationmaster. The remaining members of the pedagogical escort team were standing in a small, embarrassed huddle, evading the glances of passers-by and trying to ignore the din made by the nonstop pillage of the vending machine.
WI 24
Při stanovování odměn a osobních příplatků,[[ které ]]jsou nenárokové, stanovil pan ředitel kritéria, kterými se řídil.
When introducing optional bonuses and personal premiums, Principal adopted criteria by which he is guided.
WI 25
"Již do svých osmnácti let," pravila průvodkyní pořadem a ublíženě pohlédla na Vlastimila Lizánka,[[ který ]]- s černými sluchátky na uších - si právě přitáhl paži svého souseda po pravici, aby s její pomocí mohl lépe imitovat hráče na elektrickou kytaru již do svých osmnácti let vytvořil mladý Mozart přes dvě stovky hudebních děl
"By his eighteenth birthday…," explained the concert presenter, staring with a hurt expression at Vlastimil Lizanek who, with black headphones on his ears, was just pulling his neighbour's elbow towards him to assist his imitation of an electric guitar player, "…by his eighteenth birthday, the young Mozart had created over two hundred musical compositions."
WI 26
. Využil jsem bezstarostného veselí,[[ které ]]po zprávě o trýznění kolegy Stříbrného v kabinetě zavládlo, a jakoby mimochodem jsem kolegy informoval o svém vedlejšáku ... Vedení Základní školy V. Vančury nás znovu přesvědčilo, že nepatří k těm,[[ kteří ]]jenom skuhrají na nedostatek finančních prostředků. Pan ředitel Nask ... Snažím se schvalovat každý výklad světa,[[ který ]]vede k laskavosti (Šimečka), a nesnažím se číst všechno a rozumět všemu, protože nedostatek vzdělání může být i pramenem ...
I took advantage of the jocular mood that reigned in our office following the news about colleague Stribrny's misfortune to inform my colleagues incidentally, as it were, about my sideline; The management of the V. Vancura Elementary School have once again provided convincing proof that they're not the kind of people who just grumble about lack of financial resources. I strive to endorse every interpretation of the universe that is conducive to kindness (Simecka), and do not strive to read and understand everything, because a lack of education can also be a source of strength and peace of mind (Italo Svevo), particularly since all I really need to know I learned in kindergarten (Fulghum). "I expect I'm the proverbial timid sailor who queues for a long time and then doesn't go in," I conjectured out loud. My gaze was intended to convey the fellow feeling of a father who knows what it is to have a daughter, but I discovered from one of the many mirrors around the bar that it unfortunately conveyed nothing but intoxication. The only thing I know for sure is that after several glasses of
WI 27 WI 28
WI 29 WI 30
"Já asi budu ten plachý námořník,[[ co ]]vždycky vystojí frontu, a pak nejde," přemítal jsem nahlas. ... Můj pohled měl vyjadřovat solidaritu otce,[[ který ]]ví, co je to mít dceru, ale v jednom z mnoha zrcadel baru jsem zjistil, že bohužel vyjadřuje toliko opilost. ...
WI
... esnější) se po vypití několika sklenic šampaňského a trošky
86
31
koňaku může kupodivu probudit i ve velmi způsobném hošíkovi,[[ jenž ]]zásadně nestrká nůž do pusy ani nesbírá věci ze země, a že mé stále častější a stále méně kradmé pohledy směrem ke stole ...
WI 32
Petřík zřejmě zůstal natolik střízlivý, že nás oba mohl odvézt domů - usuzuji tak ovšem jen ze slov své ženy,[[ která ]]mne krátce po půl šesté ráno zahlédla z okna ložnice, kterak s obtížemi vylézám z Králova auta - na její dotaz, kde jsem ...
WI 33
(Dneska jsem si z korektur románu Lubomíra Martínka Mys dobré beznaděje opsal větu,[[ která ]]mne možná nepříjemně usvědčuje: Humor zlehčující je samé, aby se jim dostalo ujištění o o ...
WI 34
V kabinetě byl naštěstí zatím jen Jaromír,[[ který ]]měl na rozdíl od Bělikova pro své mladé kolegy většinou pochopení.
WI 35
... , a raději jsem se proto spokojil s výše uvedenou jednodušší verzí (pro čtenáře-abstinenty a pro ty příkladné osobnosti,[[ které ]]vždycky vědí, kdy už mají dost, uvádím některé další symptomy tohoto stavu, bez jejichž základní znalosti nelze tuto kap ...
WI 36
vyšel jsem proto na chodbu a zlehka jsem zatáhl za hlavní vypínač pojistek: ticho,[[ které ]]nastalo, bezesporu patřilo k těm, jimž říkáme krásné. Rychle jsem se ... ... jsem se vracel nazpět do kabinetu, byly po celém schodišti v pravidelných intervalech rozestoupeny dívky z šestých tříd,[[ které ]]s pečlivostí uměleckých restaurátorů otíraly vlhkými hadříky každý sebemenší záhyb ozdobných sloupků litinového zábradlí ... Ředitel se na odpolední třídní schůzky dostavil v nádherném šedomodrém obleku,[[ který ]]- řečeno slovníkem žáků naší školy
WI 37
WI 38
champagne and a little cognac, the Bower's urge (though animal instinct might be more accurate) can awaken in even a very well-bred lad who, on principle, does not stick his knife in his mouth or pick things up off the ground, and my ever more frequent and ever less furtive glances in the direction of the redhead with the retractable breasts were the product of lamentably primitive lust. Petrik must have remained sober enough to drive us both home although I only infer this from what I was told by my wife who, shortly after half past five in the morning caught sight of me from the bedroom window getting out of Kral's car with great difficulty. Apparently when she asked me where I had spent the night, I answered in a bhrothel. (Today, while proofreading the novel Cape of No Hope by Lubomir Martinek, I copied out a sentence that could well serve as a rather unpleasant indictment of myself: The sort of humour whereby one disparages oneself in order to be assured of the contrary.) As luck would have it, there was no one but Jaromir in our office yet, and unlike Byelikov, he tended to be indulgent towards his younger colleagues. I had originally been intending to speak solely in terms of the aftereffects of a drinking bout, but I found myself in a situation in which nausea can be brought on even by certain groupings of consonants, so I contented myself with the above-quoted simpler version. (For the benefit of teetotal readers and those exemplary individuals who always know when they have had enough, I am listing several other symptoms of that state, without which it will be impossible to share properly in the events of this chapter - they are: red, puffy, smarting eyes, alternating hot and cold flushes, quaking at the knees and a general feeling of enfeeblement, a fetid and viscous coating on the tongue, an urge to vomit, and last but not least, feelings of guilt and an irresistible urge to make resolutions.) So I went out into the passage and switched off the electricity at the mains: the silence that ensued was one of those justly called golden. When I was returning to my office, standing all along the corridor in regular intervals were sixth-year girls armed with damp cloths wiping every nook and cranny in the decorative posts of the cast-iron railing. The Principal turned up for the parents' conferences that afternoon in a splendid grey-blue suit, which - in the lingo of the pupils at our 87
WI 39
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- takřka neměl chybu. ... zůstal čitelný nápis US NAVY FORCES.) Mimořádně dobře padnoucí sako,[[ jež ]]bylo mimochodem nepřímým důkazem, že i důstojník americké armády může mít pupek, povzbudilo ředitelovo už beztak značné ...
Úvahy na téma vyzouvání v Čechách vzápětí přerušila kolegyně Trakařová,[[ která ]]vrazila do kabinetu, samým rozčilením rudá v obličeji:
school - was almost without fault. The exceptionally well-fitting jacket, which incidentally was indirect proof that even an American naval officer can have a paunch, boosted the Principal's already considerable self-confidence to such a degree that he fielded the traditional critical questions during the parents' council meeting (Why hadn't he submitted any proposals yet? Why was the school losing staff, and young teachers in particular? Reflections on the theme footwear removal in Bohemia were abruptly interrupted by colleague Trakarova, who burst into the staff room red in the face with indignation:
JI 1
Kdykoliv jsem se do takové debaty pustil, připadal jsem si jako člověk,[[ který ]]z pošetilosti prorazil zeď údolní přehrady.
