Edina Kőműves ECPR Conference 2014 Innsbruck
The Image of France and the French Civilization in the History Books for High Schools in the Interwar Period in Hungary Abstract: In this paper, our main question is the following: Did the history books for high schools in Hungary between the two World Wars spread a hostile attitude toward the French, and what was the image of France, French history, civilization and language in a particularly confrontational period, between the two World Wars? It follows from the analysis that the previously supposed hostile attitude is missing from most of the analyzed material, especially concerning the image of the Middle-Ages and Modernism. Instead, the French civilization is represented as the standard of cultural values, which was regarded as substantial elements of a “Western-European culture”. For Hungary, the belonging to the West as opposed to the East has always been a very important point, especially in the political context in which it can be seen as an argument for the integrity of the territory, which was broken into pieces after World War I. It is argued in this paper that therefore, regardless of the contemporary politics, the French-Hungarian relations and the history of France in general are not deformed in the history books, because of the association of France with Western-European culture in general and the Hungarian desire to be a part of this and to not distance itself from this culture. A distinction between political aspects and the cultural aspects is proposed, which can explain the preservation of cultural values even in the most delicate political conditions.
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Introduction
The peace treaties of Versailles that marked the end of World War I created extreme tensions between the belligerent sides. In the case of Hungary, the loss of the major part of the territory of the historical state led to the coming to power of the political right wing, and the entire era is named after the regent of Hungary, Miklós Horthy. Irredentism and nationalism impregnated everyday life on many layers. The nostalgia for the territories that now belong to the neighboring countries led to an intensive search for the responsible people or country. One of the main decision makers in the treaty of Trianon (signed on the 4th of June 1920), which was the basis for this territorial loss, was France. This country was therefore widely held responsible in Hungary for the events, and this makes it a pertinent issue to study the way this did or did not influence the image of France in the Hungarian education system.
The origins of the vivid scapegoat myth towards France (Ablonczy, 2010), the traces of which can be found even in the 21st century, are not clearly defined, and the study of how France was represented in different periods and through different media in the 20th century can be a tool to get closer to find the roots of the abiding stereotypes. History teaching is an interesting field to study in this regard, due to the fact that its content is flexible in a way that the changing emphasis and the interpretation of the facts can be charged with the ideology that one wants to emphasize and communicate. In the interwar period in Hungary, history teaching was especially deeply determined by political interest and propaganda, since it was considered as a 'national subject' that was by definition politically charged (see image 4).
Resulting of that reasoning, our main question is the following: Did the history books for high schools in Hungary between the two World Wars spread a hostile attitude toward the French, and what was the image of France, French history, civilization and language? To answer this question, we are using theories about nationalism, cultural roots, and different regions of Europe as references. Our sources to examine will be the history books for high school that were edited and used in the interwar period in Hungary, more specifically between 1918 and 1941. These two dates are chosen as they mark the end of World War I on the one hand, and the concrete entry of Hungary into World War II on the other hand. Through a qualitative analysis of the content which is about France and which considers the image of France in the history books, we are hoping to find out how the political and cultural relations are shaped at school. This also reflects how the future intelligentsia of Hungary was 2
introduced to the image of France, since high school education at the time was reserved to a much lower percentage of the society.
The educational system of Hungary in the interwar period The politic of education and culture, the so called Kultúrpolitika, was dominated by two influential politicians in the Horthy era in Hungary: Kuno Klebelsberg (1922-1931) and Bálint Hóman (1932-1942). 'They believed that education, science and culture are the strategic points of national politics, and tried to contribute to it by priority subventions.' (Romsics, 2005, p. 174) They had a double goal to on the one hand create mass education and form an elite, meaning a strong middle class, on the other hand. The results were impressive in both, considering the increase of the number of schools, the extension of the network in the countryside, and the decrease of illiteracy among others.
At the same time, the content of education and the circumstances of the everyday teaching and learning process were very much impregnated by the dominant ideology. Every day at school the students had to say the so called ‘Hungarian Credo’ together, which went as follows: ‘I believe in one God, I believe in one Homeland, I believe in one divine eternal justice, I believe in the resurrection of Hungary. Amen’. The government imposed that the education has to be 'Christian national' or 'Christian Hungarian'. (Romsics, 2005) Also, the idea of the revision of the territories had to be insisted upon, and arguments had to be provided to justify the integrity of the territory that was lost in 1920. Thirdly, a theory of cultural supremacy was introduced as one of the arguments of the intangibility of the Hungarian land, which helps to explain the importance of the investments in education with the aim of improving the level of general culture. The contradictory element in that is the opposition between strong ‘Hungarocentrism’ and irredentism that characterized the message of the education on the one hand and the ideal of a strongly intellectual nation on the other.
