TANULMÁNYOK
A PHYSICIAN-DIPLOMAT FROM THE T I M E OF T H E RENAISSANCE by E M I L S C H U L T H E I S
Z—L A J O S
T A R D Y
T
he history of medicine knows several cases—both i n H u n g a r y and abroad — w h e n the court physicians of medieval or Renaissance rulers accomplished i m p o r t a n t diplomatic missions. T h i s chapter of medical history should not be neglected, as the position and esteem of the physicians was influenced not only b y their medical activities but by such diplomatic roles as Iwell, w h i l e the gen eral historical significance of their p u b l i c actions is not w i t h o u t interest for the historian of medicine. I n that age d i p l o m a t i c service demanded the same special personal relationship that was manifested i n the confidence existing between the court physician and his patient. W h o was better suited to keep the secrets o f the state than the one to w h o m b o t h the b o d i l y troubles and the spiritual anxieties of the head of state were revealed? F r o m the 14th century onwards we know several cases w h e n the court physicians of the H u n g a r i a n kings performed diplomatic tasks/ and conversely, q u i t e a few of the emissaries of f o r e i g n sovereigns appearing i n H u n g a r y be longed to the medical profession. T h e use of the archiater i n the f i e l d of diplomacy was especially c o m m o n i n H u n g a r y d u r i n g the reigns of K i n g S i g i s m u n d , and later K i n g Matthias Corvinus. T h e r e is a strong p r o b a b i l i t y that the practice of g i v i n g the outstanding m u l t i l i n g u a l doctors some diplomatic commission o r i g i n ated i n the Orient. Timotheos was not only the c o u r t physician of the Emperor Justin the Y o u n g e r (5G5—598), b u t played a considerably role i n the diplomacy o f Byzan t i u m . ' F r i t z Baer writes i n the i n t r o d u c t o r y chapter of his collection of docu ments '' that f r o m the early to the late M i d d l e Ages there are a large number of Jews, who were w e l l k n o w n as doctors and also played some i m p o r t a n t d i p lomatic role. 2
1
4
Schultheisz E.—Tardy L . : Olasz orvosok Magyarországon. (Italian physicians i n Hungary.) Orvosi Hetilap (Medical Weekly), 1965, 659— 660 p . ; 1966, 1757—1760 pp. - Bloch, L : Byzantinische Medizin. (Handbuch der Geschichte der Medizin), Berlin, 1901, Bd. 1 . 6 p, Die Juden im christlichen Spanien. B d . I . Aragonien und Navarra. 1929, S. 1 The epithet " a l f a q u i m " (derived f r o m the Arab " h a k i m " ) referred to their pro fession, but was later naturally supplanted by the term "medicus", "physicus", etc., which was never missing f r o m the name of the diplomats who also practiced medicine. 1
3
4
T h i s " i d e n t i t y " of the Jewish physician and d i p l o m a t became so widespread i n the courts of Castile, Aragon and Navarre that even after the end o f the M o o r i s h Khalifate the h i g h ranking Jewish councillors of the Christian kings were given the epithet " a l f a q u i m " — w h e t h e r they were doctors or n o t . B u t not o n l y Jewish physicians are k n o w n i n the early p e r i o d of diplomacy. One of the t y p i c a l representatives o f the late-medieval physician-diplomats was Bartholomaeus de P l u m b i n o . H e r e we are not concerned w i t h his i m p o r tant medical w o r k b u t consider only his diplomatic activities. T h e free state of Ragusa (today D u b r o v n i k , Yugoslavia) once f l o u r i s h e d under the protection of the Hungarian k i n g s . By historical right i t claimed the islands of Curzola, Lesina and Brazza, w h i c h K i n g Sigismund of H u n g a r y was inclined to cede. ' A c c o r d i n g to a d o c u m e n t dated f r o m 14 August 1413 the t o w n sent a deputation to Buda to present its case, and Magister Bartholomaeus de P l u m b i n o was a member of the mission. T h e party included another p h y s i c i a n - d i p l o m a t : M a gister Jacobus de Saligheris de Paulus. B o t h are m e n t i o n e d as " p h i s i c i et salar i a t i communis R a g u s i " . T h e i m p o r t a n t role often played by doctors i n European diplomacy is also* testified by the activities of Jacobus de Castro, the c o u r t physician o f the H o l y R o m a n Emperor Frederick I I I . O n l y a few s u r v i v i n g prescriptions and some personal data bear witness to his medical practice, b u t his i m p o r t a n t political missions carried o u t i n the service of the Emperor are k n o w n i n details. T h e most outstanding was his mission to M i l a n i n 1447. Aeneas Silvius P i c c o l o m i n i , w h o later became Pope Pius I I was a member of his c o m m i t t e e . A c c o r d i n g to o u r knowledge the f i r s t physician i n the " w o r l d d i p l o m a c y " connecting Europe w i t h Asia was the Spanish-Jewish Isaac Beg, the court p h y sician of the Persian ruler. Doctor Isaac as Persian ambassador w e n t r o u n d the courts of Europe ( i n c l u d i n g that of Matthias of H u n g a r y , one of the most farseeing monarchs of his age) to establish the " G r a n d A l l i a n c e " against the O t t o m a n E m p i r e , threatening both East and West w i t h absorption. Before describ i n g Isaac's role let us make a review of the international setting w h i c h called f o r t his missions. 5
6
7
8
9
10
* 5
f>
7 8 9
1 0
Krauss, S.: Geschichte der jüdischen Aerzte. Wien, 1930, 16 p. Cf. M i r e t y Sans N . : Les médecins juifs de Pierres, r o i d'Aragon. Revue des Études Juives, V o l . 57, 268 ff. Schultheisz E . : Colcodei seu liber de peste des Bartholomaeus Squarcialupis de Plumbino. Sudhoff's Archiv, B d . 44, 1960, 333—341 p p . ; — Über das Antidotar i u m des Bartholomaeus Squarcialupis. Zur Geschichte der Pharmazie, B d . 13, 1961, 28—29 p p . ; B d . 14, 1962, 7—10 pp. Gelcich, B . ; Diplomatarium Ragusinum. Bp. 1887, 260, 288. ff. I b i d , p. 226. Kühnel, H . : Die Leibärzte der Habsburger bis zum Tode Kaiser Friedrichs III. (Mitteilungen des Österreichischen Staatsarchivs, N o . 11.) Wien, 1958, 20. p. Kühnel, H . : Mittelalterliche Heilkunde in Wien. Graz—Köln, 1965, 96 p. Cf. Krones, F . : Leonora von Portugal. (Mitteilungen des Historischen Vereins f. Steiermark. N o . 49.) 1902. 69 p .