Whenever I let myself descend to such an argument, I feel like someone who has been foolish enough to smash a hole in the wall of a dam.
JI 2
Podobal jsem se člověku,[[ který ]]při sestupování ze zasněženého kopce šlápl na klouzačku, ukrytou pod sněhem.
I was like someone who upon descending from a snow-covered hill steps onto a patch of ice hidden beneath the snow.
JI 3
Radu, že jsem se mohl kdykoliv během té doby postavit mimo skluzavku, mohl by mi dát jen člověk,[[ jenž ]]neví, co to je zápasit zoufale o poslední zlomek rovnováhy, který člověk má.
Only a person with no knowledge of what it is to engage in a desperate battle to keep one’s balance and not topple over would say that I could have left the ice patch at any moment of that undignified descent.
JI 4
Jisto je, že by se v Čechách našlo velmi málo mladých mužů,[[ kteří ]]by měli svého sluhu, a mé klidné a konzervativní povaze je vzpomínka na to, že jsem udělal něco tak ...
Certainly no one can deny the fact that not many young men can be found in Bohemia who have their own gentleman’s gentleman.
JI 5
Doktor Vlach říká, že jsou to pocity zděděné po předcích,[[ kteří ]]žili v jeskyni.
Dr. Witherspoon says that such sentiments are inherited from our ancestors who lived in caves.
JI 6
Že prý všichni lidé,[[ kteří ]]tam za ta dlouhá léta bydleli, odnesli své štěstí s sebou, ale bolesti, zármutky a zoufalství tam ne ...
Apparently all the people who had lived there before me had taken their happiness away with them, leaving pain, sorrows and despair behind in the building.
JI 7
Myslím tím, že znám značný počet lidí,[[ kteří ]]by ji do toho vodotrysku docela rádi hodili.
I mean by this that I know a considerable number of people who would be quite happy to throw her into a fountain as well.
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JI 8
Nemohl jsem to učinit již proto, že mi nebyla lhostejná má pověst,[[ která ]]byla jeho ztřeštěnostmi již stejně značně poškozena.
I could not do so because I was not indifferent to my reputation, which had already been considerably affected by his hare-brained schemes.
JI 9
Ve svých výrocích je naprosto nesmlouvavý a je známo, že majitelkou jediných nohou,[[ které ]]obstály před jeho kritickým pohledem, je právě slečna Barbora.
He is absolutely unwavering in his views on the subject, and it is common knowledge that the owner of the only two legs that have passed the test of his critical appraisal is none other than Miss Barbara.
JI 10
Osobně jsem se s ním nesetkal a ani jsem po tom netoužil. Saturnin,[[ který ]]tu obývací loď najímal, mi ho popsal jako malého, nesmírně tlustého pána.
Saturnin, who was the one to rent the houseboat, described him to me as small and extremely tubby.
JI 11
Bývaly doby, řečnil, kdy člověk,[[ který ]]šil boty, říkal si švec.
There was a time, Dr. Witherspoon declaimed, when a person who made shoes called himself a shoemaker.
JI 12
Neříkejte mi, povídal doktor Vlach, že vidím příliš černě. Že ještě dnes jsou řemeslníci,[[ kteří ]]dělají dobré a poctivé věci, že lze ještě dostat například nábytek provedený tak, že se srdce směje,
Do not tell me that there aren’t still craftsmen today who make good and reliable things, or that it isn’t still, for instance, possible to get furniture at which the heart rejoices, such as wardrobes that surprisingly enough open, without having to be shaken first, and bookcases whose glass fronts slide across without difficulty.
JI 13
Že ještě dnes jsou řemeslníci, kteří dělají dobré a poctivé věci, že lze ještě dostat například nábytek provedený tak, že se srdce směje, nábytek, jehož skříně se kupodivu otvírají, aniž je nutno jimi lomcovat, v jehož knihovně se skla posunují lehce, nábytek, který si tyto své vlastnosti udrží dlouhou řadu let
Do not tell me that there aren’t still craftsmen today who make good and reliable things, or that it isn’t still, for instance, possible to get furniture at which the heart rejoices, such as wardrobes that surprisingly enough open, without having to be shaken first, and bookcases whose glass fronts slide across without difficulty. Don’t tell me that there’s no more of the type of furniture that will keep its quality for decades.
JI 14
Tito lidé se většinou smířili se svým životním standardem, ale je pochopitelné, že trvají na tom, aby se i jejich skříně otvíraly, skla v knihovně posunovala a aby nedocházelo k paradoxu, který by je nutil, aby proto, že nejsou bohatí, musili kupovat každé tři roky
These people have for the most part reconciled themselves to their standard of living, but it is understandable that they should insist on having wardrobes that open, a bookcase with a glass front that’s willing to slide and that they do not wish to find themselves in the 89
nový nábytek.
paradoxical situation of having to buy new furniture every three years just because they are not well off.
JI 15
Později mi někdo povídal, že ta zvláštní a speciální škola se jmenuje pomocná a že jsou tam vyučovány děti,[[ které ]]by v normální škole postup vyučování brzdily.
Later someone explained to me that this unusual and particular establishment was designed for the education of children with ‘special needs’, i. e. those who would hold up the progress of others in a normal school.
JI 16
V určitém smyslu slova byl člověkem,[[ který ]]objevil celou řadu chemických pouček a pravidel nejrůznějšího druhu.
In a certain sense of the word he definitely was a man who discovered a whole series of chemical theorems and laws of the most various kinds.
JI 17
Podobal se člověku,[[ který ]]po ovládnutí malé násobilky prohlásil svým učitelům: Dál už mi nic neříkejte.
He resembled a person who, after mastering a few easy multiplication tables, announces to his teachers:
JI 18
Tak například zjistil při pokusu,[[ který ]]měl velmi vzrušující průběh, že lít vodu do kyseliny je blbost, a vůbec mu nevadilo, že tento poznat ...
Thus, for example, he found out during one experiment, which took a very exciting course, that it is a foolish idea to add water to acid.
JI 19
Chemie byla mu panenskou pevninou, roztočeným větrným zámkem, plným dveří,[[ které ]]se otvíraly tajemnými formulemi.
To him chemistry was virgin territory. It meant constructing castles in the air with solid doors that opened to the sound of secret formulae.
JI 20
Jednou byl dokonce ztlučen rozzuřenými dělníky,[[ kteří ]]na jeho rozkaz smíchali dvě suroviny a nestačili pak skákat okny ven.
Once he even received a beating at the hands of enraged employees who had mixed two raw materials at his command and had then hardly been quick enough to jump through the window.
JI 21
V kavárně vykládala známým dámám o nehodě,[[ která ]]potkala strýce.
In the cafe she regaled some acquaintance with information about how my uncle met with his accident.
JI 22
dovídal, že nebylo ani jediného mého skutku, ani jediné vlastnosti, ani jediné pronesené věty,[[ která ]]by unikla nejpřísnější kritice tety Kateřiny.
Later I gradually came to understand that where I was concerned there wasn’t a single deed, trait or uttered sentence that escaped the strongest criticism.
JI 23
Lidé, kterým je lhostejno, budou-li mít milión nebo ne, se vyskytují jen v románech, zrovna tak jako ty neuvěřitelné lidské mátohy,[[ které ]]žijí šťastně a spokojeně, pokud nemají na oběd, ale které, nabyvše nečekaného bohatství, propadají z jakýchsi nesmyslných
People for whom it is a matter of indifference whether they become millionaires are to be found only in novels, just like those human spectres who live happy and contented lives even if they have to go
90
důvodů čirému neštěstí a oddechnou si teprve, když o ten majetek zase přijdou..
without lunch.
JI 24
Co jsem živ, nikdy jsem se nepokusil oklamat lidi v čekárně tvrzením, že potřebuju od pana doktora jen něco podepsat, nikdy jsem se nesnažil koupit si jízdenku tak, že bych šel k pokladně z druhé strany, u poštovní přepážky jsem se nikdy nesnažil vecpat se před lidi,[[ kteří ]]tam byli dříve než já.