Focusing more on secondary schools, both their number and their diversity increased, in the sense that many different types of secondary education were introduced. This diversity of secondary education was regulated by the law 11 of 1934, which homogenized the outcome of the theoretical and practical high schools, allowing both to be followed by university studies. History teaching was of high importance, especially since the new curriculum of 1924, which emphasized the role of history and modern languages in education. In history teaching, the 3
proportion between national history and world history was very much shifting towards the first one. (Katona-Sallai, 2002) Concerning the accessories used in history teaching, it is important to realize that the content of the textbooks was controlled and imposed by the government, to reflect the ideology. The role of maps was increasing, which is an evident consequence of the fact that there was a strong focus on the recent territorial loss. (Krasznai, 2012)
Despite the strong presence of the political ideology in education, the history textbooks that were edited during these years can be divided in two: scientific books and propaganda books. (Albert, 2002) The authors were mostly not historians, but practicing teachers, mostly with doctoral title. The number of editors was decreasing, and just a few publishing houses controlled by the state were allowed to publish textbooks. In these conditions, our hypothesis is quite obviously that the content of the textbooks is very much filled with contemporary politics, and the image of the ‘other’, in this case France, will be influenced by that. Also, the manuals talk about contemporary history as well, treating history almost up to the date of publication, which is a very controversial approach in history teaching. Therefore, because of the political hostility and the direct treatment of recent events in history teaching, we expect a negative picture to be painted about the French civilization, reflecting the role of France as a scapegoat for the loss of territory in 1920.
French-Hungarian relations
Before jumping to the analysis of our concrete situation, a quick overview of the cultural relations between France and Hungary is necessary. In the interwar period, Hungary was looking for the reinforcement of political and economic relations with Germany, because it seemed like an alternative partner to help gather back the territories lost through the treaty of Trianon. Not only through the actual situation, but also through the geographical proximity, and the historical, diplomatic and dynastic relations, it seems evident that culturally Hungary is more perceptive towards the Germanic traditions.
At the same time, the conflicts that were born by these relations during the centuries incited a traditional hostility towards the German traditions in the Hungarian society. France on the other hand represented an alternative against the Habsburg oppressors in many of these situations, an example of which would be the help of Louis XIV during the war of 4
independence of Rákóczi in the years 1703-1711 against the Habsburgs. That means that concerning international relations, it is not the intensity of the interactions that matter the most, but also the way these interactions are perceived by society. The historical, literal and linguistic relations between Hungary and France are present from the Middle Ages (Sőtér, 1941), and were perceived as valuable and important, which is reflected in the ideal of the often mentioned 'franciás műveltség', or 'culture à la française'. This became almost synonymous to being sophisticated, civilized, well-read, trendy, classy, refined and so on.
In this cultural sense, France was perceived as the cradle of spiritual and cultural values and as the origin of the basic concepts and achievements of European civilization. ‘France was clearly a reference point for Hungary: the culture, the sciences, and the hostility traditional for many people against the Habsburgs made the French sympathetic, although in the common thinking they were held responsible for the gravity of the treaty of Trianon.’ (Zeidler, 2009, p. 96) 1
That ambiguity between the admiration of French civilization and the hostility in the actual politics in the interwar period will be a crucial factor to take into consideration in the analysis of the image of France in the history textbooks.
Analysis of the image of France in the interwar high school textbooks in Hungary
The Pedagogy Library of Budapest kept 29 different history textbooks for high school, which were edited in the interwar period. That number is really high considering that we only take into consideration a scope of 23 years (1918-1941). Despite of the diminution of the number of editors and authors, that period is considered as 'the big time of textbook writing'. (Katona-Sallai, 2002, p. 60) In the period itself, we can distinguish three sub-periods, to see how the content of the books were changing within the Horthy era. This makes it clearer to see what kind of transformations occurred, if any, between the 'transitory period' (1918-1924),
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„Franciaország ugyancsak vonatkoztatási pont volt Magyarország számára: a kultúra, a tudomány és sokak számára a tradicionális Habsburg-ellenesség rokonszenvessé tette a franciákat, a hazai közgondolkodás azonban őket okolta a trianoni békeszerződés súlyosságáért. (…) ettől fogva Budapest és Párizs között a nemzetközi viszonyok mindvégig hűvösek, olykor jegesek maradtak.” (Zeidler, 2009, p. 96) Translated by myself.
