Kethoprak: Menjaga Budaya Dengan Perubahan
«
i
i
Annisa Sukada NIM:07210579
Australian Consortiumfor In-Country Indonesian Studies (ACICIS) Angkatan IIVI
Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang Juni, 2008
Kethoprak: Menjaga Budaya Dengan Perubahan s
Annisa Sukada
Malang, 18 Juni 2008
Dekan FISIP
Drs. Budi Suprapto
ACICIS Resident Direktor
Dr Philip King.
Dosen Pembimbing
Bapak Nurudin, S Sos.
Ketua JJi-ogram ACICIS FISIP UMM
'ud Said, Phd.
Saya ingin mempersembahkan karya ini kepada semua seniman yang sangat suka membantu saya. Pak Bondan
Nusantara di Yogya. Pak Budi Hartanto, Pak Herry Kusumantoyo dan Ibu Siswondo di Jawa Timur yang memberi saya kesempatan kehormatan untuk mengikuti pementasan di Tulungagung dan Nganjuk. Pengalaman itu akan selalu diingat oleh saya. Kepada semua teman
saya di Malang dan Yogyakarta, terima kasih banyak atas semua dukungan kalian selama saya tinggal di Indonesia.
Pengalaman saya di Indonesia tidak sesama tanpa kalian!
Daftar Isi
Pendahuluan
1
i)
Perubahan Kepada Penonton Kethoprak
4
ii)
Dana dan Biaya Pementasan Kethoprak
6
iii)
Metode
7
iv)
Struktur
7
Bab I Teori Perubahan Tradisi
11
I.i)
Teori 'Penciptaan Tradisi*
\]
I.ii)
Adaptasi Tradisi Kethoprak
13
I.ii)
Teori 'Globalisasi'
15
I.iii)
Globalisasi Tradisi Kethoprak
16
*/
Bab II Sudut Pandang Seniman
19
II.i)
Kethoprak Di Yogyakarta
20
II.ii)
Bondan Nusantara
21
II.iii) Kethoprak Di JawaTimur
22
II.iv) Endang Wijayati (Ibu Siswondo)
24
11,v)
26
Herry Kusumantoyo
Il.vi) Budi Hartanto
28
Bab III
Penganalisa
3j
Bab IV
Kesimpulan.
42
DAFTARPUSTAKA
47
APPENDIX
Survei Para Pemuda umur 18-25 Nilai Survei
Recalling and Re-presenting the 1965/1966 Anti-Communist Violence
in Indonesia, Barbara Hatley, University of Tasmania
Javanese Performances on an Indonesian Stage: Contesting Culture, Embracing Change, Barbara Hatley (excerpt only)
(No more) Peaceful Reformation Noisy Deformation "Turn left, may proceed", Rizki A. Zaelani
Art From Dislocution Identity, Globalisation &Today's Indonesian Art, Farah Wardani
KATA PENGANTAR
Kajian ini dilakukan dengan bantuan dari berbagai pihak. Saya mau mengucapkan terima kasih
terutama kepada yang Terhormat,
* UMM m!S Rekt°r Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang atas kesempatan untuk belajar di
* rStrS ?nS?rtxiiim f°r In"Country Indonesian Studies (ACICIS), khususnya Phil
RffiSiKiKS tST-Bapak Nurudin sSos-BapikAchJi ™
* iSf^T yang San88t Bapak SUka membimUl Si,ya- Khus»s«V«. Bapak Budi Hartanto, Bapak Herry Kusumantoyo, Bondan Nusantara dan Ibu Siswondo. ♦
Semua pihak lain yang tidak mungkin saya sebutkan satu per satu yang telah
membenkan bantuan dalam proses penyelesaian Iaporan ini.
Annisa Sukada Juni 2008
'
Abstract
The traditional performance art of kethoprak has been practiced in Java since the early 19lh century. Kethoprak has experienced much change to its style since first arising. These adaptations were due to changes within Javanese society. Once performed by farmers in small villages, kethoprak then moved to into the cities and was cultivated by members of the aTw£Cy' uS-6n JaTeSe languaee' court sty'e dances> •»> *e «se of the gamelan ca^eH^rre f "V UenCed '"to reflect this peri0dDurin8 *" 1920' *»colonial Politicalruleclimate Java caused ktthoprak perfomances growing discontent withsthe oftheinDutch
The Dutch Government begun to closely watch activities of kethoprak troupes which caused
ar^tocra groups to withdraw from direct involvment in the kethoprak scene. Kethoprak ttouS
then became commercial, artists adopted the use of make-shift theatres, scenic backdrops anl
ESTuiS; °a?hT.s *r bere by westem thea*eofi»*S«Efi iok '°ir a V S*Aladdin's Lamp. Duringinfluenced the Japanese occupation Indonesia in 1942-
oM9H1S£SrfoTT deC'ined'were Aft6rusedInd°nesia' S ind^ence during of 1950-1960 kethoprak performances as apolitical tool. BothandPNI and the PKIperiod used
SETT" lSPread thdr ide°l0gieS- After the Politi°al massacre of SeptembeTl96?mS
^ZSteff "iC°mriSt affiliati0n ",d were —*• or 'disappeS
?gS5SL{S5Sr,3K
ces ^once a8ain> Ms tirae m*eT strict
After the fall of Suharto in 1998 kethoprak artists are free to express their art free of .h*
Sin8 ~h J° capitalistIn * ££££ was lifted and°lrrd the threatspoi!tical that faceideoloey-strict the survival of*~< kethoprak today are now nature
"IwtttTh,'8 "7 the. bIg8eSt faCt°r °fS°Sia' cha"8-ff-ting SopScTh Lt
Revision Ive i Ta' a"d communicalio» sterns, such as the internet and cable ^?' Sed eXp°SUrecompete t0 other cul,ures and forms of entertainment so that traditional.fforms must increasingly to attract an audience. lerlamment *o that Today kethoprak is mostly enjoyed by an older audience and most of its actors directors and
teachers have been involved in kethoprak for many years. If kethoprak is to comSntofte SET On'pfofT "71 "",°f, at!Tr °f the«*1"« g"ion sois anthatincrease IS m7take thek fnentM^v ?e -effeCtS. ^l?balisatim ^ modern tools in capiS mental ty. People increasingly identify possession or enjoyment of modern ut liies 7m indication ofsocial status and success.
J«ymeni or moaern utilnes as an
In order to compete within the sphere of the market economy where all modern business lies
kethoprak artists must once again adapt their art to accompany the chan^n socTe"v Thev
must sell their art to the public through effective marketing. In oLr to St invo vSoSe S keth°Prak be recreated a™dem «tyle a™PeTtointhdr interests. TT°l Kethoprak artists needmUSt to work with youngin performing artists,which involvingthem me
E if*s* Khaye^Hthe°fketh°Prak wWch addreSSes issues *at is"about fteTtgh £ reeS, opportunity to teach the younger generation their art and recreate their tradition so that it will appeal to anew audience.
:^^^^»r£ro^^^^ssri^r-'-
Abstrak
Kesenian.,panggung tradisional kethoprak pertama mucul pada awal adad kel9. Sejak saat itu kethoprak sudah mengalamani banyak perubahan. Perubahan itu disebabkan oleh perubahan dalam masyarakat. Pertama dipentaskan oleh petani di desa, kethoprak kemudian berpindah ke kota dan diolah oleh kalangan priyayi. Semua hal mengenai bahasa Jawa, tari panggung dan penggunaan karawitan berpengaruh di masa itu. Pada masa 1920 an keadaan politik di Jawa menyebabkan pementasan kethoprak mengambarkan ketidakpuasan dengan peraturan
panjajahan Belanda. Pemerintah Belanda mulai mengamati secara dekat aktivitas kelompok kethoprak. Hal itu menyebabkan priyayi menurunkan keterlibatan langsung dengan kethoprak. Kemudian kethorak menjadi kommersial dan seniman mulai menggunakan teatre-tearte yang berpindah- pindah, latar belakang permai dan penonton yang membayar tiket. Cerita dan aspek teatre barat seperti Romeo dan Juliet dan Aladdin's Lamp mempengaruhi pementasannya. Selama penjajahan Jepang 1942-1945, pementasan kethoprak menurun. Setelah kemerdekaan Indonesia, selama masa 1950-1960 pementasan kethoprak digunakan sebagai alat politik. PNI dan PKI menggunakan pementasan untuk menyebarkan idiologinya. Setelah pembantaian besar-besaran pada September 1965 banyak anggota kethoprak yang dituduh oleh komunis
™ dan d,tengkaP atau dihilangkan. Pementasan kethoprak tidak mulai lagi sampai tahun
1J68 tetapi di bawah pengawasan yang ketat dari militer Orde Baru.
Setelah lengsernya Suharto tahun 1998, seniman kethoprak bisa mengekspresikan kesenian mereka tanpa dibebani id.ology politik. Penyensoran yang ketat dari pemerintah terhadap media
SwUHL? ?anC/?lan terhadaP keth°prak Saat ini adalah kaPitalis ya"8 alami- K*»ikan £Sle £rP rp^ r& Pali"g bcsar ,CrhadaP Perubaha» dala'» masyarakat yang SaTtlevlflZi ^kemban8an f ""'oBi da» komunikasi yang cepat misalnya internet dan televisi kabel sudah memngkatkan pembukaan terhadap budaya dan hiburan Iain
Akibatnya kesenian trad.sonal harus semakin bersaing untuk menarik penonton.
^,ZaZlai k!th°PJrak T* dengan disenangikethoprak oleh kalan8an t"3 danDemi banyak Pemain, sutradara dan guru ketfioprak sudah terl.bat lama sekali. kelangsungan kethoprakTe «K T™, ^S m-e1ank ,perhatian pemuda suPaya mereka bisa menjadi pewaris. Salah
Sltt 1 "f*1? I8" alat"alat modernnya adalah kenaikan mentalitas kapitalis. Orang
SbeSfan
*"*" keSenangan bamig m°dem Sebagai mdikasi status sosial
!en?in?lng ^ ""^""Sf P^an ekonomi yang dimana semua bisnis dijalankan, teer^'^l T/Ual SlWaselera ««•*dan keter ibatan pemuda. S" kethoprak harusk™DiTya diciptakan lagimelalui dalampemasaran gaya yang efektifsesuai dengan
SSKffiT ^"^P^.^niannya supaya lebih sesuai dengan pJnfcton
SibaL Ire^H a" keth°Prak ^ berkerja Sama dengan Pem—» ^iman «™£
teSuS^erSa aMelalu, M8an.PenrPtaan fya seniman m°dem memiliki keth0prakkesempatan yan8 mengangkat isu-isu yang S2ntHSlS? aks. tersebut, untuk mengajarkaS keseman mereka kepada pemuda sambil menciptakan lagi tradisinya supaya menarik penonton
Pendahuluan
Kethoprak adalah salah satu bentuk seni panggung yang berasal dari Jawa Tengah. Kesenian
Kethoprak muncul pertama kali sekitar awal abad sembilan belas.1 Ciri khasnya kethoprak
sebagai semacam seni panggung asli Jawa adalah ceritanya yang mempertunjukan
kehidupan sehari-hari orang dalam masyarakat. Seperti halnya semua kesenian panggung, cerita-cerita Kethoprak termasuk konttik dan pemecahan dalam masyarakat. Yang membuat
kesenian panggung ini menarik dan berbeda dari pada kesenian panggung yang
kontemporer adalah memadukan dari kesenian bertradisional. Misalnya, digunakan penata karawitan, tari yang tradisional dan cerita yang dogeng dan berpakaian tradisional, dengan isu-isu, keadaan dan masalah-masalah sosial yang tidak perlu tradisional tetapi mengaitkan kehidupan dalam masyarakat pada masa kini.