Before its complete establishment the O t t o m a n E m p i r e was several times on the verge of collapse. I n 1402 T i m u r L e n k (Tamerlane) defeated Sultan BayaZyd, b u t i n a relatively short time the t h e n still very f l e x i b l e Ottoman a d m i n istrative and m i l i t a r y système was restored and c o n t i n u e d expanding i n all directions. I t met the strongest resistance not i n the European states, engaged i n continuous conflict w i t h each other, b u t i n the other powers of Asia, also confessing the faith o f M o h a m m e d , and i n Georgia. T h e Ottomans f o u g h t l o n g wars of alternating success w i t h the Karamanid khans, their most danger ous rivals after the collapse of the Seljuk Empire, w h o also wanted to make use of European, f i r s t o f all H u n g a r i a n help against the Ottomans. A n even greater r i v a l of Sultan M e h m e d ( M o h a m m e d ) I I was the T u r k o m a n U z u n Hasan, w h o considered himself heir of T i m u r , became the ruler of Persia, de clared the Sultan his vassal and demanded a yearly t r i b u t e f r o m h i m . A l l the more or less independent Asiatic neighbours, Christian or M a h o m medan, of the Ottomans sought s u p p o r t against M e h m e d I I i n the rule o f U z u n Hasan. I n 1458 the last Emperor of T r e b i z o n d , D a v i d Komnenos, gave the hand of the daughter o f his predecessor-brother, Kalo-Johannes, to U z u n Hasan, thus establishing a close connection between the small Hellene stata and the T u r k o m a n K h a n sitting o n the throne of Persia. For some time Georgia too was d r a w n into this relationship, especially as T r e b i z o n d had long been able to exist o n l y under the protection of the rulers of Georgia. Receiving news of the successes of U z u n Hasan the European states threat ened by the T u r k s abandoned their f o n d idea of a Crusade, to replace i t w i t h the conception o f an alliance w i t h the a n t i - O t t o m a n Asiatic states. T h i s kept u p the spirit of hope and confidence. I n the summer of 1454 the then Bishop of Siena, Aeneas Silvius P i c c o l o m i n i , the later Pius I I wrote to Bishop János Vitéz, the Chancellor of H u n g a r y , that the t i m e has come to f o r m a league of t w o continents, c a l l i n g i n one camp the M o h a m m e d a n Karamanids the O r t h o d o x Georgians and the European Catho lic p o w e r s . Aeneas Silvius—already as Pope Pius I I — i n 1459 convened the C o n gress of M a n t u a w i t h the a i m of realizing this c o m m o n action. I t w o u l d not be w i t h o u t interest to describe i n details w h y the Asiatic powers, or rather the representatives of U z u n Hasan and the rulers of Georgia met an atmos phere f u l l of unjustified distrust, taking the place of the enthusiasm o f the beginning. Here i t is s u f f i c i e n t to say that the idea of the c o m m o n EuropeanAsian action d i d not materialize, though i n the following one and a half decades the extensive successes o f the Ottomans gave a new, stronger impetus t o the bold plans, forged m a i n l y b y the Signoria of Venice and U z u n Hasan. T h e ruler of Persia had contacts w i t h the largest V e n e t i a n patrician houses and knew the position o f the prosperous citystata, greatly endangered b y the expanding T u r k s . A t the end of 1403 Venice sent to Persia its n o n official envoy, Lazzaro Q u e r i n i , who spent there many years. I n 1404 and 1405 emissaries 11
11
Der Briefwechsel 551 p .
des Eneas Silvius Piccolomini.
Hsg. R. Wolkan. Wien, 1918,
arrived i n Venice f r o m U z u n Hasan, i n order to prepare an alliance. Venice began to show a serious interest i n this only w h e n i t became obvious that her war w i t h T u r k e y was b r i n g i n g f e w successes. I t was a d i f f i c u l t hour for Venice when the envoys of U z u n H a s a n and C o n stantine of Georgia, the desperate enemies of O t t o m a n power, a r r i v e d i n order to give the c o m m o n action against M e h m e d I I a positive f o r m . I n 1471 Lazzaro Querini r e t u r n e d , accompanied by another emissary of U z u n Hasan, who was known to, have been i n Venice i n M a r c h 1471, planning to go to Rome i n order to convince the Pope of the importance o f the Persian alliance. By this t i m e the republic o f San Marco was already the chief protagonist o f the alliance w i t h Persia and G e o r g i a , H u n g a r y and Poland were also m u c h concerned w i t h d r i v i n g the T u r k s back and f o l l o w e d the p r o m i s i n g operations of U z u n Hasan w i t h close a t t e n t i o n . T h e i r d i p l o m a t i c emissaries soon arrived to his court a n d accompanied h i m i n his campaigns. The first European d i p l o m a t i c contact w i t h Persia was t h r o u g h Lazzaro Querini, w h o i n 1471 r e t u r n e d to Venice, accompanied b y U z u n Hasan's representative, whose i n t e n t i o n was to visit several European sovereigns i n order to f i n d o u t i f they w o u l d be w i l l i n g to take part i n a coordinated campaign to be started simultaneously f r o m Asia and E u r o p e . T h i s mission still had an exploratory character, but was soon repeated w i t h a very w i d e scale of tasks. T h e earlier delegates of U z u n Hasan went only to Venice, w h i l e the new envoy had to negotiate w i t h a n u m b e r o f rulers. Considering the contemporary facili ties for t r a v e l l i n g and c o m m u n i c a t i o n , and i n view of the permanent discord of the European states, these t w o journeys represented a f o r m i d a b l e task, a unique venture i n the early h i s t o r y of d i p l o m a c y . U z u n Hasan's bold representative, who undertook an unprecedented d i p l o matic task, was the physician Isaac, according to the V e n e t i a n documents "Spanish b y nationality, Jewish by r e l i g i o n . " N o t all the details and c i r c u m stances of his mission are k n o w n , but by f i t t i n g the fragments together the main features can be reconstructed. L o o k i n g at these events f r o m the perspective of half a m i l l e n i u m we f u l l y admit the intricate and dangerous nature o f the w o r k performed b y the Vene tian, Polish a n d Hungarian diplomats i n the- c o u r t of U z u n Hasan, but we have to p o i n t o u t that the tasks of doctor Isaac—or as he was o f t e n referred to : Isaac Beg—were incomparably more d i f f i c u l t and exacting. T h e representa tives of the European powers had to observe i f U z u n Hasan was capable of resisting the Ottomans m i l i t a r i l y , and i f his m i l i t a r y preparations came up to the expectations of his w o u l d - b e allies. D o c t o r Isaac, on the other hand, had 12
13
14
15
1 2
13
1 1
15
Cornet, E. : Le guerre dei Veneti nell'Asia. Vienna, 1856, 23, 24, 28 pp. Cf. Berchet, G . : La repubblica di Venezia e la Persia. Torino, 1865, 5 p. Cornet op. cit. 30. p. Cf. Monumenta Hungáriáé Judaica, tomus X I I . Budapest, 1969, 27—44 pp. The reports of the Venetian envoys and other sources testify that the Hungarian emissaries were present at the court of U z u n Hasan and were witnesses of the lost battle of Terdshan (Erzinjan). Cornet, op. cit., 28 p.