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the 'period of consolidation' (1924-1932), and the 'period of the 30s' (1932-1940). (Unger, 1976, Albert, 2006)
For the analysis, it was found to be adequate to separate two analytical parts. First of all, we will deal with the parts that talk about contemporary history (World War I, the peace treaties of Versailles, the interwar period, and later on the beginning of World War II). Secondly, we will go through the parts in the books that present Medieval, Early Modern, and Modern history. The importance of this repartition is that the very sensitive issue about presenting contemporary history is a case apart in our perspective. Usually a subject of political science, making it a high school history topic is a precarious thing to do. The criteria to analyze these chapters will be quantitative as well as qualitative. From the quantitative aspect, a comparison between the proportions of the parts about France and other European countries (mainly Germany, England and Italy) will be made. For the qualitative analysis, we will take into account the content, in other words, the divergence of the content with the facts of the period, and the style, looking at the use of metaphors, adjectives, adverbs, and the general choice of words.
Considering all these aspects, at the end we can see that the ideological allusions can be found much more in the form rather than in the content itself. That means that the authors are not falsifying history, but they integrate the political messages in their style of writing. Obviously, the intensity of these elements can vary to a very large extent. Some of the authors keep a scientific style (for example Kontraszty), some authors talk like politicians (for example Takács), and some of them are presenting the events in the style of a storyteller or taleteller. To see concrete examples about how the political messages shines through by the style, the first and most frequent elements is the use of metonymical denominations. That means when talking about the events, the actors are named by the name of their nation. This can have a very negative effect for high school students, since they can associate the political actors to the entire nation which contributes to the creation of stereotypes. Voluntary or involuntary, every time when the authors say 'the French' instead of 'the French government' or 'Clemenceau', they contribute to the connection of the crimes during the war and the entire nation. This is a very problematic point that, even nowadays, can be a problem in history textbooks.
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Also, the other factor present is an extensive use of redundant adjectives. Many times, the choice of words in general on the paradigmatic axis is contributing to the deformation of the message. Plus, comparing the three sub-periods, the presence of the French civilization is less and less, and the emphasis slightly shifts to Germany, following the intensifying cooperation between the two countries.
These elements in the textbooks are not very distinct though, compared to the hostility towards France in politics (see images 1, 2 and 3). The above mentioned stylistic elements are not explicitly anti-French, but they are communicating the reflection of the politics in a very subtle way only. To complete the picture, let us now pass to the results of the analysis of the parts of the textbooks discussing the Middle Ages Early Modern Period and Modernism.
In the parts about the periods that are traditionally the subject of the field of history, the results are even more surprising. Not only there is no real hostility present, but in the major part of the textbooks, even a zeal can be found considering French civilization, instead of the presupposed hostility. Especially in the parts about the Middle Ages, the textbooks are very extensive and admiring towards France. In the parts about world history, French history is disproportionately treated, and the worldwide impact of the French events is not contested. Especially the impact of the Cistercian monks, French knights, the Enlightening and the French Revolution are extensively discussed. In the parts of national history, the relations between France and Hungary are very much emphasized. More concretely, about the king Béla III (1172-1196), his marriage to a French princess is almost always mentioned. Shown through for example this event, the flow of the knowledge of French monks and the culture of French knights, as well as the French courteous lifestyle are symbolizing the very important links with the West. The same hold true for the Anjou kings of Hungary and the role of the University of Paris in general for the Hungarian youth.
Also, linked to that, even if Charlemagne is not representing the French exclusively, but more the entirety of Europe – even though very much appropriated by the French historiography – the connection between the state formation by Saint Stefan in Hungary and the one of Charlemagne in the western part of Europe is very much established. We have to remark here, that there is a very important element in all the books edited at the time which is repeated: the so called 'western European Christian civilization'. The belonging to that civilization seems like a very important point for Hungary. Therefore, as we will see, the 7
missing of the hostility towards France, and the emphasis on the cultural relations with it does not necessarily mean that the actual politics are not reflecting in the textbooks.