Walaurmn Kesenian Kethoprak berasal dari Jawa Tengah, kesenian itu semula dinikmati
oleh penonton dalam seluruh Jawa, seraya kelompok kethoprak menjelajah seluruh daerah
Jawa untuk memanggunkan dan memberikan sebagian cerita-cerita masyarkat kepada warga-warga masyarakat yang lain. Memang Kethoprak menjadi salah satu bentuk kesenian
yang mengandung unsur pendidikan, komunikasi tentang isu-isu dalam masyarakat dan
hiburan kepada orang Jawa. Kesenian yang tersebut menjadi cara ucapan populer.
Bermacam-macam kesenian, penggalaman banyak dibatasi keras oleh permerintah selama 'Barbara Hatley, 'Kethoprak in the Jime ofMotion-Village Origins', dalam Javanese Performances on an
^^^^otl05nlS^ttg CUltUre' Embradng Change-AustralianAssociation ofAsianStudies/NUSPress,
zaman Orde Baru (Orba) di Indonesia. Sikap pengawasan dan pembredalan Pemerintah
Orba terhadap bidang kesenian tidak merata. Media tertulis adalah media yang paling rentan
disensor, khususnya karya yang menantang pendapat politik 'resmi\ Akan tetapi, seniman kesenian pentasan memiliki lebih banyak kesempatan untuk menunjukkan perlawanan. Sebabnya, mereka bisa membawa masalah-masalah dan isu-isu politik melalui aksi daripada kata-kata yang tertulis kepada masyarakat.2 Kesempatan ini memberikan kesenian
kethoprak dan kesenian pentasan yang lain keuntungan untuk ucapan politik, supaya banyak orang bisa menikmati "pembahasan" politik dengan aman.3
Biasanya, kesenian kethoprak menunjukan isu-isu dan masalah-masalah masyarakat dan politik dalam cerita yang tradisional, misalkan dongeng Jawa. Cerita-cerita Jawa tradisional
ini sering memantulkan situasi yang kontemporer dalam pentasan kethoprak. Misalnya, peran dalam pentasan kethoprak sering mewakili pejabat, dan pertikaian kontemporer dalam
masyarakat. Kesenian kethoprak yang tradisional bener tidak memakai alat pentasan yang modern, dan adegan-adegan kethoprak selalu kental dengan suasana kampung dan pemainnya hanya memakai busana tradisional.
Dalam artikel yang ditulis oleh Y. Tri Subagaya yang berjudul "Breaking the Silence: Kethoprak and Social Healings of the Past Violence in Rural Java", ada salah satu contoh.
Setelah Suharto sudah menurun, ada pentasan kethoprak yang ditunjukan oleh kelompok
kethoprak yang Bondan Nusantara. Kethoprak ini berjudul "Bang-Bang Sumirat". Pentasan
kethoprak ini diilhami oleh kengerian pembunuhan besar-besaran pada tahun 1965-6 Lauren Bain, 'Confused? Some Directions in Post-New Order Theatre', dalam Inside Indonesia, 2007, pada http://insideindonesia.org/index2.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=512&pop, hi, accsessed 27/2/2008 Barbara Hatley, 'Lightning', dalam Inside Indonesia, No58. April-June 1999, pada http://www.insideindonesia.org/edit58/gandrik.htm, accessed 27/02/2008
Cpembersihan' ancaman komunisme oleh Permerintah dan militar). Pertunjukan pentasan
itu membuat orang dalam masyarakat mengingat apa yang dialami orang pada masa itu
karena keadaan seperti itu bisa terjadi lagi pada waktu pun. Melalui kethopraknya, Bondan Nusantara memadukan sejarah dengan perasaan dan kekuatiran kontemporer. Dengan ini dia
berharap bahwa kethoprak "Bang-Bang Sumirat" akan berfungsi sebagai pengajaran untuk masyarakat tentang masalah yang lalu. Akibatnya penonton yang tidak terlibat secara
langsung bisa dapat pengertian tentang perisitwa 1965-66. Apalagi orang orang yang terlibat secara langsung bisa melukiskan pengalamannya4.
Dengan kethoprak orang dalam sejarah Jawa dapat 'komunikasi' dengan masyarakat pada masa kini. Kethoprak boleh menyediakan salah satu hubungan yang sosial di antara
generasi-generasi lalu dan generasi muda. Kesenian kethoprak sudah menjadi kesenian yang
penting untuk membahaskan masa lalu dan masa depan di Jawa. Meskipun demikian, kethoprak tidak bcgitu populer di antara gcncrasi muda saat ini. Bagaimana laktor-iaktor besar yang mcmpengaruhi popularitas kesenian kethoprak di antara gcncrasi muda ini?
Setelah runtuhnya pemerintah Orde Baru seniman seluruh Indonesia mengalami banyak perubahan dalam cara mengucapkan kesenian mereka. Pada masa kini, seniman Indonesia
semakin bebas dari pembatasan penyensuran. Dengan demikian, kethoprak boleh mengembangkan kesenian kethoprak tanpa harus terlalu berhati-hati dengan situasasi
politik. Tetapi hal itu tidak sendiri dalam mempengaruhi kesenian kethoprak pada masa kini.
4Y Tri Subagya, 'The Rise ofthe Glowing LighuForgive but not Forget', dalam Breaking the Silence: Kethoprak
and Social healings ofthe Past Violence in Rural Java, year unknown, hh 8-11.
Perubahan Kepada Penonton Kethoprak
Modernisasi dan globalisasi sudah menimbulkan banyak faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi
kesenian kethoprak. Di samping modernisasi, munculnya teknologi informasi juga punya pengaruh besar atas popularitas kethoprak. Sekarang ini, orang mendapat semakin banyak
layanan informasi yang tersedia. Televisi, film, radio, koran, musik, tari dan buku-buku juga
tidak lagi harus menghadapi penyensuran keras seperti dalam masa lalu.5 Segala menyesuaikan kepada tuntuan masyarakat Indonesia masa kini. Musik, televisi dan film
khususnya menyesuaikan untuk 'memenuhi tuntutan' generasi muda. Oleh karena generasi
muda punya lebih banyak pilihan untuk kegiataan dalam waktu luangnya, kesenian kethoprak harus bersaing untuk menarik penonton muda.
Sebagai salah satu bentuk hiburan kethoprak tidak terlalu populer diantara generasi muda diluar Jawa Tengah, misalnya Jawa Timur. Gcncrasi muda lebih terlarik pada kegiataan yang dianggap modern. Dalam masa kini, kesenian kethoprak dinikmati oleh kalangan yang lebih suka dan berminat dengan kesenian tradisional. Kecuali di Yogyakarta, Jawa Tengah, penyelenggaraan pentasan Kesenian Kethoprak di Jawa tergantung pada permintaan untuk acara khusus, misalnya pernnikahan, ulang tahun atau acara budaya. Kadangkala ada pentasan diluar negeri, tetapi jarang ada pentasan untuk masyarakat umum.
Dr Trisakti, dari Universitas Negeri Surabaya sudah menulis tentang pertunjukan kethoprak di televisi dibandingkan pertunjukan kethoprak yang tradisional, yaitu diatas sebuah pentas. Farah Wardani, 'The' Indonesia-ness' Language, Visual Culture and Dislocuted Identity' dalam Art from D.slocut.on: Identity, Globalisation &Today's Indonesian Art, pada '
dalam penelitian berjudul "Seni Pertunjukan Ketoprak Televisi Dalam Konteks
Transformasi Budaya".6 Menurut pendapat Dr Trisakti, kethoprak sudah harus menyesuaikan dirinya untuk penonton televisi pula pembatasan teknik produksi televisi.
Walaupun Dr Trisakti sudah membahaskan perubahan yang terjadi kepada pertunjukan
kethoprak akibat 'pentas modern' seperti televisi, penelitian dia juga menyoal bagaimana
pertunjukan kethoprak untuk televisi bermanfaat menjamin kelestarian kesenian kethoprak untuk masa depan. Bila kethoprak dimainkan untuk televisi, apakah itu lebih menarik untuk masyarakat umum dan bagaimana kemungkinan bahwa kethoprak di televisi akan
mengurangi penonton kepada kethoprak tradisional. Kalau Kethoprak bisa ditonton di
televisi, gratis dan dalam rumah nyaman, ada kemungkinan orang akan semakin segan keluar untuk menonton kethoprak diatas panggung. Dari segi lain dan menurut pendapat Dr
Trisakti, kethoprak yang disiarkan penghentian kesenian itu mengundarkan latar belakang sama sekali. Kalau mengikuti dan menyesuaikan dengan mempengaruhi modernisasi kesenian kethoprak bisa berlanjutan.
Sikap generasi muda dalam masyarakat Jawa penling sekali untuk lestarikan kesenian
kethoprak. Tanpa dukungan dan minat generasi muda, tidak ada cukup pemain atau penonton pada masa depan yang bisa mengganti mereka yang main dan menonton pada saat
ini. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menyiasati bagaimana hubungan di antara generasi muda
dengan kesenian kethoprak dan apa saja yang membuat mereka berminat dan apa saja kegiataan yang mereka lakukan. Saya akan mengungkap pengaruh globalisasi dan modernisasi sebagai satu faktor yang besar atas minat generasi muda terhadap kesenian kethoprak. Faktor lain yang kemungkinan mempengaruhi minat generasi muda adalah
Trisakti, 'Seni Pertunjukan Ketoprak Televisi Dalam Konteks Transformasi Budaya', Universitas Negeri
Surabaya.
cerita-cerita dalam kethoprak. Apakah generasi muda bisa merasa berkaitan dengan ceritacerita yang tersebut atau apakah cerita tersebut kurang sesuai dengan selera generasi muda. Ada kemungkinan yang lain bahwa kethoprak kurang populer dengan generasi muda karena pentasan kethoprak jarang ada lagi di tingkat masyarakat umum. Hal itu sering dipengaruhi oleh permerintah dan pendukungnya.
Dana dan Biaya Pementasan Kethoprak
Apa yang dilakukan oleh permerintah untuk melestarikan kesenian tradisional ini? Tanpa
dukungan keuangan dari permerintah atau dana lain, masa depan pentasan kethoprak semakin tidak tentu. Soalnya, pentasan kethoprak tidak terlalu murah untuk diproduksi.
Biasanya dalam satu pentasan kethoprak tradisional ada lebih dari empat puluh orang. Kira-
kira dua puluh pemain atau aktor dan dua puluh orang lagi untuk memainkan gamelan. Apalagi ada tambahan ongkos-ongkos seperti pakaian dan alat-alat pentas. Modernisasi serta ekonomi global mempengaruhi kesenian kethoprak dalam cara ini juga. Sebabnya mungkin beberapa orang yang bisa memberi dukungan keuangan kepada kesenian pentasan
kethoprak lebih suka menginvestikan dalam investi yang lebih ekonomik. Yaitu investi yang mereka bisa dapat lebih banyak uang. Itu sebabnya mentalitas bisinis kapitalis didasarkan pada kemampuan untuk menaikan harga kapitalnya.7 Oleh karena itu apabila kesenian
kethoprak yang tidak ada banyak dana tentu saja juga tidak bisa dinikmati oleh banyak orang. Apa saja yang faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi populeritas kesenian kethoprak dan
berapa banyak faktor itu mengenai faktor yang mulai dengan modernisasi. Apakah kethoprak mengalahkan aricaman modernisasi? Globalisasi dan masa modern adalah faktor-
Herb Thompson, 'Culture and Economic Development:Moderisation to Globalisation:Economic Development'
dalam Theory & Science, ISSN: 1527-5558,2001. h3
faktor yang umum yang sedang menentukan popularitas kesenian pementasan tradisional seperti kethoprak.