a more formidable task: while also having to o b t a i n f i r s t - h a n d i n f o r m a t i o n s on the intentions and m i l i t a r y capacities of many possible allies, he had to coor dinate the steps of the European C h r i s t i a n rulers too, immersed i n embittered quarrels. I n fact Isaac—together w i t h the Signoria of Venice—had t o create a w o r k i n g alliance. T h e instruction given by the Senate of Venice o n 10th September 1471 to its envoy, Caterino Zeno, shows t h a t Lazzaro Q u e r i n i was accompanied f r o m Persia by an emissary of U z u n Hasan. Jorga convincingly argues ( r e l y i n g on a careful chronological analysis) t h a t Querini's companion was Isaac Beg, w h o was sent w i t h the Venetian p a r t l y as interpreter, p a r t l y as d i p l o m a t i c messagecarrier. I n the f o l l o w i n g September Isaac returned, no longer as simple " o r a t o r " b u t as "magnus o r a t o r " , " l e g á t u s " or "ambassador", b r i n g i n g Zeno's letter f r o m the Persian camp, to carry o u t his second, h i g h l y i m p o r t a n t European mission, w h i c h can be studied f r o m documentary evidence. H a v i n g received the extremely favourable m i l i t a r y news sent b y Zeno f r o m Persia, b r o u g h t and—according to the sources—very effectively presented b y Isaac, Venice began meeting his obligations as an ally. T h e R e p u b l i c sent another emissary, Giosafatte Barbaro, after Caterino Zeno to U z u n Hasan. B u t w h i l e Zeno took only a few f i n e precious jewels and some rare c l o t h to the Persian court, Barbaro's arrival meant six big and f i f t y smaller guns, a large n u m b e r of other arms and m u n i t i o n . T h e Doge of Venice, Niccolo T r ö n , made no secret that all that was the result of doctor Isaac's mission. H e i n s t r u c t e d Barbaro to tell the Persian ruler that "from Isaac, the Jewish doctor, who, after a long and tiring journey through Kaffa, arrived in Venice and spent several month there, he learnt of the Persian ruler's magnanimous willingness and of his determi nation to turn against the common enemy, the Ottomans." H e was also i n f o r m e d by Isaac o f "what means of war his Persian Majesty needed for his further military actions ; their delivery will be taken care of. On his way back from Rome Ambassador Isaac on his own initiative but with our full approval visited His Majesty the King of Hungary, in order to convince and induce him once more to enter the war energetically against the common enemy. With a view to this, we have sent an envoy to the King of Hungary, and sent him another letter by Isaac. Matthias ordered his army in Belgrade to harry the Serbian ter ritory occupied by the Turks, which was done," ' T h e doge made Barbaro's d u t y to enlighten U z u n Hasan that he s h o u l d not give credence to the i n t r i g u i n g r u m o r s of an i m p e n d i n g peace between K i n g Matthias and the T u r k . T h e r e are t w o notable elements i n the instructions of Niccolo T r ö n , first that D o c t o r Isaac arrived to the European allies via K a f f a , and secondly t h a t at the t i m e of Barbaro's departure Isaac sojourned at the H u n g a r i a n court already f o r the second t i m e . 10
1
l c
1 7
2
I b i d , p . 41. — Cf. Babinger, F r . : Johannes Darius. München, 1961. (Bayerische Akad. d. Wissensch., Phil. -Hist. Klasse. Sitzungsberichte. Jgg. 1961, Heft 5), 67. p. I b i d , 68—75 p p . Orvostörténeti Közlemények 7374
I n Iván Nagy's and A l b e r t Nyáry's collection of d o c u m e n t s there is a d o c u m e n t i n L a t i n e n t i t l e d " T h e L a t i n translation of the letter of H u s u n Hassan sent to K i n g M a t t h i a s around 1 4 7 2 " . I t says that the ambassador of H i s Majesty U z u n Hasan appeared before Constantius de Sarra, a notary i n K a f f a , asking h i m to translate w o r d by w o r d and authentically f r o m Persian i n t o L a t i n his letter of credence received f r o m his master, leaving out n o t h i n g f r o m or adding nothing to the original. T h e notary met his w i s h through the i n t e r v e n t i o n of an A r m e n i a n interpreter named Coratolli. T h e address of M a t t h i a s shows an Oriental abundance of epithets: "I hum bly speak to you Matthias, King of Hungary, as one addresses a mighty Lord, whose authority, the authority of an outstanding and wise Lord, is obeyed by every one, as the mighty Lord of Lords is being obeyed. I speak to you from my heart, as to my true friend." Isaac's letter o f credence calls o n Matthias that he and the other Christian rulers "come and join us, take action, gather their armies, unite them as our good friends and European allies, and march on the Turkish Sultan. I am also starting from here to drive this man from his throne. I trust that by the grace and mercy of God this will succeed according to our hopes and wishes. We beg God that His allmightyness carry these plans of us to a favourable conclusion and avert all ob stacles." T h i s was delivered f r o m the M o h a m m e d a n ruler to the Christian kings by the Jewish envoy and court physician. T h e letter of credence addressed to the Doge o f Venice differs f r o m the one w r i t t e n to K i n g M a t t h i a s and another to Stefan eel M a r e , the Voivode o f M o l davia, both i