The books are clearly reflecting the main elements of the political discourse, more concretely its national and Christian character. In conclusion, the texts are strongly hungarocentrist, emphasizing the idea that Hungary was the ‘antemure christianis’ (Bérenger, 2004), defending the West from the dangers coming from the East for centuries. This is true for instance for the expansion of the Ottoman Empire, when Hungary fought to stop the ‘barbarians’ endangering the western civilization.
Apart from that, most concretely, but still between the lines, there is one point in the French history that is more clearly reflecting the international situation and tensions between France and Hungary in the Interwar period: the description of the French-Prussian war. Here, when it comes to mentioning the territorial loss of France in 1871, the way the story is told creates a subtle but clear analogy with the Hungarian situation after Trianon. The political propaganda picture with the French words 'Voulez-vous quatre Alsace?' (Do you want four Alsaces? see image 1) comes immediately to the readers mind by looking at this part in the history books. At the same time, the tone is mostly not accusatory, but it seems more seeking for compassion from the part of France.
Summarizing the most important points of the analysis, we can state that firstly, there is no clear and explicit hostility expressed by the textbooks and in fact the French-Hungarian relations and the achievements of France are very much emphasized. Mostly the parts about contemporary history have some rather unpleasant allusions, although even that part is not being extremely hostile. Secondly, one key term in the textbooks would clearly be 'western European Christian civilization/culture'. Thirdly, the political propaganda is mostly present by reflecting the national and Christian discourse. To understand why the authors are following that path and to draw some overarching conclusions, let us hold our results of the analysis to the mirror of the scientific literature about identity and the impact of education and history books in the formation of it.
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Interpretation of the results, conclusions
To understand the motivation of emphasizing the relations between France and Hungary in this delicate political climate, we propose the following reasoning, which we will argue through several texts about the subject.
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A particularly important role was accorded to Western civilization in Hungary
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Hungary wanted to share the values of that civilization.
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The birth of a many of these appreciated values is connected to the French lands.
That chain of thought explains the reason why Hungary would look for possible historical relations with France. At the same time, the reason why Hungary would be searching for shared values with Western Europe requires further explanation. The first reason is simply the idea of cultural supremacy spread by the government. Secondly, and most importantly, Hungary, since the foundation of the state in the year 1000, was willing to share the Western European culture, and through religion and that culture always wanted to belong to the West in opposition to the East. That traditional western orientation was even more important in a period when it was questioned or put in danger. In that case, the status of being the eastern border of the West, protecting the western civilization heroically against the attacks of the eastern barbarians, was important to emphasize in order to argue for the revision of the territories. In short, saying that Hungary is the antemure christianis means that the Western powers have their own interests in helping to keep the integrity of the Hungarian land, because the truncated county cannot accomplish its historical mission anymore. Without that strong border and defense, the Western civilization puts itself in danger, which is why they should encourage keeping the historical state of Hungary intact. In addition to that, the concept of Central Europe was not spread and used at that time, so when it came to define the regional identity, one had more of a bipolar choice, and culturally, religiously and traditionally, Hungary took position for the West over the East. That will of taking part in the western civilization is so strong that the political situation cannot question it or seriously endanger this position. ‘In fact, what does Europe mean to a Hungarian, a Czech, a Pole? For a thousand years their nations have belonged to the part of Europe rooted in Roman Christianity. They have participated in every period of its history. For them, the 9
word "Europe" does not represent a phenomenon of geography but a spiritual notion synonymous with the word "West." The moment Hungary is no longer European—that is, no longer Western—it is driven from its own destiny, beyond its own history: it loses the essence of its identity.’ (Kundera, 1984, p. 1)
We can see that the superficial and ephemeral goals of the contemporary politics cannot erase the identity more deeply implemented: the Europeanness. Even if the Western and Eastern political structures are coexisting, as Jenő Szücs explains in depth, when regarding this duality from a cultural point of view Hungary cannot be considered less developed than the West: ‘From the point of view of Hungarian literature, art and education of the period, the Leitha [the river between Austria and Hungary. E. K.] had never become a border; the orientation was uninfluenced by the Habsburg framework and formed an organic part of europa occidens by stretching beyond that framework (in a simpler context, with provincial character, as Bibó put it).’ (Szűcs, 1983, p. 177)2
Even in that work we see a distinction between the political history and the cultural history of the country. That dichotomy is present not only in the self-reflection about Hungary, but in the image of the other as well. In the case of the Czech Republic – no matter how different the political orientation was – Stephan Reznikoff talks about ‘at the end hardly political francophilia’ (Reznikoff, 2002, p. 671), but more of a ‘social, linguistic and cultural francophilia’ (ibid., p. 674). He argues that the relations with France represent a spiritual dimension, an opening to Europe, and a tool of de-Germanization. Regardless of the actual political situation, the similar aspects between the Hungarian and the Czech case shine through.