Metode
Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode kualitatif dan mendiskripsikan,
berdasarkan pada beberapa wawancara dengan seniman tradisional, penonton pementasan kethoprak dan beberapa orang dari generasi muda. Wawancara tersebut akan membahas
pendapat tentang kethoprak di masa depan dan bagaimana melestarikan kesenian kethoprak.
Struktur
Sebagai yang pertama dalam penelitian penulisan ini akan mengenalkan dua teori yang berkaitan dengan masa depannya kethoprak. Yakni, teori 'penciptakan tradisi' (the Invention
of Tradition')8 dan teori 'globalisasi'. Bab ini akan menjelaskan bagaimana teori-teori itu mempengaruhi kethoprak sekarang. Dalam 'penciptakan tradisi' konsepnya tradisi adalah
salah satu pencerminan dari perubahan sosial di dalam beberapa bentuk budaya yang diterima oleh masyarakatnya. Karena keadaan dalam masyarakat memang senantiasa memiliki pengalaman perubahan sehingga mencerminan akan perubahan di masyarakat
tersebut. Bab tersebut akan menunjukan bagaimana kethoprak mengalami perubahan sejak pertama kali muncul dan bagaimana perubahan ini sudah diterima sebagai tradisional.
Bagian ini juga menyediakan bukti bahwa seniman kethoprak bisa membuat perubahan dalam pementasan kethoprak tanpa menghilangkan tradisinya.
8nHu?,Tre^(!r!er' The /nven(io" ofTradition: The Highland Tradition ofScotland', The Invention ofTradtion, Publisher, 1992, hh 15-45.
Teori ..'globalisasi' menyediakan penjelasan beberapa cara pementasan dan penonton kethoprak yang sudah memiliki pengalaman perubahan.
Konsep globalisasi
menggambarkan cara bagaimana semua negara dalam dunia kita terus-menurs menjadi lebih
terkait, termasuk ekonomi, transportasi, komunikasi dan budaya.9 Itu menyebabkan
kenaikan mentalitas kapitalisme di masyarakat. Sekarang, kethoprak harus bersaing dengan bermacam hiburan yang lain untuk menarik penonton. Teori itu terus memperkenalkan
bagaimana seniman bisa membuat adaptasi ke pementasan kethoprak supaya mendapat penonton dan pendukung baru.
Sebagai bagian yang kedua dalam penelitian penulisan ini akan menjelaskan pendapat para
seniman tradisional dan kontemporer tentang hubungan mereka dengan kesenian kethoprak. Bab kedua akan menunjukkan bagaimana seniman memakai kesenian ketoprak dalam kontek sosial di Jawa di masa kini; apa saja yang sedang menyebabkan ancaman dana tantangan kepada kethoprak dan apa saja yang di gunakan untuk mengatasi masalah-
masalah itu; bagaimana mereka mcnanggapi tentang sikap- sikap gcncrasi muda mengenai
kethoprak dan bagaimana seniman kethoprak dapat menambah minat generasi muda dengan kethoprak. Bab itu akan menghasilkan hubungan di antara pendapat para seniman tentang kethoprak pada masa kini dengan bagaimana moderenisasi dan globalisasi mempengaruhi masa depannya.
Pada bagian yang ketiga akan menjelaskan dan menganalisa pendapat beberapa responden saya serta teori-teori yang sudah disebutkan di atas. Saya akan menggunakan metode
trianggulasi untuk memakai, membandingkan dan menganalisa semua kumpulan data dari
'Global Policy Forum 'Globalisation' dalam Global Policy Forum pada http://globalpolicy.org/globaliz/index.htm 8
respondan saya dengan teori-teori 'globalisasi' dan 'penciptaan tradisi'. Pendapat, saran dan aksi yang sudah digunakan oleh kelompok-kelompok kethoprak akan dibandingkan dan
dianalisa untuk membuktikan bahwa pengaruh modernisasi sudah besar dalam kesenian
kethoprak dan membangkitkan minat para generasi muda terhadap kesenian kethoprak memang penting supaya kesenian itu terus bisa hidup dalam jagat kepanggungan dan
masyarakat Jawa. Kesenian ini sudah melakukan peranan yang penting untuk menampilkan
isu-isu dan masalah-masalah di Jawa pada masa lalu dan masih bisa melakukan peranan yang serupa pada masa depan.
Sebagai hal yang keempat saya akan menyimpulakan penelitian ini. Masalah yang paling
besar pengaruhnya dalam perkembangan kethoprak adalah seniman tidak punya cukup dana
untuk membuat banyak pementasan atau pemasaran untuk pementasannya. Dengan demikian, kethoprak sukar didatangi oleh penonton luas. Sekarang kesenian kethoprak menghadapi ancaman dari masa modern. Seniman terkadang mencoba memadukan kethoprak dengan gaya modern. Bagaimanapun, pementasan ini tidak biasa dilakukan di
Jawa Timur. Di Yogya, dimana seniman memakai gaya baru dalam pementasan kethoprak dan terlihat lebih berhasil. Seniman harus menciptakan gaya kethoprak lagi supaya kesenian
ini bisa tidak hanya hidup lebih lama, tetapi juga memiliki pengalaman berkembangan.
Gaya kethoprak harus termasuk gagasan cerita, metode dan alat-alat modern yang lebih
terlibat dengan pemuda dan penonton modern. Kalau kethoprak bisa menarik penonton
baru, juga akan bisa menarik sponsor baru. Seniman seharusnya bisa bekerja sama dengan kelompok panggung lain dari universitas-universitas atau sekolah-sekolah. Seniman akan
bisa mengajar sejarah dan kepentingan kethoprak kepada pemuda ini dan memberi 9
kesempatan kepada pemudanya untuk mengekspresikan isu-isu yang penting bagi mereka. Hal ini bisa langsung melibatkan pemuda baik dalam menciptakan gaya dan cerita baru maupun menjadikan mereka sebagai para penonton baru.
Perubahan yang sudah berpengalaman oleh kethoprak dalam sejarahnya membuktikan bahwa perubahan ke gaya kethoprak bisa terjadi tanpa menghilangkan status kesenian tradisionalnya. Perubahan tentu saja dengan waktu supaya diadaptasikan dengan perubahan dalam masyarakat. Kalau perubahan tidak di ambil maka hal tersebut akan menjadi kadarluwarsa. Supaya seniman bisa menjaga kethoprak mereka harus membuat perubahan.
10
BAB I
Teori Perubahan Tradisi
Ada dua macam teori yang bisa kita manfaat untuk mengurai soal kelestarian kesenian kethoprak. Yang pertama adalah gagasan, 'The Invention of Tradition' ('Penciptaan Tradisi') ditulis olehTrevor-Roper. Theori kedua yang bisa membantu kita memahami
keadaan kethoprak masa kini adalah 'Globalisation Theory'. 'Globilisation Theory' sudah
dibahas oleh banyak akademik dari banyak macam ilmu. Bab ini akan menunjukan
bagaimana relevannya teori-teori yang tersebut untuk soal kethoprak dan hubungannya dengan generasi masa kini.
Teori 'Penciptaan Tradisi'
Konsep tradisi, adalah salah satu konsep yang sering mempunyai kaitan yang kuat dengan
budaya dan sejarah.10 Kethoprak adalah salah satu kesenian tradisional di Jawa. Walaupun sudah diterima sebagai kesenian tradisional di Java, kethoprak dipengaruhi oleh budaya lain
pula sejak kethoprak pertama kali timbul pada abad pertengahan kel9.u
Demikian, hal yang penting dalam riset ini adalah memberi defmisi kepada kata 'tradisi'.
Hal ini penting agar kita bisa tahu apa saja yang memperbolehkan kesenian kethoprak tetap tradisional sambil masih memenuhi tuntutan hiburan pada masa kini. Dalam penelitian ini, istilah tradisi berarti yang berikut: Tradisi adalah sesuatu yang timbul karena biasa
dijalankan di dalam masyarakat yang dapat di terima sebagai sumber sebab memiliki sejarah Penulis tidak diketahui: "Tradisi Lisan Dalam Penulisan Budaya Lokal", Fakultas Ilmu Pengetahuan Budaya, Universitas Indonesia, 22 Juli 2005 pada http://www.fib.ui.edu/indexl.php?id=view_news&ct news=139 Barbara: Contesting Culture, Embracing Change Hatley, 'Kethoprak in the Time of Motion-Village Origins', dalam Javanese Performances on an Indonesian Stage. Australian Association ofAsian Studies/NUS Press, Singapore 2008, h25 11
dan budaya dari tempat asalnya. Dikarenakan sejarah selalu diciptakan dan budaya mencerminkan watak dari masyarakat itu sendiri jadi tradisi senantiasa diciptakan secara berkesinambungan.
Dalam sebuah buku yang bernama 'The Invention of Tradition', Hugh Trevor-Roper
memberikan pembaca salah satu contoh tentang bagaimana konsepnya tradisi adalah salah satu pe.?erminan dari perubahan sosial di dalam beberapa bentuk budaya yang diterima oleh masyarakatnya. Bab yang tersebut mencerita tentang tradisi Highlands Scotland. Berpakaian tradisi di Highlands Scotland yang bernama kilt, ada subyek yang dianalisa oleh Trevor-
Roper. Risetnya, menghasilkan kesimpulan bahwa berpakaian yang tradisi kilt bahkan tidak terlalu tradisional.
Pakaian kilt adalah baju'yang terkenal di seluruh dunia sebagai baju yang nasional dan
sangat tradisional dari Highlands Scotland. Kilt yang tersebut dibuat dari salah satu kain yang khusus di Scotland yaitu, tartan. Ada banyak macam-macam tartan dalam berwarna
yang berbeda. Semua macam kilt yang bcrbeda mestinya suku-suku Highland yang berbeda juga. Kilt yang tersebut adalah sejenis rok pendek yang dipakai oleh pria. Maupun kilt yang sedang terkenal sebagai tradisional, kilt ini tidak yang sama dengan bentuk kilt yang
pertama menjadi di Highlands Scotland pada abad kel7. Bahkan, kilt yang modern ini dipotongan oleh orang Ingris, Thomas Rawlinson, pada abad kel8. Thomas Rawlinson berganti model kilt dari model asli, sebab model asli itu tidak cocok untuk pekerjcan yang harus dilakukan oleh pekerjanya. Memang, alasanya praktik dan akibatnya merubahkan
pakaian tradisi Highland Scotland sampai sekarang.1 ,2Hugh Trevor-Roper, 'The Invention ofTradition: The Highland Tradition ofScotland', The Invention of Tradtion, Publisher, 1992, hh 20-22. 12
Selanjutnya, tradisi yang ketentuan-ketentuan sejenis kilt adalah termasuk yang tidak ditetapkan oleh suku-suku untuk membedakan tiap-tiap suku sampai awal abad kel9. Tradisi ini pula ditetapkan oleh orang yang tidak asli Scotland. Tradisi yang ketentuan-
ketentuan sejenis kilt yang akan dipakai oleh suku pun yang mempercayakan muncul untuk menambahkan kepopuleran kilt dalam masyarakat umum supaya menaikan penjualan juga.