n tone and i n structure. I n the t w o latter cases the contact was on the stage of the ceremonial establishment of relations, while w i t h Venice the tone reflected an established and w a r m f r i e n d s h i p . T h i s latter d o c u m e n t d i d not bear the mark of de Sarra's notarian services. T h e text shows t h a t the translator, probably of O r i e n t a l o r i g i n , had difficulties w i t h his task and his solutions were not always successful. A f t e r an address similar to the above mentioned U z u n Hasan a f f i r m s that it is becoming that your envoys "we are bound to You by friendship and love... and messengers continuously sojourn with us and inform us of the developments." T h e n he gives an account of his conquests, adding that all that "was achieved not by force or by domineering, but by goodness and rightness, and we have put all High." our perfidious enemies to shame, thanks and glory be to God the Most T h e n he continues that one great and powerful enemy is still to be defeated, this is the T u r k i s h Sultan. T h e conclusion of his letter is also w r i t t e n i n an easy, direct m a n n e r : "I intend to tell you many other things, but our doctor of medicine, whom we send you as a man of wise speech, our adherent Isaac, the great doctor, in whom we have great trust, will put before you everything in the right manner and in all details, in conformity with our instructions, Whatever inner and 18
19
1 8
1 8
Magyar diplomácziai emlékek Mátyás király korából. (Hungarian Diplomatic Relics f r o m the Age of K i n g Matthias.) V o l . I V . Budapest, 1878. I b i d , 293—295 p p . Cf. Minorsky V I . : The M i d d l e East i n Western Politics i n the 13th—17th centuries. I n : Journal of the Royal Central Asian Society. V o l . X X V I I . P. I V , o p . cit., 114—115 p p .
secret agreement you are going to negotiate with him, or he with you, we will ap prove of it and confirm it, just as if we had been present at the making of the agree ment. Dated at the beginning of the lunar month of Rabemel, that is July, in the 877th year of Mohammed, in our style." I n this letter Isaac is not e x p l i c i t l y called ambassador, b u t there is more t h a n ample evidence to his h i g h rank by the display of the extreme confidence o f the Persian ruler i n his personality. T h e fact that the results o f the negotiations between the Signoria of Venice and Isaac were acknowledged as of b i n d i n g character, makes i t obvious t h a t the "magnus m e d i c u s " , or u s i n g the customary title of the European c o u r t s : archiater, was a diplomat of enourmous k n o w l edge and experience, w h o m u s t have represented Hasan's interest on several previous occasions. A f t e r i d e n t i f y i n g the person o f the Persian envoy i n K i n g M a t t h i a s ' C o u r t i t is w o r t h w h i l e studying the times of issue o f the above d i p l o m a s . W h a t basis do they offer for establishing the time of Isaac's arrival i n E u r o p e ? A m o n g the Venetian documents that refer to Isaac b y name the earliest one appears to be the instructions of the Signoria of Venice for Giosafatte Barbaro dated f r o m 28th January 1472. I n that case i t w o u l d be clearly impossible for the notary of Kaffa to prepare the L a t i n versions of the credentials for K i n g Matthias and Stefan eel M a r e . B u t d u r i n g all its existance the Republic of Venice started the annus Domini w i t h M a r c h 1 . Consequently the real date o f the document is January 28, 1473, and not 1472! T h e n the f i r s t documentary occurance of Isaac Beg is September 12, 1472, w h e n the Senate o f Venice i n f o r m e d Cornaro F r e derico its envoy at the H o l y See, of the arrival of doctor Isaac, the envoy o f U z u n Hasan and that he proceeded to the Pope. T e n days later the Signoria i n its new letter to Cornaro mentions that Isaac (who is not n a m e d , b u t the refer ence to h i m is clear) came to Venice via K a f f a . O n the same day the Senate wrote to Zaccaria Barbaro, its representative i n Naples, that the newly arrived amissary of U z u n Hasan w h o had once been to Venice w i t h Lazzaro Q u e r i n i and returned i n the company o f Caterino Zeno, w i l l seek an audience f r o m the K i n g of Sicily, and the succès o f the audience should be pressed b y all means available. A l l this gives sufficient evidence that the authentic translation o f the credential letter o f Isaac Beg, arriving i n Venice via K a f f a and acting there f i r s t i n Sep tember 1472, was made i n the same year i n K a f f a by the n o t a r y Constantius de Sarra. T h e calendar of Venice explains h o w Isaac could appear i n Venice already i n the previous year (1471) together w i t h Querini, and r e t u r n to Persia i n the same year, as testified b y the letter addressed to Zaccaria Barbaro. I n his f i r s t mission Isaac d i d not need a letter o f credence, as he came noly i n the capacity as Querini's interpreter, (though he was referred to as orator) taking the message o f U z u n Hasan. N e x t time he came on a d i p l o m a t i c mission, attested by the L a t i n translation of his credentials. I t is beyond d o u b t that this letter was w r i t t e n i n July 1472. 20
21
20 2 1
Berchèt, op. cit. 114—115 p p . Cornet, op. cit., 68—75 pp.