I have never tried to push in front of people who were at the post office counter before me.
JI 25
Nechlubím se tím, chci pouze ukázat na povahový rys,[[ který ]]mi znemožňuje používat ostrých loktů ve snaze o získání dědečkova majetku. ...
I am not boasting in saying this. I merely want to show a certain character trait which makes it impossible for me to use sharp elbows in the attempt to secure Grandpa’s estate.
JI 26
... no jedna ta příčka praskla, rozštípnuté dřevo trčelo výhružně vzhůru a člověk si darmo představoval, kdyby ten človíček,[[ co ]]se tam batolí, na to upadl. Tak jsem si řekl, že se postarám, aby ...
One of those staves recently snapped, leaving the split wood pointing menacing ly upwards, and what might happen if the little chap fell onto it as he toddled around there doesn’t bear thinking about.
JI 27
... stě jste zpozorovali, že můj postoj vůči Saturninovi je značně kritický, ale v tu chvíli jsem v něm viděl pouze člověka,[[ který ]]přispěchal, aby se mi v těžké chvíli postavil po bok. Teta se, ...
You will doubtless have noticed that my view of Saturnin is a decidedly critical one. However, at that precise moment I saw him simply as a person who had hastened to my side at a difficult moment.
JI 28
Osud byl v tomto případě zastoupen tetou Kateřinou,[[ která ]]se spolu s Miloušem do mé kabiny, s dovolením, nastěhovala.
On this particular occasion Fate appeared in the guise of Aunt Catherine, who took over the cabin as if it was her own territory, Bertie in tow.
JI 29
Jediná okolnost,[[ která ]]mě poněkud omlouvala, byla ta, že Milouš jakživ tak dobře nevypadal jako právě tenkrát. ...
The one circumstance which somewhat excused my attitude was his healthy demeanour - he had never looked so well.
JI 30
Říkával, že kdyby nebylo alkoholu, mohl zde ve zdraví být ještě jeho ujec,[[ který ]]předčasně odešel, když se byl upil před šedesáti lety svého věku. ...
He used to say that if there had never been such a thing as alcohol his own uncle, who drank himself to death before he could reach sixty years of age, would still be fit and well in the land of the living.
JI 31
Tím nechce říci, že při líčení pohnutek,[[ které ]]ji přinutily k tomu, že se rozhodla strávit delší čas na mé lodi, milostivá paní
He did not mean to imply by this, that in explaining the circumstances which compelled her to decide on an extended stay on
91
lhala. ...
my boat, the dear lady had lied.
JI 32
... ny, ozářené šikmými paprsky elektrického světla, přitahovaly mé zraky a dávaly mi tušit, že budou ústředním bodem scény,[[ která ]]nadcházela.
The white doors of the cabin, illuminated by the slanting beams of the electric lights, attracted my attention and led me to suspect that they would take centre stage in the forth coming play.
JI 33
... Prohlížel jsem kapesní kalendář a přemýšlel jsem, co bych za to dal, kdybych mohl ten týden,[[ který ]]mne od setkání dělí, škrtnout, vytrhnout, přeskočit, abych se již příštího dne mohl probudit s vědomím, že na mne čeká p ...
I examined my pocket diary and considered what I would give in order to be able to delete, vault across or pluck out that week which separated me from our reunion, so that I would be able to wake up next day knowing that a walk in the woods with Barbara at my side awaited me.
JI 34
Potom ovšem nabylo vrchu střízlivé uvažování,[[ které ]]je mi tak vlastní. Týden života!
A moment later, however, the sober reflection which was so much a part of my being gained the upper hand.
JI 35
Do tohoto kapesního kalendáře zapíšu všechno,[[ co ]]se v tomto týdnu stane, abych příští sobotu mohl zvážit dobré i zlé a znovu zavrtět odmítavě hlavou, znovu si říci, že t ...
I would write down everything that happened during these seven days in my pocket diary, so that the following Saturday I could carefully consider both the good and the bad things that would have happened, before once more shaking my head in disapproval and repeating the observation that a week of one’s life was too high a price to pay.
JI 36
... nes zpátky, vidím, že nebylo nutno, abych si psal něco na způsob deníku. Události,[[ které ]]se zběhly, byly takového rázu, že bych si je byl zapamatoval v každém případě. Pos ...
The events which occurred had such an impact that I would have remembered them in any case.
JI 37
Ležel jsem v poduškách a vdechoval svěží vzduch,[[ který ]]proudil otevřeným oknem ze zahrady.
I lay on cushions breathing the fresh air which came streaming in from the garden through the open window.
JI 38
Dědeček to s radostí uvítal a projevil přání vyjet si ve staré fordce,[[ která ]]už dlouhá desítiletí rezavěla v garáži. Saturnin sehnal někde plechovku benzínu a ...
Grandpa welcomed the news and expressed a wish to go for a drive in an old Ford which had spent several decades rusting over in the garage.
JI 39
... ypukl asi před desíti lety a jeho účelem je ušlechtilá snaha, aby náš dědeček nevěnoval svou přízeň a náklonnost někomu,[[ kdo ]]toho není hoden.
It broke out something like a decade ago, and was occasioned by a worthy attempt to ensure that our Grandpa bestowed neither favour nor affection upon anyone who didn’t deserve them.
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JI 40
Lehce by se dal oklamat a mohl by odkázat majetek někomu,[[ kdo ]]by jej přivedl, jak říká teta Kateřina, vniveč. Ostatní příbuzn ...
He could easily be deceived and leave his property to someone who would let it go to rack and ruin
OT 1
Jejich puchřející zdi vsákly již snad všechny pachy,[[ které ]]přebývají v blízkosti lidských příbytků. Dávno z nich vyprchala nic neříkající vůně ma ...
There can hardly be a smell about human habitations that the crumbling walls of old houses have not absorbed.
OT 2
... nic neříkající vůně malty a vápna, tak příznačná pro ty moderní a někdy i trochu fádní krabice na předměstských pláních,[[ které ]]se dosud nevzmohly na své dějiny.
They have long lost the meaningless smell of lime and mortar that is so characteristic of modern houses, dull and box-like as they often are, in the vast flat stretches of suburbia - houses that have not yet acquired a history.
OT 3
Zdi starých domů jsou živé. Jsou oživené osudy,[[ které ]]se mezi nimi odehrávaly. Co všechno viděly?
They have been brought to life by all that has gone on within them.
OT 4
Za oknem je už pavlač s rozviklanými dlaždičkami,[[ které ]]co chvíli zachřestí pod chodidly, a čtvercová studna dvorku. Nad střechami vane teplý ...
Beyond the window is the gallery with its loose tiles rattling underfoot every now and again, and the balustrade giving on to the four-sided well of the courtyard.
OT 5
Tam nahoře je všechno tiché, mlčí Vega ze souhvězdí Lyry, od roztřepeného okraje mraku se odloupl měsíc a nahlíží oknem dovnitř - tvář,[[ která ]]ztratila výraz.
Up there everything is quiet. Vega in the constellation of the Lyra is silent, the moon has broken away from a ragged edge of cloud and looks in through the window - a face that has lost its expression.
OT 6
Leží opět tady, zašantročen ve zdech města, v těsné krabici pokojíku,[[ který ]]lze přeměřit pěti kroky.
He is lying here once more, an outcast within the walls of the city, in this tiny box of a room which can be measured in five paces.
OT 7
Padá, padá stále hlouběji a bez naděje, že to skončí, že se to rozplyne v hojivé prázdnotě,[[ která ]]nemá tvar. Paměť. Bolest myslet, bolest dýchat, bo ...
He is falling, falling deeper and deeper and there is no hope it will ever end, no hope it will fade away into the healing emptiness that has no shape or form.
OT 8
Nezbývá než se vracet zpátky; jako rak nebo jako pavouk,[[ který ]]se stahuje zpět po stříbrné niti. Ale kam? Kam s ...