Walaupun kilt yang terkenal sekarang tidak seratus persen tradisional, kilt ini masih berdasarkan gagasan-gagasan yang utama dari sejarah Highland Scotland. Hugh Trevor-
Roper menamai perubahan dalam semacam bentuk tradisi seperti kasus kilt, 'the invention tradition' (ciptaan tradisi). Selanjutnya, menciptakan tradisi dalam kasus kilt sudah membantu melestarikan pakaian tradisional ini, bukan hanya di Scotland diri tetapi seluruh dunia. Jadi, itu boleh dikatakan bahwa, supaya kita bisa menjaga semacam tradisi, kita harus
membuat beberapa perubahan pada tradisi yang sesuai dengan keperluan masyarakat agar
lebih banyak orang mendapatkan lebih mudah untuk memakai dan menerima tradisi itu.
Adaptasi Tradisi Kethoprak
Dalam sejarah kethoprak, bentuk pentasan kethoprak sudah ada banyak perubahan yang
dipicu oleh kondisi dalam masyarakat. Bentuk kethoprak yang muncul pertama pada awal abad kel9 sangat berbeda dengan bentuk kethoprak yang kita bisa menonton pada masa kini. Padahal, banyak pentasan kethoprak yang kita bisa menonton pada masa kini sudah diterima oleh penonton sebagai bentuk kesenian tradisional. Dahulu, bentuk kethoprak yang bentuk hiburan musik yang dipakai oleh petani-petani dalam daerah petanian. Biasanya
bentuk kethoprak itu dipentasan untuk merayakan masyarakat atau setelah hasil panen. Dalam zaman itu kita mendapat salah satu aspek kethoprak yang paling tradisional yang masih dilestarikan di dalam nama 'kethoprak' maupun aspek itu sudah berubah pada 13
sekarang. Yaitu, musik kothekan. Musik kothekan diciptakan dengan galah panjang kayu yang membunyikan irama di dalam lesung sementara galah kayu yang lebih kecil
membunyikan sisi lesung supaya menciptakan berirama utama. Nama kethoprak terjadi
sebab suara galah panjang kayu di dalam lesung, yang suara kethok, dan suara galah kayu yang lebih kecil membunyikan sisi lesung, yang suara prak, prak. Pada akhir abad kel9,
cerita yang bersahaja disertai instrumen musik lain seperti drum, rebana dan suling.13
Pada awal abad ke20an pentasan kethoprak pindah ke kota-kota dan diterima oleh kalangan
priyayi. Perubahan sosial ini membawa pentasan kethoprak ke dalam beberapa panggung
untuk menciptakan perubahan dalam caranya mementaskan kethoprak. Pengaruh panggung
dan masyarakat priyayi pada kethoprak memulaikan pengenalan tari panggung dalam pentasannya. Tarian dalam pentas kethoprak menjadi lebih halus seperti tari-tari yang
dipentas di istana dan para pendopo priyayi. Selanjutnya, alat musik lesung diganti
karawitan.14 Dengan demikian, salah satu alat yang paling tradisional dalam pentasan kethoprak, yakni lesung, kehilangan dari banyak pentasan. Gamelan menjadi musik yang menyertai pentasan-pentasan kethoprak juga menjadi musik tradisional baru yang terkenal dalam pentasan kethoprak sampai sekarang.
Setelah tahun 1930, kethoprak perubah lagi. Hampir semua kelompok kethoprak yang diciptakan oleh kalangan priyayi sudah bubar. Ada beberapa kemungkinan yang menyebabkan kebubaran itu, misalnya banyak orang priyayi sudah menjadi membosankan
main kethoprak atau latihan kethoprak menjadi terlalu mahal. Hal lain mungkin alasan^SH^ ConteDsti"8 Culture' Embracing Change Hatley, 'Kethoprak in the Time ofMotion-Village Origins',
S5SIIS
°nanIndonesianStaS^^^
,4Ibid, h26. 14
alasan politik. Selama pengaruh memerintah Belanda, banyak kelompok kethoprak mementaskan kethoprak secara yang menunjjukan keajaran kommunis. Setelah beberapa
percobaan pemberontakan kommunis, pemerintah Belanda mengamat-amati kelompokkelompok kethoprak dan pentasannya. Supaya banyak orang aristokras tidak mau melibatkan dengan kethoprak lagi.15
Dengan perubahan sosial yang tersebut di atas, kethoprak mulai mennujukkan pentasan dan kelompok yang lebih komersial. Pengaruh komersial menyebabkan kethoprak mengambilkan bermacam-macam aspek pentasan dari luar negera seperti Timur Tengah, Semanjung Malaya dan Europa. Perubahan komersial ini termasuk pentasan dimana penonton harus bayar untuk menonton, pentasan yang memakai gagasan dan cerita dari luar negara seperti 'Aladdin's Lamp dan 'Romeo and Juliet', pakaian yang tidak asli Jawa, alat musik lain seperti guitar dan biola, dan pentas yang tidak selalu tetap dengan latar belakang
permai.16 Segala aspek pentasan itu tidak ada selama waktu kethoprak pertama kali muncul. Walaupun aspek-aspek itu sudah menjadi sebagai kethoprak yang biasa dalam kesenian tradistonal ini.
Teori 'Globalisasi'
Perubahan yang tersebut di dalam paragraf di atas juga mengenalkan berkaitan teori
globalisasi
dengan
kemajuan
kethoprak
sampai
sekarang.
Konsep
globalisasi
menggambarkan cara bagaimana semua negara dalam dunia kita terus-menurs menjadi lebih terkait, termasuk ekonomi, transportasi, komunikasi dan budaya. '[Supaya berhasil, produk-produk sosial seperti, musik, olah-raga, makanan, bisnis, sastra, dll.,
sering memerlukan persetujuan dari penonton global. Juga betul bahwa "budaya global" akan ,5Ibid, h28. ,6Ibid, hh 28-29. 15
selalu seperti dipengaruhi oleh semua kelompok lokal, orang-orang yang berkumpul, atau
pembentukan sosial untuk membuat berarti dalam sesuatu keadaan sosial dan sejarah.]'. "
Oleh karena dunia kita semakin terkait, khususnya dengan ekonomi, semua negara saling mempengaruhi sesama negara lain. Pertambahan dalam teknologi dan transportasi
membolehkan untuk pertambahan saling memberi informasi dan gagasan. Ketika kethoprak
menjadi komersial dan bersaing dalam market ekonomi, kethoprak mengadaptasi untuk
menjadi lebih cocok dengan ketuntunan masyarakat. Kethoprak menjadi satu bentuk
hiburan yang lebih luas dari pada ketika kethoprak adalah hiburan yang sangat lokal di desadesa petani.
Globalisasi Tradisi Kethoprak
Kethoprak masih adalah satu pesaing dalam pasaran ekonomi dan seniman kethoprak harus
kerja keras agar menjamin kesenian kethoprak bisa melanjutkan. Dalam zaman yang ada
banyak teknologi dan kebudayaan global yang sangat luas, kethoprak harus bersaing dengan bermacam hiburan yang lain untuk menarik penonton. Banyak orang menikmati kegiatan lain dalam kebuayaan populer dari pada membayar untuk menonton kesenian
pentasan tradisional misalnya; menonton band modern; menonton film di bioskop, menonton televisi di dalam rumah mereka; belanja untuk kesukaan jenis barang mereka atau
menongkrong dengan teman di tempat yang gaul. Oleh karena itu, membuatkan gaya
kethoprak yang baik lebih modern maupun salah satu pengalaman yang luar biasa dengan berarti sosial tinggi yang paling penting untuk menjamin kelestarian kethoprak. Herb Thompson, 'Culture and Economic Development:Moderation to Globalisation:Economic Development' wnopmem , Terjemahan Indonesia dari Ingris, "To be successful, cultural products such as music, sport, food, business h?/h£n 'n?" °fu !"eqmre ^ appr°Val °fg,0ba,ised audience*. " is also true that global culture is, and alsways has been, filtered by historical circumstances." ' dalam Theory &Science, ISSN: 1527-5558,2001. h2.
16
Salah satu alat yang sangat efektif dalam masyarakat modern adalah pemasaran. Pemasaran
dan iklan yang efektif akan menjangkan sampai pada penonton luas. Masalah yang menghadapi kethoprak mengenai pemasaran juga terkaitan dengan isu-isu globalisasi.
Pemasaran yang secara besar-besaran memang mahal. Supaya seniman dalam kethoprak
bisa memakai pemasaran efektif untuk promosi mereka, mereka harus menpunyai
pembiayaan yang cukup. Pentasan kethoprak juga lebih mahal dari pada beberapa tahun yang lalu. Harganya semua barang selalu kenaikan, hal ini disebabkan oleh ekonomi global dan kenaikan harganya produksi dan transportasi.18
Kesenian yang tradisional seperti kethoprak, senantiasa berubah dengan zaman. Perubahanperubahan dalam kethoprak di sebabkan oleh perubahan yang terus-menurus dalam
masyarakat. Walaupun perubahan bentuk musik dalam kethoprak tidak merubah ke gamelan
lebih 80 tahun yang lalu, musik gamelan masih diterima dalam kethoprak sebagai bentuk musik yang tradisional. Pada masa kini, kethoprak dipentaskan dengan banyak alat-alat pentas yang sudah diperkenalkan dan diterima sebagai alat tradisional pula alat-alat yang
modern. Segala alat-alat ini tidak berubah status kethoprak sebagai kesenian yang tradisional. Keadaan masyarakat Jawa semakin erat dengan masyarakat global. Oleh karena itu kethoprak juga harus bersaing dengan hiburan yang lebih modern dan menarik dalam kebudayaan populer generasi muda.
Perubahan yang telah dibahas dalam bab ini, sampai sekarang dapat membantu
kelangsungan hidup kethoprak dan juga menjadikan tanda perubahan dalam sejarah
,8David Oakley, 'SoaringShipping Costs Fuel Inflation', dalam Financial Times, 9Juni 2008, pada http7/0proo^est.umi.com.prospero.murdoch.edu.au/pqdweb?index=0&did=1492414001«&sid=l&Fmt=3&clien«
&RQT=309&VName=PQD
17
masyarakat dan sikap-sikap dalam masyarakat. Hal-hal tentang perubahan dalam kesenian
kethoprak yang tersebut dalam bab ini membuktikan bahwa tradisi tidak harus yang asli
untuk tetap menerima sebagai tradisi. Bahkan, tradisi menciptakan seiring dengan waktu
berganti dan bisa berubah sewaktu-waktu. Kita sekarang ini hidup dalam zaman yang sangat
komersial, dan berdasar pada sistem kapitalisme. Dengan demikian, supaya kethoprak bisa
kelangsungan, seniman harus menciptakan tradisi baru terus dalam bentuk keseniannya. Ciptaan ini harus mengikuti kecenderungan sosial dalam masyarakat Jawa sementara memelihara status tradisional.