First, in both cases there is a traditional hostility towards the Habsburgs and a need to rely on other bases than the forced German traditions. Secondly, the regional position that these countries occupy in Europe create a specific relation between them from a geographicalcultural point of view. Both are on the border of West and East, with an Eastern basis but
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„A magyar irodalom, művészet, művelődés szempontjából a Lajta sohasem vált határrá, orientációit a Habsburg-keret sem zavarta, sőt a kereten átnyúlva (erre áll leginkább Bibó minősítése: „egyszerűbb szövedékben, vidékies jelleggel”) Europa Occidens szerves része volt.” (Szűcs, 1985, p. 110)
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definitely a Western superstratum and identity (Szűcs, 1985). The abovementioned approaches encourage us to argue for a difference between the political and cultural aspect of a given question – without saying that there is no overlap and interaction between the two aspects – in order to shape the underlying motivations and goals. As it is revealed once more during the analysis, ‘the character of civic science that history has, made a political activity out of it by definition’ 3 (Levi, 2001, p. 26). At the same time, the situation is never one sided, as it is shown through our given situation. That specific and highly sensitive situation in Hungary has created a very contradictory situation. The political francophobia is overlapping with a cultural francophilia, while this cultural attitude helps the argumentation of the irredentist politics who are advocating a political francophobia. Spreading the idea at school, amongst the youth, the future intelligentsia of the country, is a particularly sensitive issue. ‘Ne nous trompons pas, l’image que nous avons des autres peuples, ou de nousmêmes, est associée à l’Histoire qu’on nous a racontée quand nous étions enfants. Elle nous marque pour l’existence entière. (…) Il est grand temps de confronter aujourd’hui toutes ces représentations car, avec l’élargissement du monde, avec son unification économique mais son éclatement politique, le passé des sociétés est plus que jamais un des enjeux des confrontations entre États, entre Nations, entre cultures et ethnies. Contrôler le passé aide à maîtriser le présent, à légitimer dominations et mises en cause.’ (Ferro, 1981, p. 7)
The examination of the representation of the other in schools in different historical contexts can be enlightening to understand broader concepts, such as the cultural identity of Central Europe as can be seen in this particular case. The 20th century is a confrontational period for the region in many ways, and the interwar period is just the tip of the iceberg, because in that moment it was still unknown how much the later belonging to the communist block would put the Western identity of the region in danger. The extension of this research from Hungary to Poland and the Czech Republic and broadening its time limit to the entire 20th century would help us to make a further to a better understanding of the refused or legitimized but certainly much discussed and contested notion of Central Europe. 3
« Le caractère de science civique qu’a l’histoire en a fait, par définition, une activité politique » (Levi, 2001, p. 26) (translated by myself)
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Image 1 « Voulez-vous quatre Alsaces ? ». Irredentist propaganda. (source: kozpontiantikvarium.hu)
Image 2 « Non, non, jamais ». Irredentist propaganda. (source: fn.hir24.hu)
Image 3 « Au grand jamais ». Irredentist propaganda. (source: retronom.hu)
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Image 4 Past-present-future. Irredentist image on the back of a history textbook from 1940.4