There was nothing for it but to go back, like a crab, or like a spider retreating along its silver thread.
OT
Pozná ji vůbec? Pozná, určitě ji pozná i mezi tisíci jiných,[[ které ]]kolem něho ještě přejdou a za nimiž se ohlédne jen tak letmo
Of course he would, he would recognise her among the thousands of other women yet to pass him by, women he would glance at over his 93
9
přes rameno a po nichž v něm nic nezůstane. ...
shoulder and nothing of them would remain in him.
OT 1O
Ale to všechno snad žil jiný člověk, takový mládeneček,[[ který ]]si čas od času vypůjčil od táty - tak trochu zbytečně - štětku a břitvu a sedřel s tváře pět měkkých chlupů, aby si dodal nutnou sebedůvěru před schůzkou s děvčetem
But it must have been somebody else who had lived through all that: a young man who sometimes borrowed father’s shaving-brush and razor - a trifle unnecessary - and scraped half-a-dozen soft hairs from his cheeks to give himself the necessary self-confidence before a date with a girl.
OT 11
... tun a táhne na Moskvu, nemáš si kam jít zatančit a v biografu si div sanice nevykloubíš zíváním při nekonečném týdeníku,[[ který ]]praská chvastounstvím a láskou k führerovi. Máma vysedává večer co večer v kuchyni ...
The heroic Wehrmacht had again sunk so and so many registered tons of shipping and was marching on Moscow. There was nowhere a fellow could go to dance and at the flicks you ran the risk of lockjaw from yawning through their endless news-reels filled to bursting with bragging and devotion to the Führer.
OT 12
. Je vlastenec tak trošku staromódní, jako obleky,[[ které ]]vycházejí z jeho solidní živnosti.
His patriotism was a bit old-fashioned, like the suits made in his oldfashioned workshop.
OT 13
Tady jsme: ona a já! Odečteš-li od toho zítřek, vše,[[ co ]]se odehrává v městě, v zemi, na světě, je možná všechno v pořádku.
Here we are, she and I. Take away from that the next day, all that was going on in the city, in the country, in the whole world, and perhaps everything’s all right. Another “perhaps”.
OT 14
Kroky,[[ které ]]bůhvíkomu patřily, ve dne slyšela hrkot šicích strojů odvedle, známé hlasy z krejčovny, už je rozeznávala. ...
There were footsteps belonging to God knows whom. During the daytime she heard the throbbing of sewing machines in the room next door and the well-known voices from the tailor’s workshop - she could distinguish them by now.
OT 15
I v komíhavém světle,[[ které ]]klouzlo po dívčí postavě proti němu, si stačil povšimnout, že na pomačkaném kabátku je přišita jasně žlutá hvězda s čern ...
In the little spurt of light that flickered over the figure of the girl facing him he caught sight of a star sewn on the crumpled coat, a yellow star with black letters in the centre: JUDE.
OT 16
... ly mezi věty a kolem nich už se střela tma, ničím neposkvrněná. Ani stěny činžáků,[[ které ]]obkličovaly park jako vysoké hradby, se netřpytily světly oken, spuštěny byly zatemňovací papíry a za nimi dýchali lidé. ...
There was not a gleam of light in the walls of the houses standing round the park like the walls of a fortress. The windows were covered with black-out blinds and behind them there were people breathing.
OT
Tak se s nimi jednou setkal na schodišti domu, kde bydlel s rodiči, a dosud cítí v těle tu mrazivou, drkotavou hrůzu,[[ která ]]se
He had run into them once on one of the landings in the flat where he lived with his parents, and he could still feel the freezing, trembling 94
17
zmocnila celého domu. Otevřít!
horror that had possessed the whole building.
OT 18
Mně by ty prachy přišly náramně vhod. A tady… Osoby,[[ které ]]se zdržují v pro… protentokrátu, aniž se přihlásily k pobytu, musí se ihned přihlásit… ...
And what about this… Any persons at present in the Pro… protentokrát… without having registered must do so without delay…
OT 19
... Kde ale jsou! Snad ji čekají, snad jí píší dlouhé a krásné dopisy,[[ které ]]se ztrácejí, které bloudí po světě jako nitky babího léta. Domů utíkat! ...
Perhaps they are waiting for her, writing long, lovely letters that are never delivered and go wandering about the world like threads of gossamer.
OT 2O
Uvědomil si, že běží známým parkem; zpomalil, udiven zvláštní setrvačností,[[ která ]]vedla jeho kroky. Vracel se na místo činu.
He realised he was hurrying through the park he remembered so well, and slowed down, amazed at the unconscious perseverance of his own steps, bringing him back here.
OT 21
Tady, tady je! Dosedl na tu obyčejnou, tuctovou lavičku,[[ jaké ]]jsou v kdejakém parku, přejel dlaní po oprýskaném laku.
He sat down on the ordinary bench that looked like all the others, like all the benches in all the parks, and ran his hand over the cracking paint.
OT 22
Kabát se žlutou hvězdou byl přehozen přes opěradlo a pod jupkou pyžama,[[ která ]]nepřiléhala k tělu, prosvítala bílá kůže. Hleděl na ni, neodvažuje se ani dýchat, ...
Her coat with the yellow star was thrown over the back of the chair and beneath the pyjama jacket which did not quite fit he glimpsed her white skin.
OT 23
Nadhodil si ji v náručí; bránila se oběma rukama a rozesmála se zvonivým smíchem,[[ který ]]jim ubral sílu; nechal ji rychle dopadnout do proleželých per pohovky a zlekaně p ...
She used both hands to defend herself and laughed a tinkling laugh that robbed him of strength.
OT 24
Světlo bylo jen v něm a kolem tma. V tom světle byl silný, udivený energií citu,[[ která ]]se v něm uvolňovala.
In that light he was strong, amazed at the force of his emotions, the force let loose within him.
OT 25
. Bylo mu nejasně líto toho minulého Pavla,[[ který ]]ji ještě neznal, toho všedního, praobyčejného, vyčouhlého holobrádka. Jak vlastně ...
He was somehow vaguely sorry for the Paul that used to be, the Paul who had not known Her, the ordinary, everyday, lanky youth.
OT 26
Kromě bezmocného hněvu, kvasícího v kdekterém srdci, byl hlavním pocitem ve dnech,[[ které ]]následovaly, strach. Zalehl město jako zpocená venkovská duchna, pod níž se zdáva ...
Besides the helpless anger rising in every heart in the days that followed, the feeling uppermost in them all was fear.
95
OT 27
Vzal ji do náručí, ústy jí zavíral oči, pak zabořil obličej do vlasů, utíkaje do té hebké, vonící tmy před myšlenkami,[[ které ]]v něm vytrvale ryly.
Taking her in his arms he closed her eyes with his lips, burying his face in her hair, running away from the thoughts that would not leave him alone, into that soft, sweet-smelling darkness.
OT 28
... vidlicích, zprávy pršely, zmatené údaje, udání ze msty, nadávky, kletby, vypisovaly se další miliony za nicotná sdělení,[[ která ]]by vedla k dopadení pachatelů. Kde jsou?
At Gestapo headquarters in Prague the phones were never still, news kept pouring in, confused information, betrayal for revenge, oaths, curses, millions and millions offered for disgraceful information leading to the arrest of those responsible.
OT 29
Protože jen hektolitry teplé krve mohou pomstít člověka,[[ který ]]hynul na posteli s rozstřílenými játry. Aparát horečně pracoval, šeptanda, zvětš ...
Only a sea of blood could pay for the life of that man dying in his bed with his liver shot to pieces.
OT 30
Vyvlečou ji z úkrytu na světlo a pak zastřelí jeho, tátu, mámu, možná že i Čepka, učedníka Pepíka, všechny, i ty,[[ kteří ]]nic netuší, možná že půjdou i po kamarádech ze třídy, lapnou Vojtu, Kamila, Píďu, třídního… bůhví koho ještě! ...
They would drag her from her hiding place and then they would shoot him, Dad, Mother, and maybe old Čepek, Joey the apprentice, everybody, even the people who hadn’t an inkling. They might even go for his pals in school, they might get Bert, Charlie, Titch, their form-master… God knows where they’d stop!