18
BAB II
Sudut Pandang Seniman
Pada saat ini, kethoprak masih mempunyai posisi yang penting dalam kesenian tradisional
Jawa. Karena menjadi hiburan yang masih mununjukan tradisi Jawa dalam konteks
kontemporer. Walaupun kethoprak menghadapi berbagai ancaman dari perkembangan modernisasi tetapi kesenian kethoprak berhasil melewati tantangan-tantangan tersebut. Bab
ini akan membahaskan bagaimana seniman kethoprak berhasil menjaga kelestarian
kethoprak dan masalah-masalah yang mereka menghadapi untuk menjamin kelestarian kethoprak di masa kini dan untuk masa depannya.
Sejak dua tahun yang lalu sampai sekarang, perkembangan kethoprak lebih sukses dan
dominan di kawasan Yogakarta dan Solo daripada di kawasan Jawa Timur seperti Tulungagung dan Surabaya.19 Boleh dikatakan bahwa sukses ini tergantung dari metode yang berbeda daripada seniman yang diadaptasikan pada kawasan tersebut. Juga pengaruh perkembang kepopuleran kesenian tradisional yang lain. Berarti katanya 'sukses' dalam
konteks bab ini berarti seberapa besar di mata masyarakat khususnya anak muda. Karena
sukses ini diperlukan untuk kelangsungan dan kelestarian kethoprak. Tanpa pendukung dan minat orang muda pada barangkali kethoprak akan segera puna. Oleh sebab itu diperlukan untuk menjadi guru dan pemain kesenian kethoprak di masa depan jadi kelestarian kethoprak akan tetap terjaga.
,9Bondan Nusantara, pc,26 Maret 2008 19
Yang paling penting dalam awal bab ini menjelaskan apa saja yang harus dikerjakan oleh seniman kethoprak untuk menjaga kelestarian kethoprak dan menemukan faktor apa saja yang mengpengaruhi kepopuleran kethoprak. Pada bulan Maret-Mei 2008, saya mengadakan wawancara dengan beberapa seniman kethoprak. Semua seniman yang diwawancara saya adalah seniman yang mempunyai pengalaman luas dengan kethoprak. Bab ini akan mengenalkan mereka dan akan menjelaskan pendapat-pendapat mereka
mengenai bagaimana kesenian kethoprak bisa menjadi lebih popular dalam masyarakat Jawa masa kini supaya menjamin kelangsungan hidupnya. Bab ini juga akan memberikan
diskripsi singkat tentang sosial budaya dimana riset ini diadakan, yakni Tulungagung dan Surabaya di Jawa Timur dan Yogyakarta di JawaTengah.
Kethoprak Di Yogyakarta
Seperti disebutkan dalam bab sebelumnya, Yogyakarta (serta Solo/Surakarta) adalah tempat
dimana kethoprak pertama kali muncul.20 Yogyakarta adalah salah satu tempat dimana kepopuleran kethoprak masih agak tinggi khususnya dibandingkan dengan Jawa Timur. Selama 2 tahun yang akhir, kesenian kethoprak sudah jauh lebih berkembang di Yogyakarta
dari p-ada Jawa Timur.21 Dulu Yogyakarta adalah tempat pusat kethoprak dan seperti sudah dibahas dalam bab sebelumnya, kethoprak di kawasan ini mengalami banyak pengaruhi dari
isu-isu politik yang terjadi di Jawa. Kethoprak di Yogyakarta punya peranan yang penting dalam masyarakat; membolehkan seniman untuk menjelaskan pendapat politik mereka dan kritik-kritik sosial pada pemerintahan dengan bahasa mereka.
20BarbaraHatley, 'Kethoprak in the Time of Motion-Village Origins', dalam Javanese Performances on an Indonesian Stage: Contesting Culture, Embracing Change. Australian Association ofAsian Studies/NUSPress, Singapore 2008, h25
21 Bondan Nusantara, pc,26 Maret 2008 DR. G. Budi Subanar, 'Tempat, Waktu, danLakon: Faktor-faktor Penentu', dalam Sebuah Geliat dalam Dunia Ketoprak Jaman Ini: Makna Simbol dan Fungsi Seni Pertunjukan di Tengah Perubahan Jaman, 2007, h3. 20
Sejak kebangkitan kethoprak setelah zaman yang sangat opresifkepadanya,"' Yogya sudah mengalami beberapa pentasan kethoprak yang sangat berhasil. Seperti Bang BangSumirati, dipentaskan pada tanggal 11 Augustus, 2005. disutradarai dan ditulis oleh Pak Bondan Nusantara. Pentasan kethoprak ini mengisahkan kejadian tahun 1965 dan bertunjuan agar
penonton tahu tentang kejadian yang sebenarnya supaya kesalahan yang sama tidak terjagi lagi. Bang-Bang Sumirat adalah sejenis kethoprak kolosal yang melibatkan lebih dari pada 250 orang pemain. Setelah pementasan Bang-Bang Sumirat, disiarkan di stasiun televisi local TVRI pada tanggal 17 Augustus dan sekali pada lagi tanggal 24 Augustus 2005." Di
Yogya mulai banyak pemuda yang sudah mulai tertarik dalam kethoprak. Dalam beberapa sekolah di BantuI ada rencana pementasan teatre dengan tunjuan untuk lebih melibatkan
pemuda dalam pertunjukan kethoprak."3
Bondan Nusantara
Salah satu responden saya adalah sutradara dan juga penulis naskah, Pak Bondan Nusantara. Ada banyak sekail pementasan kethoprak yang diciptakan oleh Pak Nusantara. Beliau sudah menyutradarai pentasan kethoprak tradisional juga kethoprak modern, serta pementasan
"""' Orde Baru, yang sudah disebutkan dalam kata pendahuluan. Y. Tri Subagya, 'The Rise of the Glowing Light:Forgive but not Forget', dalam Breaking the Silence: Kethoprak and Social healings of the Past Violence in Rural Java, year unknown, hlO.
25Bondan Nusantara, pc, 26 Maret 2008. 21
untuk televisi juga pentas. PakNusantara aktifdalam usalia pelestarian kethoprak dan sudah mengadakan program nyata untuk melibatkan orang muda kedalam kethoprak. Misalnya, setiap tahun di Yogya ada acara festival kethoprak. Festival ini ada pembatasan umur 40. Ada salah satu kelompok lain di Bantul 'Dewan Kebudayaan'. Kelompok itu "mencoba menghidupkan kommunitas-kommunitas anak muda, mendorong mereka untuk rekreasi
kethoprak. 'Dewan Kebudayaan' mengfasilitasikan anak-anak muda ambil kethoprak."
Kelompok itu menerima subsidi dari pemerintah, karena sudah ada dukungan yang kuat dari kommunitas.26
Menurut pendapat Pak Nusantara, kethoprak merupakan salah satu bentuk^ kesenian tradisional Jawa, walaupun dalam perkembangannya mulai banyak memakai dan mengadaptasi dengan budaya modern. Apa saja yang harus tetap dipertahankan adalah pesan- pesan moral, sopan santun dan strukUir kethoprak. Adegan di kethoprak lidak bisa
bergerak dari masa lampau ke masa sekarang tetapi harus mengikuti urutan kronologis. Pak
Nusantara bilang bahwa jenis kethoprak di Yogya agak berbeda dengan kethoprak di Jawa Timur dan di Solo. Kethoprak di Yogya mempunyai gaya lebih modern dan lebih fleksibel
daripada daerah yang lain. Itu di sebabkan oleh kethoprak di Yogya sering memakai gaya teatre modern.
Kethoprak Di Jawa Timur
Di Jawa Timur, kesenian kethoprak lebih menonjol di Surabaya dan Tulungagung dari pada
daerah lain di Jawa Timur.27 Jawa Timur sendiri mempunyai banyak bentuk kesenian tradisional seperti, ludruk dan reog. Kesenian tersebut lebih populer dari pada kethoprak. 26 Bondan Nusantara, pc, 26 Maret 2008. 27Budi Hartanto, pc, 19 Mei 2008. 22
Pada saat ini hanya satu kelompok kethoprak di Surabaya Setyo Budoyo.28 Sekali sebulan mereka mengadakan pementasan kethoprak di Taman Hiburan Rakyat (THR). Pentasan
kethoprak ini sangat tradisional, demikian juga denganceritanya semua berdasarkan pakem dan sejarah, semua pakaian adalah pakaian yang tradisional dengan suara dari karawitan.
Pentasan-pentasan tersebut diadakan gratis untuk masyarakat dan juga memilik paduan penonton.
Kawasan Tulungagung di Jawa Timur adalah tempat asal dari kelompok kethoprak yang sangat terkenal, yakni Siswo Budoyo. Selama tahun-tahun kemasyhurannya, dari tahun
1958 sampai 200729 Siswo Budoyo melakukan perjalanan dari kota ke kota untuk
memeiitaskan kethoprak dan bahkan merupakan kelompok kethoprak pertama yang memperkenalkan pentasan kethoprak ke televisi. Pada saat sekarang, Tulungagung telah
mempunyai lebih 20 kelompok kethoprak.30 Walaupun tidak semua kelompok ini terkenal
dan lebih banyak kelompok yang hanya untuk acara istimewa saja. Banyak kelompok
kethoprak di Tulungagung yang bertukar sebagian alat-alat pentas dengan kelompokkelompok dari Jawa Timur juga dari luar. Mungkin kerja bersama supaya mereka mendapatkan lebih banyak manfaat.
Di Surabaya dan di Tulungagung tidak banyak orang muda yang suka terlibat dalam
kethoprak. Dan sebagian yang suka, kebanyakan adalah anak-anak seniman kethoprak, yang lingkungan berkembang-berkembang mereka adalah dunia seni. Di dalam sekolah-sekolah
di kawasan-kawasan itu, kesenian tradisional tidak diajarkan pada siswa, lebih sering teatre
28 Budi Hartanto, pc, 19 Mei 2008. 29 Ibu Siswando, pc, 30 Mei 2008. 30Herry Kusumantoyo, pc, 19 Mei 2008. 23
modern diajar sebagai penggantinya.31 Hal tersebut kebalikan dari kasus di Yogya. Oleh karena itu kondsi sosial budaya masyarakat di Tulungagung terutama kethoprak berkembang dengan Yogya.