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MARCZINKÓ, Ferenc – PÁLFI, János – VÁRADY, Erzsébet (1940) A legújabb kor története a francia forradalomtól napjainkig. A gimnázium és leánygimnázium VI. osztálya számára. Királyi Magyar Egyetemi Nyomda. Budapest
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ROMSICS, Ignác (2005) Magyarország története a XX. században. Osiris kiadó. Budapest. p. 141-270 ROMSICS, Ignác (2011) Clio bűvöletében. Magyar történetírás a 19-20. században – nemzetközi kitekintéssel. Osiris kiadó. Budapest.p. 284-355 SŐTÉR, István (1941) Francia-magyar művelődési kapcsolatok. Magyar Szemle Társaság. Budapest. SZŰCS, Jenő (1983) Th Three Historical Regions of Europe. Acta Historica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 29 (2-4). Budapest. p. 131-184 UNGER, Mátyás (1976) A történelmi tudat alakulása középiskolai tankönyveinkben. Tankönyvkiadó. Budapest ZEIDLER, Miklós (2009) A revíziós gondolat. Kalligram. Pozsony
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Textbooks BALOGH, Albin (1931) Magyarország történelme. A gimnázium, reálgimnázium, reáliskola és leányközépiskolák III., a leánykollégiumok IV. osztálya számára. Szent István Társulat. Budapest BALOGH, Albin (1938) Magyarország történelme. A gimnázium és leánygimnázium III. osztálya számára. Szent István Társulat. Budapest BALOGH, Albin (1942) Magyarország történelme. A gimnázium és leánygimnázium III. osztálya számára. Szent István Társulat. Budapest EMBER, István-VÁRADY, Erzsébet (1932)Világtörténelem III. Újkor és legújabb kor. Athenaeum. Budapest KONTRASZTY, Dezső (1929) Egyetemes történelem gimnáziumok, reálgimnáziumok és reáliskolák számára. III. rész. Világtörténelem a középkori intézmények bomlásától a nagyhatalmak megalakulásáig. Franklin. Budapest KONTRASZTY, Dezső (1930) Egyetemes történelem gimnáziumok, reálgimnáziumok és reáliskolák számára. IV. rész. A francia forradalom és a legújabb kor története. Franklin. Budapest MADAI, Pál (1926) Magyarország történelme. Gimnáziumok, reálgimnáziumok és reáliskolák III. osztálya számára. Franklin. Budapest MARCZELL, Ágoston-SZEGEDI, Tasziló (1938) Egyetemes történelem I. rész. Az antik világ és a keresztény Európa története a magyarok honfoglalásáig. A gimnázium és leánygimnázium IV. osztálya számára. Szent István Társulat. Budapest MARCZELL, Ágoston-SZEGEDI, Tasziló (1940) Egyetemes történelem III. rész. A legújabb kor története a francia forradalomtól napjainkig. A gimnázium és leánygimnázium VI. osztálya számára. Szent István Társulat. Budapest MARCZELL, Ágoston-SZOLOMÁJER, Tasziló (1928) Egyetemes történelem II. A gimnázium, reálgimnázium és reáliskola V. osztálya számára. Szent István Társulat. Budapest
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MARCZELL, Ágoston-SZOLOMÁJER, Tasziló (1929) Egyetemes történelem III. A gimnázium, reálgimnázium és reáliskola VI. osztálya számára. Szent István Társulat. Budapest MARCZELL, Ágoston-SZOLOMÁJER, Tasziló (1930) Egyetemes történelem IV. a gimnázium, reálgimnázium és reáliskola VII. osztálya számára. Szent István Társulat. Budapest MARCZINKÓ, Ferenc-PÁLFI, János-VÁRADY, Erzsébet (1938) Az antik világ és a keresztény Európa története a magyar honfoglalásig. A gimnázium és leánygimnázium IV. osztálya számára Királyi Magyar Egyetemi Nyomda. Budapest MARCZINKÓ, Ferenc-PÁLFI, János-VÁRADY, Erzsébet (1939) A középkor és Újkor története 896-tól 1789-ig. A gimnázium és leánygimnázium V. osztálya számára Királyi Magyar Egyetemi Nyomda. Budapest MARCZINKÓ, Ferenc-PÁLFI, János-VÁRADY, Erzsébet (1940) A legújabb kor története a francia forradalomtól napjainkig. A gimnázium és leánygimnázium VI. osztálya számára Királyi Magyar Egyetemi Nyomda. Budapest