96
OT 31
... parku na lavičce, dokud ho náhlá červnová sprška nezahnala do průjezdu, a pak hleděl s podivnými pocity na letní bouřku,[[ která ]]trhala oblohu nad střechami, zalévajíc náhlou průtrží dlažební kameny, na kanály, klokotající přívaly špinavé vody smích ...
He got through his days somehow, wandering about the streets feeling like a scrap of torn newspaper blown along; he hung about street corners with his hands in his pockets and a head-ache; he leaned over the water, kicking pebbles into the slow-flowing river; he sat in the park until a sudden June shower drove him to shelter. Then he watched the storm-tossed summer sky above the roofs, sending a sudden downpour on to the streets; he watched the streams of muddy water washing the dust from the streets and swirling along the gutters.
OT 32
... a ze spíže nebylo možné. Neuměl to, hnusilo se mu podvádět ty dva staré dobráky,[[ kteří ]]pro něho dýchají a kterým v noci ukrádá spánek svým nepochopitelným chováním. I ...
He could not bring himself to do it; it disgusted him to think of cheating those two kind old souls who lived only for him and whose peace of mind he was wrecking with his incomprehensible behaviour.
OT 33
A kde vzít peníze? lámal si v noci hlavu. Nejdříve došlo na knihy,[[ které ]]prodal v antikvariátu. Loučil se s nimi postupně a s trpkou lítostí, ale jiné ce ...
The first thing to go were his books, to a second-hand shop.
OT 34
Jako oslizlý kámen. Lžu! Lžu jemu,[[ který ]]mě učil říkat vždycky pravdu. Proč mě to učil, když teď lžu a musím lhát! ...
I’m lying to the man who taught me never to tell a lie!
OT 35
Chodili přimknuti tělem jeden k druhému po jiných cestách než těch,[[ jaké ]]překřižují zem za oknem, a svět tonul v záplavě slunečního světla a půda pod nohama byla pevná. ...
They walked pressed side by side over other paths than those which criss-crossed the world outside their window, and the world swam in a blaze of sunlight and the ground beneath their feet was firm.
OT 36
Hudba nebude!" Vysvlékl ji ze směšného saka z látky,[[ která ]]div nešustila dřevem a buničinou. S hranatou mužskou neobratností ji uchopil do n ...
He took the ridiculous jacket off her, the material almost crackling with wood and cellulose ersatz.
OT 37
S hranatou mužskou neobratností ji uchopil do náruče a začal tichounce pohvizdovat banální valčík,[[ který ]]mu uvízl v paměti ještě z tanečních. M-tata, m-tata - otáčeli se v úzkých obrátká ...
With masculine awkwardness he took her in his arms and began to whistle softly, a silly waltz tune he remembered from his dancing lessons.
OT 38
Vstal, pokusil se přeskakujícím hlasem rozplašit tíseň,[[ která ]]mu svírala hruď. "
He got up, trying in a breaking voice to drive away the misery pressing in on him.
97
OT 39
Civěl na ně bez zájmu, se zmatkem v srdci. Lítost, hořkost výčitky,[[ která ]]neměla slov. Nedobrý stud.
He looked at them dully, with confused feelings in his heart - regret, and the bitterness of a wordless reproach.
OT 40
... a jen horečným čekáním na okamžik, kdy se opatrně pohne klika a přijde on, na tváři lehkomyslný úsměv a v očích neklid,[[ který ]]ho usvědčuje z přetvářky. A věděla, že jsou si každým dnem blíž, ...
She can’t go on living for ever with nothing more than the feverish expectation of the moment when the door-knob slowly moves and he comes in, a light-hearted smile on his lips and in his eyes an uneasiness that belies his calm.
KU 1
... matený mýtus? Mýtus věčného návratu říká per negationem, že život,[[ který ]]zmizí jednou provždy, který se nenavrátí, je podoSben stínu, je bez váhy, je předem mrtvý a byl-li strašný, krásný, vzneš ...
Putting it negatively, the myth of eternal return states that a life which disappears once and for all, which does not return, is like a shadow, without weight, dead in advance, and whether it was horrible, beautiful, or sublime, its horror, sublimity, and beauty mean nothing.
KU 2
Mýtus věčného návratu říká per negationem, že život, který zmizí jednou provždy,[[ který ]]se nenavrátí, je podoben stínu, je bez váhy, je předem mrtvý a byl-li strašný, krásný, vznešený, ta hrůza, vznešenost či ...
Putting it negatively, the myth of eternal return states that a life which disappears once and for all, which does not return, is like a shadow, without weight, dead in advance, and whether it was horrible, beautiful, or sublime, its horror, sublimity, and beauty mean nothing.
KU 3
Nemusíme je brát na vědomí stejně jako válku mezi dvěma africkými státy ve čtrnáctém století,[[ která ]]nezměnila nic na tváři světa, přestože v ní zahynulo v nevýslovných mukách tři sta tisíc černochů. ...
We need take no more note of it than of a war between two African kingdoms in the fourteenth century, a war that altered nothing in the destiny of the world, even if a hundred thousand blacks perished in excruciating torment.
KU 4
Změní: stane se z ní blok,[[ který ]]ční a trvá, a její blbost bude neodčinitelná.
It will: it will become a solid mass, permanently protuberant, its inanity irreparable.
KU 5
Protože však mluví o něčem,[[ co ]]se nenavrátí, krvavá léta se proměnila v pouhá slova, teorie, diskuse, stala se lehčí než peří, nenahánějí strach. ...
But because they deal with something that will not return, the bloody years of the Revolution have turned into mere words, theories, and discussions, have become lighter than feathers, frightening no one.
KU
Je nekonečný rozdíl mezi Robespierrem,[[ který ]]se vyskytl jen jednou v dějinách a Robespierrem, který by se věčně vracel usekávat Francouzům
There is an infinite difference between a Robespierre who occurs only once in history and a Robespierre who eternally
98
6
hlavy. ...
returns, chopping off French heads.
KU 7
Je nekonečný rozdíl mezi Robespierrem, který se vyskytl jen jednou v dějinách a Robespierrem,[[ který ]]by se věčně vracel usekávat Francouzům hlavy. Řekněme tedy, že ...
There is an infinite difference between a Robespierre who occurs only once in history and a Robespierre who eternally returns, chopping off French heads.
KU 8
Jak je možno odsoudit něco,[[ co ]]pomíjí? Červánky zániku ozařují všechno kouzlem nostalgie; i guil ...
For how can we condemn something that is ephemeral, in transit?
KU 9
ale co byla jejich smrt proti tomu, že mi fotografie Hitlera připomněla zaniklý čas mého života, čas,[[ který ]]se nevrátí?
but what were their deaths compared with the memories of a lost period in my life, a period that would never return?
KU 10
Stál teď u okna a dovolával se té chvíle. Co to mohlo být jiného než láska,[[ která ]]se mu takto přišla dát poznat? Ale byla to láska? ...
"What could it have been if not love declaring itself to him?
KU 11
... ť se s ní tehdy viděl teprve podruhé v životě! Nebyla to tedy jen hysterie člověka,[[ který ]]si v hloubi duše uvědomoval svou neschopnost lásky a začal ji proto sám sobě předstírat?
Was it simply the hysteria of a man who, aware deep down of his inaptitude for love, felt the self-deluding need to simulate it?
KU 12
Jeho podvědomí bylo přitom tak zbabělé, že si zvolilo ke své komedii právě tuto ubohou servírku ze zapadlého města,[[ která ]]neměla skoro žádnou šanci vstoupit do jeho života! Díval se do ...
His unconscious was so cowardly that the best partner it could choose for its little comedy was this miserable provincial waitress with practically no chance at all to enter his life!
KU 13
... Tentokrát však usnul vedle ní. Ráno se vzbudil a zjistil, že Tereza,[[ která ]]ještě spala, ho drží za ruku. To se tak drželi celou noc? ...
When he woke up the next morning, he found Tereza, who was still asleep, holding his hand.