Endang Wijayati (Ibu Siswondo)
Dari responden-responden yang utama di Tulungagung yang dua diantara adalah dua seniman yang sudah terlibat dan mementaskan kethoprak lebih dari 3 dekade. Mereka Pak Herry Kusumantoyo dan Endang Wijayati (istri dari Bapak Ki Siswondo Harjo Suwito di sebelah kiri di atas). Ibu Siswondo bahkan merupakan salah satu perintis dan istri dari
pendiri kelompok kethoprak terkenal Siswo Budoyo. Di masa lalu bersama Siswo Budoyo, Ibu Sis adalah salah satu pemain yang menjadi premadonna. Dengan mesra sekali Ibu Sis membicarakan tentang masa kethoprak sangat popular di Jawa. Mereka sering mengadakan pertunjjukan di atas pentas Ibukota dan kota-kota besar lainnya,dan mulai mementaskan untuk penonton televisi pada tahun 1963. Selama masa itu kethoprak mempunyai banyak sekali penonton dan Siswo Budoyo bisa berhasil. Itu oleh karena mereka memeliki banyak
31 Herry Kusumantoyo, pc, 10 Maret 2008. 24
pemain-pemain yang bertalenta dan karena mampu memberikan pendapatan yang bagus
buat para anggotanya. Setelah Pak Sis meninggal,
tidak ada orang yang melanjutkan
pekerjaan beliau di Siswo Budoyo, akibatnya kelompok itudibubar, tutur Ibu Sis.32
Pada masa kini, menurut pendapat Ibu Sis, kethoprak menjadi kurang popular di masyarakat
dan pentasan kethoprak jarang bisa ditonton lagi di atas panggung. Adapun bentuk dan cara
memainkan kethoprak juga sudah berubah. Ibu Sis mengecamkan Kethoprak Humor yang
sekarang bisa ditonton di televisi setiap malam senin. Sopan santun yang sangat penting
dalam pentasan kethoprak sudah terhempas agar membuka jalan untuk lelucon yang tanpa kedalaman. Kethoprak humor lebih memenuhi kepada aspek tuntutan masyarakat konsumen dan kurang peduli lagi pada kepentingan dan originalitas tradisional kethoprak. Yaitu,
mengajarkan orang tentang bertingkah laku sopan dalam kebudayaan Jawa dan yang paling penting adalah menyasikan tontonan yang mengandung tuntunan. Bahasa Jawa tidak bahasa
yang hanya dipakai dalam pentasan-pentasan seperti kethoprak humor, sekarang pentasan
kethoprak juga memakai bahasa campuran, termasuk bahasa Indonesia dan kadang-kadang bahasa Inggris. Ibu Siswando mengakui sangat suka cara pementasan kethoprak yang lebih tradisional dan bilang bahwa banyak seniman tradisional di Tulungagung sedang mencoba menghidupkan lagi kesenian kethoprak supaya kesenian itu tidak padam.33
32
Ibu Siswondo, pc 10 Maret, 2008.
33Ibu Siswondo, pc 10 Maret, 2008. 25
Herry Kusumantoyo
Pak Herry Kusumantoyo (sebelah kiri di atas) adalah salah satu seniman seperti yang Ibu Siswando katakan. Pada tahun 2002, Pak Herry memulai satu kelompok kethoprak yang bernama 'Mitra Remaja Jawa Timur' di daerah Tulungagung. Pak Herry percaya bahwa pada masa sekarang tidak banyak pemuda yang berkaitan dan tertarik dengan kesenian kethoprak tradisional. Sekarang pemuda lebih suka melakukan kegiatan yang lebih modern seperti menonton film di bioskop atau mendengarkan music band modern di cafe-cafe. Mereka kurang berminat dengan kethoprak tradisional dan itu merupakan tanggung jawab Pak Herry dan seniman lain untuk menjamin kelangsungan kethoprak. Pak Herry percaya bahwa tujuan ini bisa dipenuhi melalui proses adaptasi yang baik ketika kethoprak tradisi
dipentaskan. Mungkin dengan cara pementasan kethoprak dengan cara lain, termasuk menggunakan alat-alat yang modern supaya warga masyarakat terutama pemuda mau menonton dan agar kethoprak juga mempunyai kesempatan untuk bertanding dengan bentuk hiburan modern yang lain. Alat-alat yang Pak Herry sarankan adalah misalnya efek-efek
26
suara dan efek-efek penerangan supaya pentasan menjadi lebih menyolok dan menarik. Dia
juga menyarankan memakai cerita-cerita yang lebih terkait dan menarik dunia muda dan
masyarakat saat ini.34
Sebenarnya apa saja yang menarik tentang kethoprak, menurut pendapat Pak Herry karena cerita-cerita kethoprak bukan hanya sekedar tontonan saja. Sebenarnya kethoprak adalah
tontonan yang mengandung tuntunan. Harus ada kandungan dalam ceritanya yang
menunjukkan dan mengajar sopan santun serta pesan moral kepada penontonnya. Biasanya pesan-pesan moral tersebut disampaikan melalui karakter-karakter dalam cerita dimana
orang yang berbuat jahat akan selalu mendapat balasan akan kejahatannya bahagia sedang
pada akhirnya. Sebenarnya banyak cara yang Pak Herry pikir bisa membuat lebih banyak pemuda tertarik dengan kethoprak salah satunya memakai pemain-pemain yang terkenal, ganteng dan cantik di dalam pentasan kethoprak dan bisa juga dengan memasukan humor kedalam pementasan kethoprak.
Ketika saya di Tulungagung saya menonton salah satu pementasan kethoprak yang diadakan oleh Pak Herry dan seniman lain seperti sutradara Pak Tanto dan pemain yang terkenal, Pak
Topan. Pementasan kethoprak ini agak modern dibandingkan pertunjukan yang dipentaskan beberapa bulan di Surabaya. Walaupun pentasan di Tulungagung ini tidak memakai panggung yang luar biasa, bahkan mungkin agak lebih keminimalis tetapi, musik yang di
pakai menemani acara ini modern adalah kolaborasi peralatan dengan pukulan yang tidak
keras. Musik yang di pakai adalah gamelan di seleraskan dengan alat music modern seperti keyboard, drum, guitar bass dan guitar elektrik. Dalam acara tersebut juga dimeriahkan 34Herry Kusumantoyo, pc, 10 Maret 2008. 27
dengan dua pedang-dut muda dan terkenal, acara juga di isi beberapa penyani terkenal. Acara ini berhasil mencari perhatian dari sekitar 200 penonton yang hadir. Apa yang menarik untuk dicatat adalah acara ini untuk pendukung pramuka.
Budi Hartanto
Sutradara Pak Budi Hartanto yang lebih di kenal sebagai Pak Tanto, merupakan salah satu responden saya yang sangat menolong dengan baik atas penelitian saya. Pak Tanto sudah
banyak terlibat dengan kesenian tradisional khususnya kethoprak sejak tahun 1966. Mejalani bermacam-macam peran seperti, pemain pemula, pemain utama dan astrada sebelum menjadi sutradara.Walaupun dia tinggal di Malang saat ini, sebenarnya Pak Tanto asli Klaten, Solo. Pak Tanto anggap bahwa masyarakat Jawa masih tertarik dengan kesenian tradisional tetapi karena biaya dan pendapatan yang tidak seimbang sehingga pementasan
kethoprak. Tidak sering dipertontonkan, hanya untuk acara istimewa saja/r'
Asisten sutradara.
'f'Budi Hartanto, pc, 14 Maret 2008. 28
Walaupun pemerintah menyediakan subsidi kepada kesenian tradisional, tetapi subsidi tersebut tidak cukup untuk membiayai banyak pementasan kethoprak. Pemerintah di Indonesia pada saat ini menyediakan dana untuk semua kesenian tradisional tidak hanya kethoprak, dana itu diberikan hanya pada kelompok-kelompok yang ditunjuk pemerintah. Oleh karena itu, banyak kelompok kethoprak dan kesenian tradisional yang mencari sumber
dana lain biasa dari sumber pribadi atau dari perusahan-perusahan yang berperan sebagai
sponsor.37
Menurut Pak Tanto dan juga seniman lain seperti Pak Herry, Ibu Sis, Pak Topan, Pak Nusantara, untuk menciptakan sebuah pentasan kethoprak yang cukup baik hingga banyak orang mau menonton, apalagi mau untuk membayar tiket akan memerlukan pendanaan yang banyak. Karena untuk membuat sebuah pementasan yang megah membutuhkan biaya yang
tinggi untuk membayar semua barang yang diperlukan, seperti pakain, alat-alat pentas, music*; pula gajian pemain, pemusik dan pembantu pentas. Biasanya pentasan kethoprak
melibatkan lebih dari pada 90 orang. Dahulu waktu yang kethoprak berpindah-pindah dari kota ke kota semua orang yang melibatkan harus ada makanan dan tempat untuk tidur yang layak. Saat ini, kethoprak seperti yang tersebut tidak bisa lagi karena biayanya terlalu tinggi
dan tidak ada cukup banyak dana untuk menyediakan itu. Kecuali ada sponsor atau bantuan dana pemerintah.
Ada satu biaya lain yang menjadi lebih penting kepada menjamin kelangsungan kethoprak.
Yakni biaya untuk pemasaran. Semua responden saya setuju, kethoprak bisa menjadi lebih "Budi Hartanto, pc, 14 Maret 2008. Herry Kusumantoyo, pc, 11 April 2008. Bondan Nusantara, pc, 26 Maret 2008.
29
berhasil dalam masyarakat mereka harus pakai pemasaran yang effisien. Teknik-teknik pemasaran dengan memakai pemain yang terkenal, iklan yang cukup, promosi di radio atau televisi dan dukungan dari perusahan atau sponsor yang kuat. Semua itu tidak mudah dan murah, isu-isu seperti pemasaran membutuhkan dana yang besar, mungkin tidak masalah dahulu disaat kethoprak lebih populer dan punya lebih banyak dukungan dari pemerintah. Pak Tanto menambahkan bahwa bupati suka menonton kesenian kethoprak semakin lebih
mudah untuk mendapatkan dana yang cukup untuk membiayai promosi dan berbagai kebutuhan lainnya.
Dari beberapa wawancara saya dengan beberapa seniman kethoprak diatas menunujukkan salah*;satu masalah utama yang dihadapi seniman kethoprak dalam menjaga kelestarian pentasan kethoprak. Salah satunya adalah masalah mendapatkan sponsor atau donor yang bisa menyediakan cukup dana untuk mendukung biaya pentasan dan pelatihan kethoprak. Selain masalah tersebut ada beberapa factor dan isu-isu yang menambah permasalahan para seniman. Yakni bersiang dengan hiburan-hiburan lain yang bervariasi dan di kemas dengan inovasi-inovasi baru di masa lebih modern kapitalis. Kesenian tradisional harus mampu
bertanding dengan hibran lebih modern yang mudah di dapat dan di terima masyarakat.
Memang kedua hiburan ini sangat berbeda dan sering mengempaskan jenis penonton yang berbeda. Supaya menciptakan pentasan kethoprak yang lebih menarik, seniman harus memakai teknik-teknik modern dan inovasi ide dengan tetap menjaga originalitas dan tradisi. Itu sehingga kethoprak akan berevolusi menjadi kesenian tradisional baru yang
berkembang. Isu-isu dan masalah yang tersebut dalam bab ini akan dianalisir dalam bab yang selanjutnya.
38 Ibu Siswando, pc, 30Mei 2008. 30
BAB III
Penganalisa
Bab ini akan menganalisa informasi yang sudah mendapat dari wawancara saya serta teori-
teori yang membahaskan dalam bab 2. Yakni, 'penciptakan tradisi' dan 'teori globalisasi'.
Sejauh ini, informasi yang dikumpulkan dari informan-informan saya ditunjukkan dua hal
yang jelas. Yang pertama, kesenian kethoprak belum mempunyai cukup minat dari orang
muda. Keminatan orang muda agak penting supaya melangsungkan kehidupan kethoprak. Hal yang tersebut sebab oleh kethoprak akan perlu pemuda dan orang baru untuk menggantikan pemain, sutradara, guru dan penonton pada sekarang, setelah semuanya tidak
main lagi. Supaya bisa mendapat minat orang muda, kesenian kethoprak harus mengadaptasi dengan modernisasi. Yang kedua, pembiayaan pementasan kethoprak sudah tinggi dan mendapatkan dana atau sponsor agak sulit.