MARCZINKÓ, Ferenc-PÁLFI, János-VÁRADY, Erzsébet (1941) Magyarország története a szatmári békéig. A gimnázium és leánygimnázium VII. osztálya számára Királyi Magyar Egyetemi Nyomda. Budapest SZABÓ, Dezső (1926) Magyarország történelme. Gimnáziumok, reálgimnáziumok és reáliskolák III. osztálya számára. Franklin. Budapest SZABÓ, Dezső – DOBROVICH, Ágoston (n.d.) Világtörténet. Gimnáziumok, reálgimnáziumok és reáliskolák V. osztálya számára. Franklin. Budapest SZEGEDI, Tasziló (1941) Magyarország története a szatmári békéig. A gimnázium és leánygimnázium VII. osztálya számára. Szent István Társulat. Budapest TAKÁCS, György (1918) Egyetemes történelem. A leánygimnáziumok VI. osztálya számára. II. rész. A Középkor története a magyarok honfoglalásától és az Újkoré a Pragmatika Szankcióig. Athenaeum. Budapest
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TAKÁCS, György (1920) Egyetemes történelem. A leánygimnáziumok VI. osztálya számára. II. rész. A Középkor története a magyarok honfoglalásától és az Újkoré a Pragmatika Szankcióig. Athenaeum. Budapest TAKÁCS, György (1921) A magyar nemzet története. Gimnáziumok, reáliskolák és leánygimnáziumok VIII. osztálya számára. Athenaeum. Budapest TAKÁCS, György (1923) Egyetemes történelem. A leánygimnáziumok V-ik osztálya számára. I. rész. Az Ókor és a Középkor történerte a magyarok honfoglalásáig. Athenaeum. Budapest TAKÁCS, György (1923)Egyetemes történelem. A leánygimnáziumok VII-ik osztálya számára.III. rész. Az újkor története a Pragmatika Szankciótól napjainkig. Athenaeum. Budapest TAKÁCS, György – KOCZOGH, András (1912, 1921, 1922, 1924) A magyar nemzet története 1526-ig. A gimnáziumok és reáliskolák III. osztálya számára. Athenaeum. Budapest TAKÁCS, György – KOCZOGH, András (1922) Egyetemes történelem gimnáziumok és reáliskolák számára. II. rész. Az Középkor története és az Újkoré a westfáliai békekötésig. A gimnáziumok és reáliskolák VI. osztálya számára. Athenaeum. Budapest TAKÁCS, György – KOCZOGH, András (1924) Egyetemes történelem gimnáziumok és reáliskolák számára. II. rész. Az Középkor története és az Újkoré a westfáliai békekötésig. A gimnáziumok és reáliskolák VI. osztálya számára. Athenaeum. Budapest TAKÁCS, György – KOCZOGH, András (1924) Egyetemes történelem gimnáziumok és reáliskolák számára. III. rész. Az Újkor története a westfáliai békekötésektől napjainkig. A gimnáziumok és reáliskolák VII. osztálya számára. Athenaeum. Budapest TAKÁCS, György – KOCZOGH, András (1926) Egyetemes történelem gimnáziumok és reáliskolák számára. III. rész. Az Újkor története a westfáliai békekötésektől napjainkig. A gimnáziumok és reáliskolák VII. osztálya számára. Athenaeum. Budapest
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TIHANYI, Béla (1928) Egyetemes történelem gimnáziumok, reálgimnáziumok és reáliskolák számára. II. rész. A Római Birodalom bomlásától a XIV. századig. Franklin. Budapest VÁRADY, Erzsébet (1931). Világtörténelem II. Középkor. A leánygimnáziumok és leánylíceumok V. osztálya számára Dr. Ember István tankönyvének felhasználásával. Athenaeum. Budapest VÁRADY, Erzsébet (1933) A magyar nemzet története a szatmári békéig. A leánygimnáziumok, leánylíceumok és leánykollégiumok VII. osztálya számára Dr. Ember István tankönyvének felhasználásával. Athenaeum. Budapest VÁRADY, Erzsébet (1934) A magyar nemzet története. A szatmári békétől napjainkig. A leánygimnáziumok, leánylíceumok és leánykollégiumok VIII. osztálya számára Dr. Ember István tankönyvének felhasználásával. Athenaeum. Budapest VARGA, Zoltán (1941) Magyarország története I (A szatmári békéig). Gimnáziumok és leánygimnáziumok VII. osztálya számára.Debrecen sz. kir. város és a Tiszántúli református egyházkerület könyvnyomda-vállalata. Debrecen.
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