L e t us n o w t u r n to Isaac Beg's appearance i n the court o f K i n g M a t t h i a s Corvinus. O n 12 September the Senate of Venice w r o t e a letter to its envoy at the H o l y See i n f o r m i n g h i m of the arrival of the envoy of U z u n Hasan, the sovereign of Persia, "Spanish by nationality, Jewish b y f a i t h " , w h o gave an account o f the large preparations o f his master against the T u r k s . T h i r t e e n days later, o n 25 September 1472 the Senate on the occasion of the arrival of another emis sary of U z u n Hasan, H a d j i m a o d m e d (who i n contrast to the continuously t r a v e l ling Isaac stayed i n Venice maintaining the contact w i t h the Senate) i n f o r m e d the Persian ruler that Ambassador Isaac was received b y the Republic w i t h great joy and honour, and that he was already o n his way to Rome to act before the H o l y Father u p o n his instructions. I f we follow his i t i n a r y to Venice, we can see w h e n and how he f i r s t entered the T e r r i t o r y of H u n g a r y as an envoy. H i s route f r o m Kaffa to Venice can be ascertained f r o m the direct references contained the contemporary sources. F r o m Kaffa the customary route passed t h r o u g h Moncastro (Neszterfejérvár, Cetatea Alba) and V a s l u i , Cancel's w o r k is convincing i n this respect. As the credential letters translated into L a t i n b y the notary of Kaffa were addressed to Stefan eel M a r e and K i n g M a t t h i a s respectively, i t is quite certain that the doctor travelled f r o m Kaffa t h r o u g h M o l d a v i a to Poland, where K i n g Casimir, too, received the appeal of U z u n Hasan, then he went o n to H u n g a r y and f r o m there to Venice. Consequently Isaac f i r s t came to H u n g a r y as the envoy of U z u n Hasan i n 1472, at a date after July 15, i n order to urge the king to take part i n the a n t i - T u r k i s h coalition. F r o m H u n g a r y Isaac travelled to Venice, where the Senate prepared a w r i t ten appraisal ot the s i t u a t i o n : "We have been pleased to see the envoy of His Majesty and our heart is happy that we heard of His Majesty. His justness and valour won him fame all over the world, especially pleased us, and his splendid victories please us even more. We praise and accept his fi n e wish and have come to 2 2
2:i
21
25
22 " F u i t d presentiam nostram unus orator illustrissimi d o m i n i Ussoni Cassani natione Hispanus fide autem hebreus, et de bona disr jitione prefati domini offendendi turchum multa exposuit" (Cornet, op. cit., 3'.y. p.) Cornet, op. cit., 48, p . According to Berchet (op. cit., p p . 24—26) Doctor Isaac christianized in Rome. The following piece of Venetian folklore refers to his conversion: Novamente ha mandato Usoncassano Al papa Sisto un suo ambassatore El quai a Roma è facto cristiano, Et a ciascun famellio servitore El sancto Padre cum sua propria mano Gli donö vestimenti e fato onore. Or son tornati verso la Turchia Dove Usoncassan tien la signoria. ( M e d i n , A . : Per l'origine della voce "sancassan". Le geste d i Husun Hasan i n u n cantare del sec. X V . Atti del R. Istituto Veneto de Scienze, Lettere ed A r t i . T o m o 87, P. I I , 813 p. — Cf. Todesco, V . : Cassiano o uno Scia d i Persia? Ibid, T o m o 86, P. I L , 1396—1387. pp.) Obviously Isaac later returned to the faith of his ancestors. Cornet, op. cit. 32—33. p p . Cancel, P.: Data epistolei lui Uzun-Hasan. Bucuresti, 1912, 32 p. a
2 3
2 4
2 5
the conclusion that it is not enough for us to praise his actions merely with our words but in the first place we must act. This year we have made our fleet much stronger, it is strengthened by the papal and royal fleets, so everything is ready for the attack upon the Asiatic shores, by which His Majesty's wish, the occupation is to our liking that the envoy is of the Turkish provinces can be achieved.—It going to visit the Pope and the other Christian princes. We encouraged him to make a call on the King of Naples as well, so that His Majesty Ferdinand might also join us as an ally, as after the Pope his dignity is the highest in Italy. Thus after his return the envoy could report of the best preparations, including ours, who are ready for the attack upon the. common enemy, and we shall neglect nothing that can be done, and if His Majesty is also launching his attack, there is no doubt that the enemy, divided between attacks coming from many sides, will be not only defeat ed, but our victory will be an extremely glorious one. And when we thus persuad ed the envoy by word and dispersed his doubts, we set him off to Rome, supplied him with suitable clothing, gave him presents and respects, and caused a letter writ ten to our envoy at the Holy See, that he should be of help to him and recommend him both to His Holiness and at Naples, too, that they should receive him there for negotiations. We have spent on his cloths a hundred ducats in addition to his proper daily provision."' *"' F r o m Venice Isaac proceeded to see the Pope, to w h i c h he was c o m m i s sioned b y his ruler, t o o . T h e Pope was d o i n g really serious efforts to realize the u n i t e d a n t i - T u r k i s h Christian f r o n t , b o t h i n the diplomatic and i n the m i l i tary f i e l d . H e created a fleet under A d m i r a l Caraffa, w h i c h sailed eastward t o unite w i t h the Venetian and Neapolitan fleet, b u t they were unable to w i n any decisive v i c t o r y . T h e signs of the f u t u r e break among the three Italian powers were becoming visible. I t was noticed b y Isaac, too, w h o openly expressed h i s dissatisfaction over the Pope's answer, w h e n he r e t u r n e d to B u d a . Isaac's second stay i n Buda is mentioned i n the instructions given to Giosafatte B a r baro o n January 28 1472 ( i n reality, according to the present calendar 1473) : "Doctor Isaac, Uzun Hasan's first Ambassador returned from Rome and on his own account, but with our full approval, visited His Majesti the King of Hungary in order to convince and induce him once more to enter the war against the common enemy." T h i s p o r t i o n also shows that the doctor had already paid a v i s i t to M a t t h i a s , following his call on Voivode Stefan eel M a r e , b u t previous t o his arrival i n V e n i c e . Isaac's negotiations w i t h Matthias C o r v i n u s were not successful. T h e K i n g ' s envoys returned f r o m the I t a l i a n courts w i t h o u t any promise o f seriuos f i n a n c i a l aid for the w a r , while his discords w i t h his neighbours flared u p again. T h e great Christian league envisaged by U z u n Hasan and p r o m o t e d by the d i p l o matic negotiations o f doctor Isaac i n M o l d a v i a , Poland, I t a l y and H u n g a r y failed to materialize. 2
2 7
28
29
2 6 2 7 2 8 2 9
Cornet, o p . cit., 39—40 p p . I b i d , 52 p . I b i d , 73—75 pp. I b i d , 72 p .