Hal-hal yang tersebut terkait dengan teori globalisasi dan 'penciptakan tradisi'. Ekonomi
global menyebabkan kenaikan semua biaya berpengaruh atas semua negara. Semua negara pengalam pengaruh dari budaya lain melalui kenaikan menukar informasi dan teknologi.39 Kethoprak bisa berubah tanpa menghilangkan tradisinya. Seniman bisa melakukan itu
melalui adaptasi gaya kethoprak yang menjaga kedasran tradisi tetapi memodifikasi aspek lain agar sesuai selera zaman modern dan mendapat penonton dan sponsor baru. Perubahan-
Faiz Manshur, 'Budaya Pasar', dalam Globilasasi Determinasi Ekonomi dan Budaya Pasar pad* http://faizmanshur.wordpress.com/2003/04/0l/47/ 31
perubahan ini akan diterima sebagai tradisi di masa depan. Inilah yang dikenal sebagai
'penciptaan tradisi'.40
Dalam bab I, saya mencerita tentang secara-caranya yang kethoprak sudah diperubahan sejak pertama kali muncul. Keadaan masyarakat menghasut dan mendukung perubahan
seperti yang sudah berpengalaman atas kethoprak. Pada saat ini Indonesia sedang mengalamani banyak perubahan dalam masyarakat. Perubahan masyarakat disebabkan
perubahan besar kedalam pemerintah pada tahun 1998 dengan lengsernya Presiden Suharto.
Akibatnya dengan pelan tetapi pasti terjadi gerakan perubahan pada masyarakat.
Masyarakat menjadi lebih liberal, demokratis dan lebih terbuka terhadap budaya barat.41
Pengaruh dari budaya itu menjadi semakin terkait, yaitu kenaikan globalisasi. Adaptasi budaya Indonesia yang berhasil menjamin langsungan kehidupannya.
Semua seniman yang saya mewawancarai bilang bahwa pada masa kini tidak ada terlalu
banyak orang muda yang mempunyai minat dengan kethoprak. Mereka juga seluju bahwa mendapat keminatan pemuda paling penting untuk melanjutkan kethoprak. Sekarang para
pemuda lebih suka melakukan kegiatan yang 'modern'. Saya mengadakan survei dengan 30
orang muda berumur antara 18-25 selama bulan Maret sampai Mei. Surveinya tentang apa
saja yang mereka berpikir tentang kethoprak. Ada persetujuan umum bahwa kethoprak teruntuk orang tua saja. Pemuda yang tersebut diatas lebih suka main kegiatan seperti menonton film atau band musik, main Playstation atau mternet, atau belanja dan menongkrong di mall sesama teman.
S^^
ofTradHion: The Hi8hlandTradmon ofScotland'>The ,nvenfa of
Drs Mahfudz Siddiq, 'Perubahan Politik Indonesia Pasca Soeharto dan Posisi Ummat Islam', 1999, hh 1-6 pada nttp://www.hamlme.edu/apakaba^asisdata/1999/02/23/0034.html 32
"Saya suka kethoprak dan kesenian tradisional, karena orang tua saya dahulu suka main dan menonton wayang. Tetapi, kalau saya menajak teman saya untuk menonton kethoprak, pasti merekaakan pikir saya lagi oranggila. Itu sangat tidak keren! Sekarang kami (pemuda) lebih suka memilih budaya yang lebih modern,
itu menunjjukan bahwa kami lebih keren...agak terkait dengan status sosial."42 (BayuSusilo, 21/03/08).
Pendapat Bayu memang dibenarkan oleh pemuda lain yang saya bicarakan. Hubungan antara*'status sosial dan budaya populer ini sangat tertarik. Hubungannya mencerminkan
penurut bahwa, apa saja yang kuno teruntuk orang tua dan apa saja yang baru dan modem
teruntuk pemuda dan orang gaya bermutu betul. Barang-barang modem biasannya tidak
murah. Oleh karena itu, orang yang memilik atau bersemangat dengan barang dan kegiatan
modern kelihatan orang yang mesti kelas tengah atau keatas dalam masyarakat. Saya percaya kesadaran berkelas ini yang berpengalaman oleh para pemuda diakibatkan oleh ekonomi kapitalis dan masyarakat konsumeris.
Kita semua menerima indoktrinasi ke dalam masyarakat kapitalisme melalui periklanan yang terus-menurus. Dari acara televisi dan film, kita menunjukkan apa saja berarti sukses.
Banyak acara ini sangat pengaruh dari budaya barat. Dalam media itu, sukses mengambarkan dengan mentalitas kapitalis. Yakni, apa saja orang memilik mencerminkan
berhasil kapitalis mereka. Oleh karena itu, banyak pemuda lebih mengenai dengan sebagaimana mereka bisa menunjukan terlibatnya dalam dunia modem melalui mempunyai barang yang kegemaran terbaru. Seperti orang yang menjual barang-barang konsumer bersaing untuk mendapat langganan, industri hiburan harus bersaing untuk mendapat penonton yang paling kuat.
"[Masyarakat "sebaliknya tidak mau budaya, tetapi hiburan, dan apa saja yang dimajukan oleh industri hiburan, memang dikonsumpsikan oleh masyarakat seperti
barang-barang konsumen yang lain]".43
y
42Bayu Susilo, pc, 21 Maret 2008.
<JS dalam Journal ofAesthetic caucauon'V01 Education, vol °6K Special nBei. Double'V6 Issue:Cul*r?lC°nt™fctions Capitalism, Culture andofCapitalism', Education (Jan-Apr, 1972), h22 ^ 33
Kalau ada dukungan konsumen, yaitu penonton, lebih mudah untuk mendapatkan dana
untuk menjaga kelangsungan produksi. Karena akan banyak sponsor yang tertarik
memberikan bantuan dana jika mereka mempunyai banyak penonton sehingga akan terjadi
sebuah hubungan yang saling menguntungkan antara kedua pihak.44 Itu sebabnya mentalitas bisinis kapitalis berdasarkan pada kemampuan untuk kenaikan harga kapitalnya.45
Salah satu alat yang paling berpengaruh atas pilihan konsumen adalah pemasaran dan
periklanan. Kenaikan bersaing diantara semua bentuk bisnis menyebabkan keperiuan untuk
stratergi pemasaran dan produk yang paling baik. Pada sekarang hal ini sangat penting
untuk menjual produk dengan sukses.46 Kalau seniman mau menarik para pemuda, mereka
harus mengadaptasikan gaya kethoprak. Gaya pentasannya harus lebih cocok dengan 'tuntutan' pemuda. Maksudnya, kalau seniman mau menarik penonton muda, seniman harus memasarkan kethoprak kepada pemuda.
Dalam sikap-sikap di atas, kita bisa lihat berpengaruh yang kuat globalisasi atas kesenian tradisional seperti kethoprak. Sekarang kita ada lebih banyak mempergunakan ke semacammacam budaya dari luar negeri. Kita mendapat budaya-budaya ini sehari-hari melalui
bermacam media khususnya televisi dan internet, dan setiap kali kita keputusan pergi ke mall. Karena oleh kethoprak harus bersaing dengan hiburan lain seniman harus mengikuti tuntutan penonton supaya mereka mau menonton.
Terjemahan dalam Bahasa Indonesia dari Ingris, "Mass society, "on the contrary, wants not culture, but
oSo^
°ffered by thC entertainment industry are indeed consumed by societyjust as are any
'"Bondan Nusantara, pc 26 Maret 2008
12 n£ri£oLKefau*?entalisme Kapitalisme dan Budaya KonsumtifSudah Keblablasan" dalam Education 21,
i?n•, ? 200yPfda httP://,wansyahr»l-hlogspot.com/2007/IO/ketika-mentalitas-kapitalisme-dan.html
Daniel Grant Advertisingfor Advertising's Sake', American Artist. New York: May 2003 Vol 67 Iss730 h18 34
Langkah pertama adalah mengadaptasikan gaya kethoprak supaya itu lebih sesuai dengan
selera pemuda dan masyarakat umum. Setelah itu seniman bisa mulai pemasaran
(pengiklanan) pementasannya kepada konsumen. Satu masalah besar yang ditantang oleh
seniman adalah dana yang cukup.47 Masalah itu pengaruh banyak aspek mengenai mepermentaskan kethoprak. Kalau kurang dana seniman tidak bisa membuat banyak
pementasan sebab oleh semuanya ada biaya untuk, perjalanan, pentas, alat-alat baru, gaji
dan makanan untuk semua krew.48 Akhirnya mendapatkan pemasaran efektif sangat sulit tanpa dana atau sponsor untuk menutupi semua biaya.
Menurut Pak Nusantara dan Pak Tanto kalau bupati tertarik dengan kethoprak semakin
kemungkinan mendapat dukungan dari bureaukrasi.49 Seniman dari kelompok kethoprak harus terbuka dengan anggota legislative. Mereka harus paham kepentingan kesenian sebagai "satu alat untuk pendidikan karakter masyarakat...dalam kethoprak ada etika, ada
nilai, ada pesan moral."50 Itu lebih mudah untuk mendapat dukungan dan dana dari pemerintah kalau mereka mempunyai dorongan seperti tersebut. Saat ini, tanpa hubungan di antara pemerintah dan kelompok kethoprak seniman tidak ada cukup kekuatan untuk mengembang kethoprak.
Dengan dukungan dari pemerintah lebih mudah untuk memperkenalkan kethoprak dalam pengajaran di sekolah. Kalau kethoprak diajar di sekolah seniman bisa mendapat lebih
banyak perhatian dan kelibatan dari pemuda. Oleh karena itu pemuda akan lebih 47
Herry Kusumantoyo, pc, 11 April 2008. Ibu Siswondo, pc, 11 April, 2008 Budi Hartanto, pc, 14 Maret 2008.
4*Ibu Siswondo, pc, 11 April, 2008.
Bondan Nusantara, pc, 26 Maret 2008.
jo Budi Hartanto, pc, 14 Maret 2008.
Bondan Nusantara, pc, 01 Juni 2008. 35
mengakrabi dengan kethoprak dan mungkin lebih mau membantu kelestarian kesenian itu.
Seniman bisa memakai gagasan inovatif yang para pemuda mungkin menyaran. Saranan ini
akan lebih sesuatu dengan apa saja yang dihasrat pemuda dalam hiburan tradisi. Sampai
akhir tahun sekolah mungkin mereka bisa membuat satu pementasan kethoprak gaya baru
untuk teman sekolah supaya menunjukan sebagaimana kethoprak ini bisa cocok untuk
selera pemuda. Mereka juga akan mendapat perasaan tanggung jawab dan kebanggaan
dengan pekerjaannya. Mendapat dukungan dari pemerintah memberikan kesempatan untuk dana pementasan dan lebih perhatihan dari para pemuda.
Salah satu cara lain untuk menutupi biaya pementasan kethoprak adalah dengan mendapatkan dukungan dari sponsor. Pementasan di Tulungagung dengan Pak Topan yang
telah disebutkan dalam bab II disponsori oleh perusahaan rokok 'Cempaka', menurut Pak
Topan itu hal yang sudah biasa.51 Dorongan juga perlu untuk mendapat minat sponsor. Kalau sponsor pikir produk mereka akan dapat banyak perhatian dari konsumen, maka pihak sponsor akan lebih mungkin untuk mendanai acaranya.