KU 14
.Představil si, jak bude v budoucnu chtít donkichotsky, vštípit synovi své názory,[[ které ]]byly ve všech směrech opačné než matčiny.
He saw a future of quixotic attempts to inculcate his views in the boy, views opposed in every way to the mother's.
KU 15
Byl by ji rád navštívil, ale nenašel žádnou výmluvu,[[ která ]]by mohla před Terezou ospravedlnit jeho cestu. A tak přijela Sabina do Curychu. ...
He would have been only too glad to visit her, but was unable to find an excuse to explain his absence to Tereza.
KU 16
. Řekl bych málem, že cílem milování nebyla pro ně rozkoš nýbrž spánek,[[ který ]]po ní následoval. Zejména ona nemohla spát bez něho. ...
I might even say that the goal of their lovemaking was not so much pleasure as the sleep that followed it.
KU
Zaplatil, vyšel ven z restaurace a procházel se po ulicích naplněn melancholií,[[ která ]]se stávala čím dál krásnější. Měl za sebou sedm let
He paid the bill, left the restaurant and started walking through
99
17
života s Terezou a zjišťoval
the streets, his melancholy growing more and more beautiful.
KU 18
Vyprávěl pohádky, které pro ni vymýšlel, nesmysly, slova, která monotónně opakoval, a[[ která ]]byla útěšná nebo legrační. Ta slova se jí proměňovala ve zmatené vidiny, které ji odváděly do prvního ...
He would whisper impromptu fairy tales about her, or gibberish, words he repeated monotonously, words soothing or comical, which turned into vague visions lulling her through the first dreams of the night.
KU 19
... á monotónně opakoval, a která byla útěšná nebo legrační. Ta slova se jí proměňovala ve zmatené vidiny,[[ které ]]ji odváděly do prvního snu. Měl její spánek zcela v moci a ona usínala ve vteřině, ...
He would whisper impromptu fairy tales about her, or gibberish, words he repeated monotonously, words soothing or comical, which turned into vague visions lulling her through the first dreams of the night.
KU 20
Ten pohled ji působil utrpení,[[ které ]]nemohla vydržet. Chtěla přerušit bolest duše bolestí těla a vrážela si jehly pod ...
The sight of it caused Tereza intolerable suffering.
KU 21
Věděl, že se octl v situaci,[[ která ]]je neospravedlnitelná, protože je založena na naprosté nerovnosti:
He knew he was in an unjustifiable situation, based as it was on complete inequality.
KU 22
Ta absurdní žárlivost,[[ která ]]se týkala jen teoretické možnosti, byla důkazem, že považoval její věrnost za bezpodmínečný předpoklad. ...
This absurd jealousy, grounded as it was in mere hypotheses, proved that he considered her fidelity an unconditional postulate of their relationship.
KU 23
Často se jí například vracely sny o kočkách,[[ které ]]ji skákaly do tváře a zatínaly drápy do kůže. Můžeme mít pro ně celkem snadné vysv ...
For example, she repeatedly dreamed of cats jumping at her face and digging their claws into her skin.
KU 24
Pod stropem byl zavěšen koš a v něm stál muž. Měl klobouk se širokou střechou,[[ který ]]mu stínil tvář, ale já jsem věděla, že jsi to ty. Dával jsi nám povely. ...
The man wore a broad-brimmed hat shading his face, but I could see it was you.
KU 25
... a když zase některá něco špatně udělala, zastřelil jsi ji. Bazén byl plný mrtvol,[[ které ]]se vznášely těsně pod hladinou. A já jsem věděla, že už nemám silu udělat příští ...
The pool was full of corpses floating just below the surface.
KU 26
... Smály se úplně stejným smíchem jako živé ženy,[[ které ]]jí kdysi říkaly s radostí, že je to přece úplně normální, že bude mít špatné zuby, nemocné vaječníky a vrásky, protože o ...
They laughed the same laugh as the live women who used to tell her cheerfully it was perfectly normal that one day she would have bad teeth, faulty ovaries, and wrinkles, because they all had
100
bad teeth, faulty ovaries, and wrinkles. KU 27
Všichni považujeme za nemyslitelné, že by láska našeho života mohla být něčím lehkým,[[ co ]]neváži; domníváme se, že naše láskaje je tím, co musilo být; ž ...
We all reject out of hand the idea that the love of our life may be something light or weightless;
KU 28
představoval si, jak odmyká jejich pražský byt a cítil ve vlastním srdci sirobu samoty,[[ která ]]jí ovanula tvář, když otevřela dveře.
he pictured her unlocking their Prague flat, and suffered the utter abandonment breathing her in the face as she opened the door.
KU 29
Tereza se tedy zrodila ze situace,[[ která]]brutálně odhaluje nesmiřitelnou dualitu těla a duše, základní lidskou zkušenost. ...
Tereza was therefore born of a situation which brutally reveals the irreconcilable duality of body and soul, that fundamental human experience.
KU 30
... mpassion nebo pitié vzbuzuje nedůvěru; zdá se, že označuje špatný, druhořadý cit,[[ který ]]nemá mnoho co společného s láskou. Milovat někoho ze soucitu znamená nemilovat ho ...
it designates what is considered an inferior, second-rate sentiment that has little to do with love.
KU 31
... někoho ze soucitu znamená nemilovat ho opravdu. V jazycích,[[ které ]]utvářejí slovo soucit nikoli z kořene utrpení (passio) nýbrž ze substantiva cit, slova se užívá v přibližně stejném smys ...
In languages that form the word 'compassion' not from the root 'suffering' but from the root 'feeling', the word is used in approximately the same way, but to contend that it designates a bad or inferior sentiment is difficult.
KU 32
... ítá neuvěřitelná tvář romantického milence. Anebo naopak: skrze postavu Tristana,[[ který ]]nemyslí než na svou Terezu, je vidět krásný, zrazený svět libertina." ...
Or, the other way, through a Tristan, always thinking of his Tereza, I see the beautiful, betrayed world of the libertine.'
KU 33
... že ty, které nevybere, budou musit zemřít. Připadal si jako prezident republiky,[[ který ]]stojí před čtyřmi odsouzenci na smrt a smí dát milost jen jednomu. Nakonec si vyb ...
He felt like the president of the republic standing before four prisoners condemned to death and empowered to pardon only one of them.
KU 34
... nechtěla odjet. Ostatně strávila všech sedm prvních dnů okupace v jakési extázi,[[ která ]]se podobala téměř štěstí. Byla na ulici s fotografickým aparátem a rozdávala sním ...
She had spent the whole first week of the occupation in a kind of trance almost resembling happiness.
KU 35
Byla na ulici s fotografickým aparátem a rozdávala snímky zahraničním žurnalistům,[[ kteří ]]se o ně prali. Jednou, když si počínala příliš drze a
After roaming the streets with her camera, she would hand the rolls of film to foreign journalists, who actually fought over
101
fotografovala zblízka důsto ...
them.
KU 36
Jednou, když si počínala příliš drze a fotografovala zblízka důstojníka,[[ který ]]mířil revolverem na lidi, zatkli ji a nechali přes noc na ruském velitelství. Vyh ...
Once, when she went too far and took a close-up of an officer pointing his revolver at a group of people, she was arrested and kept overnight at Russian military headquarters.
KU 37
... ení byl tak zničen, že nemohl mluvit, zajikal se, lapal po dechu, takže uprostřed jednotlivých vět byly nekonečné pauzy,[[ které ]]trvaly skoro půl minuty.
He was so devastated after his six-day detention he could hardly talk; he kept stuttering and gasping for breath, making long pauses between sentences, pauses lasting nearly thirty seconds.
KU 38
Člověk,[[ který ]]touží opustit místo, kde žije, není šťastný. Tomáš proto přijal Terezinu touhu po ...
A person who longs to leave the place where he lives is an unhappy person.
KU 39
Koupil do prázdného bytu jednu postel (na jiný nábytek neměli zatím peníze) a vrhl se do práce se vší zuřivostí člověka,[[ který ]]začíná po čtyřicítce nový život. Několikrát telefonoval do Ž ...