There were however some results: Venice d i d s u p p o r t U z u n Hasan by send i n g galleys, m u n i t i o n and some persons well versed i n the European ways of warfare. T h i s p a r t i a l result u n d o u b t e d l y owes m u c h to Isaac Beg, the envoy o f U z u n Hasan. As the letter o f the Senate of the Venetian R e p u b l i c sent to its chargé d'affairs i n Buda, Alvise Sagondino states/' i n January 1473 Isaac Beg was still i n Buda. I n the same year i n August there is a reference to the emissaries of K i n g M a t thias sent to U z u n Hasan i n the report of Caterino Zeno f r o m Persia. N o d o u b t , this was a reciprocation by M a t t h i a s to U z u n Hasan's sending h i m an envoy i n the person o f D o c t o r Isaac. The last date w h e n Isaac Beg occurs i n the diplomatic correspodence o f Venice is 15 F e b r u a r y 1474 (1473 by the V e n e t i a n calender). W h e n the Signoria i n his letter to U z u n Hasan spoke w i t h appreciation about the way the Persian ruler kept his w o r d , and also mentioned the services of Isaac Beg and H a d j i mahomed. I t is not w i t h o u t significance that the letter spoke of Isaac as the physician of U z u n Hasan. T h e credential letter addressed to the Doge called h i m magnus medicus, i . e. archiater, court p h y s i c i a n . I n Cancel's o p i n i o n doctor Isaac—in accordance w i t h his efforts to f u r t h e r the u n i t y of the Christian countries—had an i m p o r t a n t role i n b r i n g i n g about a reconciliation between M a t t h i a s Corvinus a n d Stefan eel M a r e , the V o i v o d e of M o l d a v i a . Isaac's f u r t h e r career may be traced i n the Encyclopaedia Judaica. I f he is identical w i t h the doctor Isaac w h o was a c o u r t physician i n Poland aruond 1504, we are unable to tell what happened to h i m after completing his European missions a n d h o w he moved f r o m Persia to P o l a n d . I t is t r u e that there was an active d i p l o m a t i c contact maintained between the Persian c o u r t and the K i n g d o m o f P o l a n d , w i t h frequent sending o f envoys. D o c t o r Isaac, too, was there i n such a capacity. I t is possible that after the death of U z u n Hasan i n consequence o f the troublous state of affairs i n Persia, Isaac decided to transfer his activities to Poland, w h i c h he had already v i s i t e d d u r i n g the r e i g n of Casimir I V and where he had good personal contacts. We do n o t k n o w the date either of his b i r t h or death. A c c o r d i n g to some documents his father was " A b r a h a m of Jerusalem"/" also k n o w n by the epithet " o f T r e b i s o n d " , consequently he may have entered the service of Persia 0
:!1
32
3 1
3 0 3 1 3 2
3 3 3 1
Ibid. I b i d , 127. p . Vol. V I I I . Berlin, 1931, 49 p . Cf. Jewish Encyclopedia, V o l . V I . New Y o r k London, 1906, 622 p. Jewish Encyclopedia 1. c. "Solicitatum ilium fuisse ab usumcassano, ut foedus cum ipso adversus Mahometem sanciret, refert Ioannes Arrivabenus in Uteris... ad Iacobum Cardinalem Papiensem : Venit, inquit, cum Hungaro orator Ussoncassam, qui ingentem exercitum pollicetur, modo Hungaro ad suscipiends quoque arma pecuniae hie dentur nil se velle praeter dominium quod uxori debetur etc. Romae III. Septembris MCCCCLXXIV. De Isaaco Trapezuntino ab Ussumcassano ad Poloniae et Hungáriáé Reges misso, ituroque ad Pontificem, et Venetos pro gerendo proximo vere cum aliis Regibus Christianis in Turcam sociali bello, Michovias... et Cromerus.. . meminere." Raynaldus Odoricus: Annales, V o l . X I X , Roma, 1663.
t h r o u g h the wife of U z u n Hasan, w h o was the daughter o f the Emperor o f Trebizond. W e k n o w that i n 1502 doctor Isaac acted as the envoy o f L i t h u a n i a , t h e n closely associated w i t h Poland, when he transmitted the personal message o f K i n g Alexander to the r u l e r of the Tartars of the C r i m e a . There are f u r t h e r mentions o f h i m i n several documents f r o m 1504. H e r e Isaac appears as the court physician of A n d r e w , the Archbishop o f Gniezno, the Primate of P o l a n d . T h e significance of the doctor Isaac is better reflected i n the interesting d i p l o m a of 10 M a y 1507 issued b y Sigismund I , K i n g of Poland, w h i c h recognizes the ancient Jewish n o b i l i t y o f Isaac. A l t h o u g h the d i p l o m a o f Sigismund was little more t h a n a mark of r o y a l favour, at one least statement i n i t must be regarded as a u t h e n t i c , viz. that doc tor Isaac was not b o r n i n Poland, b u t " i n regno nostro advena est", came f r o m abroad. U n f o r t u n a t e l y the document does n o t give any serious clue as to w h e t h er Isaac went to T r e b i z o n d , and f r o m there to Persia d i r e c t l y f r o m Spain, or he was a Palestinian Sephardic Jew. I n 1509 he was s t i l l alive, as the taxes p a i d by the Jews o f Cracow belonged to " t h e physician of the K i n g , the Spanish Jew, doctor Isaac", b u t a decree f r o m 18 June 1510 stated that as a reward f o r the services endered by the doctor Isaac the K i n g endowed his w i d o w , Barsaba, and his c h i l d r e n w i t h all the p r i vileges anjoyed by the deceased h u s b a n d . 35
36
37
38
39
Spuler, B . : Die Goldene Horde. Die Mongolen i n Russland, 1223—1502. 2. A u f l . Wiesbaden, 1965, 225 p . Ruszszko—Evrejszkij Archiv. T o m . I I I . S.-Peterburg, 1903, 47—49 p. "... ad petita Reverendissimi in Christo patris Domini Andreae Archiepiscopi Gneznensis et Primatis... admittimusque et consentimus tenoré presentium mediante Judeo Isaac ipsius Domini Archiepiscopi fisico". (Ibid, 49 p.) "Sigismundus Dei gracia rex Poloniae etc. Significamus tenore presentium, quibus expedit universis. Quomodo' in presencia nostri et consiliariorum nostrorum his nobiscum existencium constituti. Generosus et nobilis lacobus Wagorzowsky curialis noster et Thomas Czarnyczky recognoverunt, qualiter pro religionis affectu ducti visendi sepulcrum Domini Nostri Jesu Christi et tocius humani generis salvatoris, postquam se in Hierusalem contulissent, certo cognoverunt ex judeis illic commorantibus, quibus licitum est credi, quia Sara uxor Abraam, filia vero alterius Abraham judeorum jerosolimitanorum est germana soror Isaac cognominati Izaczek phisici judei nostri Casimiriam incolentis et ab codem patre eorum Abraam utrosque legittime processisse atque, ut idem judei jerosolimitani testificati sunt, oriundus esse, non ex ignobili judaice gentis família honestesque apud eos conservati, prout perspicuo est ex Uteris ipsius Sare per prefatos : Iacobum Wagorzewsky et Thomam Czarnyczky huic Isaac phisico alltis ; quibus etiam lucido reddidit ipsum verum fratrem et germanum illius esse. Nos itaque, ne de predicto Isaac, quia nostro in regno advena est, quisdam judeorum aliquid pretendat de generis obscuritate moliri out cum propter hie defectum familie sue, ex qua ortus est convicio objurgare vel sibi ignobilitatem judaice gentis obicere possit, banc coram nobis recognicionem sic factam ad omnium, quorum interest, noticiam deducimus tenore presencium mediante. Harum, quibus sigillum nostrum subappensum est, testimonio literarum. Datum Cracovie feria se cundo proximo post sancti Stanislai in Majo Anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo Keleten. (Early septimo." I b i d , 80—81 p . Cf. Tardy L . : Régi magyar követjárások Hungarian diplomatic missions to the Orient), Budapest, 1971, 174 p. Jewish Encyclopedia 1. c.
A t the b e g i n n i n g of the 16th century there stood n o t h i n g i n the way of any Central- or East European r u l e r to select his o w n physician f r o m among the graduates o f Padova, Bologna, M o n t p e l l i e r , or any other w e l l - k n o w n medical faculty. T h i s is especially t r u e f o r the Polish c o u r t , whose I t a l i a n contacts were admittedly v e r y strong. H o w is i t then possible that doctor Isaac, whose k n o w l edge derived f r o m an entirely different source, could become a c o u r t physician i n Poland? I n answering this question f i r s t we must make i t clear that Isaac was not the archiater of the K i n g of P o l a n d , he was only one of the court physicians. Besides his personal qualities his prestige must have o w e d m u c h to the fact that he used to be the archiater, confident and " r o v i n g ambassador" o f one of the most powerful eastern sovereigns, U z u n Hasan, w h o was reknown a l l over Europe. B u t his acceptance by the Polish court also meant the recognition o f the medical school of w h i c h he was a representative. T r u e , here are no direct data available on the medical activities of Isaac Beg, or at least they have not come to l i g h t . B u t i t cannot be a mere accident, that nearly all o f the numerous documents dealing w i t h his d i p l o m a t i c activities stress that he was a physician, and add the epithet " d o c t o r " to his name. T h e explanation lies i n the h i g h l y i m p o r t a n t and w i d e l y recognized role the wander ing Jewish physicans f u l f i l l e d as the interpreters of classical Greek and especial l y Arab medicine. The A r a b traditions were preserved and the early medieval Arab medicine was propagated by the physicians who peregrinated, or often emigrated u n d e r the pressure of necessity, f r o m Spain b o t h to the West and to the East. I t is enough to refer i n this respect to the Toledo school of medicine, which spread over France, f i r s t of all to M o n t p e l l i e r and to I t a l y (mainly to Salerno). T h i s process started i n the 12th century and reached its climax at the t u r n of the 14th—15th centuries, when the Spanish-Jewish doctors played an outstandig role i n spreading the teachings of Avicenna and Averroes i n Europe, which had a decisive effect u p o n the development of medicine. L a t e r this school found its w a y back to A s i a — M i n o r and Central A s i a — i n a more developed and refined f o r m , after the A r a b school was i m p r o v e d and adapted i n the medical schools of M o n t p e l l i e r and Salerno. T h o u g h we have no direct, w r i t t e n evidence of Isaac's role i n this process, we may suppose, that he was an active participant of this t r e n d . T h e very age itself and the conspicuously f r e q u e n t emphasis on his medical profession and his f u n c t i o n as court physician make this thesis feasible. M e d i c a l history k n o w s several other cases w h i c h resemble his. Isaac Israeli (Isaac Judaeus) was the court physician of the K h a l i f a of N o r t h Africa i n the 10th century. H i s w o r k " L i b e r de u r i n i s " , together w i t h the com mentaries o f the better k n o w n Constantinus Africanus was t a u g h t at the U n i versity of V i e n n a even i n the 10th c e n t u r y . T o d a y only the name of the m e d i ator Constantinus Africanus is remembered, although i t was due to the " L i b e r de u r i n i s " o f Isaac Israeli t h a t the teachings of Avicenna penetrated into the literature of Europe. Several other works b y h i m were commented upon by 10
4 0
Aschbach, J.: Geschichte der Wiener Universität stehens. W i e n , 1865. 321 p .