He bought a bed for their empty flat (they had no money yet for other furniture) and threw himself into his work with the frenzy of a man of forty beginning a new life.
KU
... užívá svých práv a přesto trval tiše na svém, takže pátého dne po jejím odjezdu Tomáš oznámil řediteli nemocnice (témuž,[[ který ]]mu po ruské invazi denně telefonoval do Prahy), že se musí okamžitě vrátit.
Compassion knew it was being presumptuous, yet it quietly stood its ground, and on the fifth day after her departure Tomas informed the director of his hospital (the man who had phoned him daily in Prague after the Russian invasion) that he had to return at once.
KR 1
stála sama v bazénu, po pás ve vodě a hleděla vzhůru na mladého plavčíka v teplákách,[[ který ]]ji učil plavat. Dával jí povely: musila se chytit rukama za okraj bazénu a zhluboka ...
she was alone in the pool, standing waist-deep in the water, and she kept looking up at the young lifeguard in sweatpants who was teaching her to swim.
KR 2
... snaživě, a bylo to, jako by se z hloubi vod ozýval hlas staré parní lokomotivy (ten idylický zvuk, dnes již zapomenutý,[[ který ]]se pro ty, kteří ho nepoznali, nedá popsat jinak než jako dech starší dámy, která u kraje bazénu hlasitě nadechuje a vyd ...
She proceeded to do this earnestly, seriously, and it was as if an old steam engine was wheezing from the depths of the water (that idyllic sound, now long forgotten, which to those who never knew it can be described in no better way than the wheezing of an old woman breathing in and out by the edge of a pool).
KR
... to, jako by se z hloubi vod ozýval hlas staré parní lokomotivy (ten idylický zvuk, dnes již zapomenutý, který se pro ty,[[ kteří ]]ho nepoznali,
She proceeded to do this earnestly, seriously, and it was as if an old steam engine was wheezing from the depths of the water (that
40
102
3
nedá popsat jinak než jako dech starší dámy, která u kraje bazénu hlasitě nadechuje a vydechuje). ...
idyllic sound, now long forgotten, which to those who never knew it can be described in no better way than the wheezing of an old woman breathing in and out by the edge of a pool).
KR 4
... en idylický zvuk, dnes již zapomenutý, který se pro ty, kteří ho nepoznali, nedá popsat jinak než jako dech starší dámy,[[ která ]]u kraje bazénu hlasitě nadechuje a vydechuje). Díval jsem se na ni fascinován. ...
She proceeded to do this earnestly, seriously, and it was as if an old steam engine was wheezing from the depths of the water (that idyllic sound, now long forgotten, which to those who never knew it can be described in no better way than the wheezing of an old woman breathing in and out by the edge of a pool).
KR 5
... jší část dne: dík rádiu jsem si vědom svého ustavičného usínání a probouzení, té nádherné houpačky mezi bděním a spaním,[[ která ]]sama o sobě je dostatečným důvodem, aby člověk nelitoval svého zrození. Zdá se mi to ...
It is the most beautiful part of sleep, the most delightful moment of the day: thanks to the radio I can savour drowsing and waking, that marvellous swinging between wakefulness and sleep which in itself is enough to keep us from regretting our birth.
KR 6
... dlaně na uši a takto pokračovala v cestě. V té chvíli chodec,[[ který ]]šel v protějším směru, se na ni podíval nenávistným pohledem a plácl se rukou do čela, což v řeči gest všech zemí znamen ...
At that moment a passer-by coming in the opposite direction gave her an angry glance and tapped his forehead, which in the international language of gestures says that you are crazy, scatty or weak in the head.
KR 7
... me všichni na scéně opery, je s námi i impotent Hemingway a pak náhle nějaký velmi vážný hlas vypráví o soudním procesu,[[ který ]]v posledních týdnech rozrušuje celou Francii: při zcela nevinné operaci zemřela pacientka kvůli špatně provedené narkóze ...
'Mais oui...' and once again all of us find ourselves on the operatic stage, along with the impotent Hemingway, and then suddenly some very grave voice comes on to discuss the trial that has been engrossing France for several weeks: in the course of a completely minor operation a young woman died, due to carelessly administered anaesthetic.
KR 8
Jedině tak, tvrdí "organizace na ochranu konzumentů", je možno zaručit Francouzovi,[[ jenž ]]umře na operačním stole, že ho soud patřičně pomstí. Pak zase usínám. ...
Only in this way, maintains the Consumer Protection Association, is it possible to guarantee that any Frenchman or Frenchwoman who dies on the operating table will be suitably avenged by the courts.
KR 9
Kdopak je asi její manžel? Zřejmě někdo,[[ kdo ]]v sobotu ráno odchází brzo z domu. Proto je sama a sladce se houpe mezi probouzením ...
Clearly, somebody who leaves the house early on Saturday mornings.
KR
... Naproti ní na dlouhé noze jako čáp stojí televizor. Přehodila přes něj svou
She throws her nightgown over the tube, like a white, tassled
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10
košili,[[ která ]]přikryla obrazovku jako bílá zřasená opona. Stojí teď těsně u postele a já ji poprv ...
theatre-curtain.
KR 11
... ak jako Eva pochází z žebra Adamova, jako se Venuše narodila z mořské pěny, povstala Agnes z gesta té šedesátileté dámy,[[ která ]]mávala u bazénu na plavčíka a jejíž rysy se mi již rozplývají v paměti.
Just as Eve came from Adam's rib, just as Venus was born out of the waves, Agnes sprang from the gesture of that sixty-year-old woman at the pool who waved at the lifeguard and whose features are already fading from my memory.
KR 12
Jak je tedy možné, že gesto, které jsem viděl na jednom člověku,[[ které ]]s ním bylo spjato, charakterizovalo ho, bylo jeho osobitým půvabem, je zároveň esencí docela jiného člověka a mého snění ...
How then is it possible that a gesture I saw performed by one person, a gesture that was connected to her, that characterized her, and was part of her individual charm, could at the same time be the essence of another person and my dreams of her?
KR 13
... jen jemu náležející gesto), ba ani ne za jeho nástroj; naopak, jsou to spíš gesta,[[ která ]]nás používají jako svých nástrojů, nositelů, vtělení.
on the contrary, it is gestures that use us as their instruments, as their bearers and incarnations.
KR 14
... si odpočinula v sauně, kam se v týdnu nedostala, a konec odpoledne trávila s vysavačem a prachovkou, protože uklízečka,[[ která ]]přicházela v pátek, pracovala čím dál nedbaleji. Ale tato sobo ...
She tried to find a moment to squeeze in a bit of rest at the sauna, something she could not do during the week; in the late afternoon she would always find herself with a vacuum cleaner and duster, because the cleaning woman who came on Fridays was becoming more and more careless.
KR 15
... a obě sestry se hádají plny náhlé nenávisti. Nasedla do auta,[[ které ]]bylo zaparkováno před domem. 3. ...
She got into her car, which was parked in front of the house.
KR 16
... : bylo v něm čím dál víc skla a osvětlovadel, umělých květin a kaktusů, víc ampliónů, víc hudby a také čím dál víc lidí,[[ kteří ]]se nadto ještě zdvojnásobili, když je začala odrážet obrovská zrcadla, jimiž jednoho dne správa klubu dala přikrýt všech ...
Then, year by year, the club improved: more and more glass, more lights, more artificial flowers and cactuses, more speakers, more music, and also more and more people, further multiplied by the enormous mirrors which the management one day decided to spread across the walls of the gym.
KR 17
... ny hustě vedle sebe. Některé byly zabaleny do zvláštních obleků z plastické hmoty,[[ které ]]tvořily kolem jejich těla (anebo určité části těla, nejčastěji břicha a zadnice) vzduchotěsný obal, takže se kůže víc po ...
Some were wrapped in special plastic sheets that formed an airtight cover around their bodies (or certain parts of the body, most often the belly and behind), so that the skin would perspire all the more readily and the women would believe they would lose weight more quickly.
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KR 18
Opřela se o zeď a zavřela oči. Sem sice nedoléhal hluk hudby, ale hovor žen,[[ které ]]mluvily jedna přes druhou, byl neméně silný. Do sauny vešla neznámá mladá žena a u ...
The noise of music did not reach this far, but the voices of the women, who chattered away at full blast, were just as loud.
KR 19
... lačila se mezi dvě nahá těla a začala hned mluvit o včerejším pořadu v televizi, kam byl pozván k diskusi slavný biolog,[[ který ]]právě vydal paměti.
it gives me that real sauna feeling,' squeezed herself between two naked bodies and at once began to talk about yesterday's television talk show featuring a famous biologist who had just published his memoirs.
KR 20
Obraz člověka,[[ který ]]se plácá do čela, plaval v jejích útrobách jako jedem naplněná ryba, která se zvolna rozkládá a kterou není možno vyvrhn ...
The image of a person tapping his forehead floated in her innards like a fish full of poison, slowly decaying and impossible to spew out.
KR 21
Na jeho místě je tu program,[[ který ]]se v jeho nepřítomnosti nezadržitelně naplňuje, aniž by na něm kdokoli mohl cokoli změnit. ...
In his place, there is a program which is ceaselessly running in his absence, without anyone being able to change anything whatever.
KR 22
... Všechno ostatní nemá z hlediska Stvořitele žádnou důležitost a je jen hrou variací a permutací obecně určeného programu,[[ který ]]není prorockou anticipací budoucnosti, nýbrž udává pouhé meze možností, uvnitř nichž je ponechána všechna moc náhodě. ...
Everything else is without importance from the Creator's point of view and is only a play of permutations and combinations within a general program which is not a prophetic anticipation of the future but merely sets the limits of possibilities within which all power of decision has been left to chance.
23 KR
... puteru nebyla naplánována žádná Agnes a žádný Paul, nýbrž jen prototyp člověka, podle kterého vznikla spousta exemplářů,[[ které ]]jsou odvozeniny původního modelu a nemají žádnou individuální podstatu. Tak jako j ...
The computer did not plan an Agnes or a Paul, but only a prototype known as a human being, giving rise to a large number of specimens which are based on the original model and haven't any individual essence.
KR 24
Tvář je jen číslo exempláře. Vzpomněla si na neznámou ženu,[[ která ]]před chvílí všem oznámila, že nenávidí teplou sprchu. Přišla, aby mohla dát všem p ...
Agnes recalled the newcomer who had just declared that she hated hot showers.
KR 25
Protože jen takto můžeme sami sebe považovat nikoli za jednu z variant prototypu člověk, ale za bytost,[[ která]]má svou vlastní nezaměnitelnou podstatu. To je důvod, proč neznámá mladá žena potř ...
Because only in this way can we regard ourselves not merely as a variant of a human prototype but as a being with its own irreplaceable essence.
KR
. Pak zůstala ležet v odpočívárně mezi jinými ženami,[[ které ]]ani zde
Then she lay down to rest in the lounge, surrounded by other 105
26
nepřestávaly mluvit. Vrtalo jí hlavou, jaké bytí napro ...
women who even here never stopped talking.
KR 27
Je však druhá možnost: nad computerem naší planety jsou ještě jiné,[[ které ]]jsou mu nadřazeny. Pak by se ovšem bytí po smrti nemusilo nijak podobat pozemskému ...
But there is a second possibility: beyond our planet's computer there may be others that are its superior.
KR 28
... řesle naproti oběma manželům a vypráví si s nimi. Pod kouzlem zvláštní laskavosti,[[ jež ]]z návštěvníka vyzařuje, je Paul v dobré náladě, hovorný, důvěrný a přináší album rodinných fotografií. ...
Under the magic of the peculiar kindliness radiating from the visitor, Paul is in a good mood, chatty, intimate, and fetches an album of family photographs.
KR 29
.Jeho vlastní příbuzní byli roztroušeni po celém světě a kromě nějaké vzdálené sestřenice,[[ která ]]žila v Německu, Agnes nikdy žádného z nich nepoznala. Zato rodina matky žila celá ...
His own relatives were scattered all over the world and except for a distant cousin living in Germany, Agnes had never met any of them.
KR 30
... a spousta synovců a neteří. Matčin otec byl zemědělec z dřevěné chalupy v horách,[[ který ]]se uměl obětovat pro své děti, které všechny vystudovaly a vstoupily do manželství s dobře postavenými partnery. ...
Mother's father was a fanner from the mountains who had sacrificed himself for his children; he had made it possible for all of them to have a good education and to marry comfortably.
KR 31
To bylo další překvapení. Otec se všem jevil jako nešikovný člověk,[[ který]]odevzdal otěže praktického života matce. Všichni si myslili, že bez ní nemůže žít ...
Everyone considered Father an ineffectual person who had handed over the reins of practical life to Mother.
KR 32
Z těch rozhovorů jí zůstaly jen jednotlivé výroky jako střepiny vzácných talířů,[[ které ]]se snažila, když byla dospělá, znovu slepit dohromady. Jeho sm ...
All that she remembered of those conversations were simple statements, like fragments of valuable pottery which now as an adult she tried to put back together.
KR 33
Krátce před smrtí na ně převedl skoro všechny peníze a to málo,[[ co ]]zbylo, odkázal vědecké společnosti. Kdyby byl Agnes všechno odkázal v testamentu, ...
Shortly before his death he had transferred practically all his money to this account and the little that was left he had bequeathed to the mathematicians.
KR 34
... k klubko malých hadů. Agnes si řekla: ta žena mohla najít dvacet různých oblečení,[[ která ]]by učinila její zadnici méně obludnou a zakryla modré žíly. Proč to neudělá? ...
Agnes said to herself: that woman could have found a dozen outfits that would have covered her bluish veins and made her behind less monstrous.
KR 35
Nemohla se ubránit, aby rychle nehledala, kdo jí působí tu fyzickou bolest: dívka v džínách s dlouhými černými vlasy,[[ které ]]za ní vlály, seděla na
She couldn't help but try to find the source of this physical pain: a girl in jeans, with long black hair blowing behind her, sat on a small motorcycle as rigidly as if she were sitting behind a
106
malé motorce vzpřímeně jako za psacím strojem; motorka měla ...
typewriter;
KR 36
... iče a dělala příšerný hluk. Agnes si vzpomněla na mladou ženu,[[ která ]]vešla před několika hodinami do sauny, a aby uvedla své já, aby ho vnutila jiným, už od prahu na všechny volala, že nená ...
Agnes recalled the young woman who had entered the sauna a few hours earlier and, in order to introduce her self, and to force it upon others, had announced the moment she walked through the door that she hated hot showers and modesty.
KR 37
... í teplou sprchu a skromnost. Agnes si byla jista, že je to docela stejná pohnutka,[[ která ]]vedla mladou dívku s černými vlasy, aby odstranila tlumiče z motocyklu.
Agnes was certain that it was exactly the same impulse that led the black-haired girl to remove the silencer from her motorcycle.
KR 38
Obraz člověka, který se plácá do čela, plaval v jejích útrobách jako jedem naplněná ryba,[[ která ]]se zvolna rozkládá a kterou není možno vyvrhnout.
The image of a person tapping his forehead floated in her innards like a fish full of poison, slowly decaying and impossible to spew out.
KR 39
Je tu nějaká kvantitativní hranice,[[ která ]]nesmí být překročena, jenomže nikdo ji nestřeží a možná nikdo ani neví, že existuje. ...
There is a certain quantitative border that must not be crossed, yet no one stands guard over it and perhaps no one even realizes that it exists.
KR 40
... v nejvyšším poschodí otevřel okno a pustil přístroj naplno, aby přísná Bachova krása zněla jako hrozivá výstraha světu,[[ který ]]se dal špatnou cestou. Jenomže Bachova fuga nebyla s to se postavit účinně vrtačká ...
Someone on a top floor had evidently opened a window and turned up the volume all the way, so that Bach's severe beauty sounded a warning to a world that had gone awry.
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