im ersten Jahrhundert
ihres Be
Petrus Hispanus, who became Pope John X X L " T h e connection between Isaac Israeli and the Canon of Avicenna was dealt w i t h i n the basic w o r k of H . Schipperges. Jewish physicians frequently appeared i n the European centres of A r a b m e d i cine. One of its best representatives i n Southern Europe was Faraq ben Salim, a Jewish physician f r o m G i r g e n t i , w h o was i n the service of Charles of A n j o u f r o m 1279. M e d i c a l history remembers h i m c h i e f l y as the translator and com mentator of Mesue and Rhazes. T h e Arab o r i g i n a l was brought f r o m the ruler of T u n i s by a special delegation of Charles of A n j o u . Later these L a t i n trans lations were used i n the E a s t ! I n connection w i t h the role of the Jewish physicians m e n t i o n m u s t be made of the pseudo-Aristotelean diaetetics, w h i c h had a considerable influence on European medicine i n the 14—15th centuries. T h i s was allegedly of Greek o r i g i n , b u t i n fact was the L a t i n translation o f an 11th century A r a b compilation under the title "Secretum S e c r e t o r u m " . Its H e b r e w translation by R a b b i Jehuda al Charizi was translated back to A r a b , and later once more i n t o L a t i n . B y the light of these data i t is more understandable how the wandering Jewish doctor, w h o was well versed b o t h i n European and Eastern medical practices and transmitted the achievements of Arab medicine, could f i n d a place among the doctors of the K i n g of Poland. 42
43
4 4
Összefoglalás A középkori, majd a renaissance uralkodók udvari orvosai igen gyakran jelentős diplomáciai küldetéseket teljesítettek. A diplomáciai megbízatások ellátása e korok ban ugyanolyan különleges személyi kapcsolatokat kívánt meg, mint az udvari orvos és betege közötti relációban testet öltő bizalom. A k i testi bajait elpanaszolja udvari orvosának s lelki gondjait feltárja előtte — az nem találhat állami titkai megőrzésére sem alkalmasabb személyt. A tanulmány ennek a jelenségnek gazdag példatárát vonultatja fel. Hosszasabban időzik a magyarországi orvos-diplomatáknál, majd rátér a zsidó orvos-diplomaták rendszeressé vált kettős funkciójára az európai udvarokban, elsősorban Spanyol országban. E bevezetés után a tanulmány rátér a X V . század második felének perzsiai viszo nyaira, Uzun Hasszánnak, a turkomán eredetű perzsiai uralkodónak külpolitikájára, melynek tengelyében az európai hatalmakkal kötendő oszmánellenes szövetkezés állt. U z u n Hasszán zseniális elképzeléseiben elsősorban Velencére, Magyarországra, Lengyelországra és Moldvára építette reményeit, m i n t a félelmetesen terjeszkedő török hatalom leküzdésében elsősorban érdekelt európai államokra. Átfogó tervének i_ r' De diaetis universalibus; De febris. Cf. Erlanger, P.: Isaac] Judaeus, Tübingen, 1922 Die Assimilation der arabischen Medizin durch das lateinische Mittelalter. Wies baden, 1964. Steinschneider, K . : Constantinus Africanus u n d seine arabische Quellen. Virchows Archiv, Jgg. 37, 1866,358 p. Cfr. Wöstenfeld, F . : Die Übersetzungen arabischer Werke in das Lateinische seit dem XI. Jahrhundert. (Abh. Gesch. Wiss., N o . 22.) Göttingen, 1877, 82 ff. 4 1
12
4 3
4 4
megvalósítására korának viszonyaihoz képest hatalmas külügyi apparátust teremtett; követségei — olykor évente több is — sorra megfordultak a katonai szövetség elő készítése és összehangolása céljából a fontosabb európai udvarokban, így a nagy magyar renaissance-uralkodó, Corvin Mátyás udvarában is. U z u n Hasszán legjelentősebb diplomatája a spanyol-zsidó eredetű, feltehetően Trapezunton keresztül Perzsiába bevándorolt Izsák orvos volt, vagy miként a kora beli dokumentumok állandóan nevezték, magas funkciójára utalva: Izsák bég. A tanulmány végigkíséri Izsák orvost hosszú, küzdelmes utazásain, feleleveníti az egyes uralkodóknál (így a pápánál) folytatott személyes tárgyalásait és apró mozai kokból összeállította teljes életpályáját, mely 1509-ben vagy 1510-ben ért véget. Élete utolsó szakaszában a lengyel és a litván uralkodók udvari orvosaként tevékeny kedett, de továbbra is képviselte királyi pácienseit idegen udvarokban. 1502-ben p l . Sándor király személyes üzenetét ő vitte el a krími tatárok kánjához. Közvetlen adatok Izsák bég orvosi működésére vonatkozóan nem állnak rendelke zésünkre. N e m véletlen azonban, hogy a követi szereplésével foglalkozó nagyszámú okirat szinte kivétel nélkül kiemeli orvosvoltát; az orvos megnevezés jóformán soha sem hiányzik neve mellől. Ennek okát a világjáró zsidó orvosoknak ama szerepében kell keresnünk, melyet a klasszikus görög és méginkább az arab medicina konvek toraiként töltöttek be. A Spanyolországból származó, Nyugatra és Keletre peregrináló — időnként kényszerűségből emigráló — orvosok voltak az arab hagyományok őrzői és a koraközépkori arab medicina terjesztői. A tanulmány utal a toledói orvosi iskolából Franciaországba — elsősorban Montpellier-be — valamint Itáliába (főleg Salernóba) irányuló áramlásra. Az arabizmusnak a montpellier-i és salernói orvosi iskolában tökéletesedett és európaivá adaptált formáját ez a körforgás juttatta vissza Kis- és Középázsiába. Ha nem is áll rendelkezésre közvetlen adalék Izsák orvosnak e közvetítésben vitt szerepére, a kor és az egész folyamat ismerete, Izsák bég orvosmivoltának feltűnő gyakori hangoztatása valószínűsíti, hogy ő is tevékeny részese volt ennek az orvostörténetileg kimutatott és értékelt irányzatnak.
Emil S C H U L T H E I S Z , D r . med. Minister of Health, President of the Scientifical Committee of the Semmelweis Medical Historical Museum, Library and Archives H—1013 Budapest, Apród u. 1/3, Hungary Lajos T A R D Y , D r . phil. and. jur., DSc. Head of Department at the National Museum H—10S8 Budapest, Múzeum krt. 14. Hungary