Pak Nusantara sudah mengadakan pementasan kethoprak gaya modern di Yogya. Dia bilang bahwa "kethoprak di Yogya berbeda dengan kethoprak di Jawa Timur atau Solo...kethoprak di Yogya lebih bebas dari sifat kethoprak yang sangat tradisional... supaya lebih mudah
untuk menerima gaya pentasan modem." Kethoprak di Yogya ada orientasi ekonomi, yaitu sebagaimana seniman bisa pemasaran kethoprak agar penonton mau membayar tiket dan supaya penonton terhibur. Oleh karena itu dia mencari gaya baru untuk pementasan
51
Pak Topan, pc, 12 April2008 36
kethoprak, akibatnya penonton bam. Inilah sebagaimana kethoprak di Yogya bisa
berkembang.52
Beberapa adaptasi yang sudah diangkat ada pementasan yang lebih rendah waktu, kethoprak yang lebih tradisional bisa memakan waktu 3 sampai 4 jam pertunjukan. "Sekarang tidak
mungkin orang mau menonton selama itu, karena mereka menjadi nyantuk dan bosan!"
bilang Pak Nusantara.53 Peninjauan saya mendukung teori itu sewaktu saya menonton kethoprak, biasanya di atas 2 jam hampir 2/3 penonton sudah meninggalkan tempatnya.
Salah satu adaptasi lain yang sering digunakkan oleh Pak Nusantara adalah dengan menggunakan alat musik modem, misalnya drum, guitar dan keyboard. Sebagaimana yang
disebut dalam bab I, alat musik modem sudah dipakai dalam beberapa pementasan kethoprak. Satu pantasan yang saya menonton di Tulungagung memadukan musik modem
dengan gamelan. Menurut pendapat saya musiknya sangat berkobar. Banyak juga pemuda menghadiri di pementasan tersebut. Hal utama yang mengakibatkan itu adalah pementasan
itu untuk mendukung pramuka dan pandu puteri. Kalau kethoprak menjadi sponsor kelompok pemuda seperti itu, kesenian itu bisa mendapat lebih banyak perhatihan dari para pemuda.
52Bondan Nusantara, pc, 27 Maret 2008 53Bondan Nusantara, pc, 26 Maret 2008. 37
wk 19.30 BBWI - c-r11"*M&
kethoprak ini sangat 'tradisional'.
Setiap tiga minggu ada pentasan kethoprak di THR (Taman Hiburan Masyarakat) di Surabaya. Pentasan 38
yang dijemurkan dari balok diatas panggung. Ibu Trisakti menunjukan ke projektor itu dan
dimain. Sebuah projektor kertas plastik menyorotkan daftar penghargaan dalam kain putih
Trisakti. Saya duduk di samping Ibu Trisakti dan menonton sementara karawitan mulai
April 2008 saya menonton kethoprak di THR Surabaya54 bersama satu informan saya Ibu
Supaya perubahan bisa diterima sebagai tradisi baru perlu waktu. Misalnya, tanggal 18
terkadang dipakai, itu belum menerima sebagai tradisional.
modern dan tidak terlalu pelan dan membosankan. Walaupun musik modern seperti itu
dengan bahasa Jawa. Mereka bersemangat dengan musik di pementasan itu karena itu lebih
mengerti semua yang menentaskan di atas pentasnya karena mereka tidak terlalu akrab
senang menonton pementasan itu karena itu kelihatan lucu. Bagaimana pun mereka kurang
Saya mencerita bersama satu group of penonton muda disana. Mereka bilang bahwa mereka
.P/.J-APANGAN
Jam
berbisik "Metode itu sangat tradisional".55 Saya pikir komentar itu sangat tertarik, karena pasti zaman kethoprak main di desa tidak mungkin seniman memakai projektor seperti itu. Bagaimanapun sekarang metode yang tersebut masih diterima sebagai tradisional. Itu salah
satu contoh sebagaimana mengadaptasikan tradisi bisa menciptakan tradisi bam kalau cukup memakai.
Kalau perubahan seperti gamelan dan musik modern dimadukan sering dipakai jalan waktu, gaya kethoprak itu bisa di terima sebagai tradisional. Dalam waktu sesama musik itu lebih
cocok dengan selera pemuda karena musik itu lebih bersemangat dan instrumennya lebih
terkait dan sesuai dengan mode terakhir. Lebih kemungkinan bahwa pemuda akan menjadi terlibat memainkan dan mendengarkan sejenis musik itu daripada karawitan. Semakin pemuda yang langsung terlibat dengan kethoprak semakin pemuda akan menikuti menonton. Itu sebab oleh mereka yang main akan menajak temannya untuk menonton pentasan kesenian tradisional yang tidak biasa.
Satu pemain kethoprak muda, yang bernama Katot Utomo dan berumur 20. Dia sudah
memainkan kethoprak sejak dia anak kecil. Orang tua dia dahulu pemain kethoprak. Akibatnya, kethoprak sudah sebagai kehidupan Katot. Dia sangat suka pemainan dalam
kethoprak. "Sepanjang kehidupan saya, saya dilinkungi kethoprak." Saya menanyakan dia kalau teman dia suka main kethoprak juga. "Yang anak seniman pasti suka, ngak mungkin pemuda lain mau terlibat dengan kethoprak."56 Pernyataan Katot sangat didukungi oleh semua pemain yang saya mewacarai. Mereka semua agak terkejut bahwa saya mau belajar
„
*'
Ibu Trisakti, pc 18 April 2008.
"Katot, pc, 11 April 2008.
39
tentang kethoprak. Hampir semua bilang bahwa itu sangat tidak biasa untuk orang muda tertarik dengan kethoprak.
Pementasan tradisional di THR tidak ada banyak pemuda yang menonton. Pemuda yang
hadir datang bersama orang tuanya dan umurnya masih kecil. Saya menomong dengan lima penonton sebelum pementasan mulai. Semuanya mulai menonton pementasan-pementasan
kethoprak sejak anak kecil bersama keluarganya dan mereka masih bersemangat menonton.
Menurut Ibu Trisakti banyak penonton di THR adalah penonton biasa, itu tidak sering ada
penonton baru dan muda.57 Kethoprak yang sangat tradisional tidak cukup tertarik kepada pemuda supaya mereka akan pergi ke pementasan khususnya. Kasus yang mana seniman
kethoprak membuat pementasan tanpa adaptasi modern tidak berhasil dengan mendapat penonton baru. Ketika dibandingkan kedua jenis kethoprak, yang sangat tradisional dan yang gaya modern, kethoprak gaya modern didapatkan lebih banyak perhatian dari para pemuda.
Adaptasi boleh dibuat tanpa dihilangi tradisi malahan diciptakan tradisi bam. Seniman di
Yogya dan Tulungagung sudah membuat pementasan kethoprak yang lebih modern. Lebih
banyak kali di Yogya daripada Tulungagung atau tempat lain di Jawa Timur. Yang paling penting kedasaran tradisi harus tetap. Kedasaran tradisi kethoprak adalah diajarin pesanpesan moral dan sopan santun. Busana tradisional dalam kethoprak juga membuat kethoprak khusus daripada pementasan kontemporer.58
j8Ibu Trisakti, pc 18 April, 2008. Herry Kusumantoyo, pc, 11 April 2008 Bondan Nusantara, pc26 Maret 2008 Budi Hartanto, pc 18 April 2008 Ibu Siswondo, pc 30 Mei 2008 40
Budaya dan tradisi memainkan peranan penting dalam identitas nasional. Kesenian adalah
salah satu bentuk mengekspresikan identitas itu.59 Identitas nasional juga mempunyai kemampuan pembahan. Hal itu disebab oleh identitas dibentukkan oleh lingkungan yang
disekeliling. Saat ini kita hidup dalam dunia yang kenaikan terkait. Kita bisa lihat dari
pengalami dahulu pembahan yang sudah terjadi oleh karena keadaan masyarakat.60 Sekarang ada waktu untuk membuat pembahan lagi supaya kethoprak tradisional tidak
meninggalkan dalam dahulu. Walaupun kethoprak harus mengikuti modernisasi itu harus
melakukan itu sambil tetap originalitasnya. Teori 'menciptakan tradisi' menunnjukkan
bahwa barang baik tetap tradisi maupun mengadaptasikan gayanya supaya cocok dengan
keperiuan zaman sekarang. Tanpa adaptasi, kethoprak mempunyai tinggi risiko padam.
Rizki A. Zaelanl, '(No More) Peaceful Reformation, Noisy Deformation, "Turn Left May Proceed", untuk Network Indonesia, 1998, h3, pada http://users.skynet.be/network.indonesia/ni3001a34.htm
"Dalam bab I
41
BAB IV
Kesimpulan Kethoprak adalah salah satu bentuk kesenian tradisional Jawa yang mengandung unsur
pendidikan dan komunikasi tentang isu-isu dalam masyarakat dan hiburan kepada orang
Jawa. Biasanya, kesenian kethoprak menunjukan isu-isu dan masalah-masalah masyarakat
dan politik dalam cerita yang tradisional, misalkan dongeng Jawa. Cerita-cerita Jawa
tradisional ini sering memantulkan situasi yang kontemporer dalam pentasan kethoprak.
Pertanyaan yang utama dalam penelitian ini adalah bagaimana seniman bisa menjaga
kethoprak dapat bertahan sampai masa depan. Supaya mengenal jawaban pertanyaan itu saya hams memeriksakan faktor-faktor utama yang berhubungan dengan kepopuleran kethoprak pada saat ini. Pemeriksaan itu dilakukan melalui beberapa wawancara dan observasi dan dijelaskan dengan teori-teori globalisasi' dan 'penciptaan tradisi'.
Konsep tradisi, adalah salah satu konsep yang sering mempunyai kaitan yang kuat dengan
budaya dan sejarah. Hugh Trevor-Roper memberikan pembaca salah satu contoh tentang bagaimana konsepnya tradisi adalah salah satu pecerminan dari perubahan sosial di dalam
beberapa bentuk budaya yang diterima oleh masyarakatnya. Masyarakat sekarang memiliki banyak pengalaman yang di pengaruhi dari kenaikan globalisasi. Dalam sejarah kethoprak,
bentuK pentasan kethoprak sudah mengalami banyak pembahan yang dipicu oleh kondisi dalam masyarakat. Perubahan ini sudah diterima sebagai hal yang tradisional di dalam
masyarakat. Dengan hal itu kita boleh menyatakan bahwa adaptasi menuju kethoprak gaya modem bisa terjadi tanpa menghilangkan tradisinya. Sebenarnya adaptasi itu bisa menjagakan kethoprak supaya bisa berkembang sebagai budaya Jawa. Perubahan dalam 42
kethoprak juga akan mencerminkan perubahan di masyarakat. Oleh karena itu menjadikan
adaptasi modern adalah langkah alami berikutnya dalam mengembangkan kethoprak.
Konsep globalisasi menggambarkan cara bagaimana semua negara dalam dunia kita terus-
menerus menjadi lebih terkait, termasuk ekonomi, transportasi, komunikasi dan budaya. Konsep ini mempengaruhi kethoprak dalam beberapa cara. Biaya pementasan lebih mahal
daripada dahulu dan alat-alat yang bam perlu untuk membuat pementasan yang lebih modern. Globalisasi menyebabkan masyarakat lebih terbuka dengan budaya dan hiburan
lain. Oleh karena generasi muda punya lebih banyak pilihan untuk kegiataan dalam waktu luangnya, kesenian kethoprak harus bersaing dengan bermacam hiburan lain untuk menarik
penonton muda dan penonton baru. Supaya kethoprak bisa bersaing dalam pasaran ekonomi
seniman harus mengambil mentalitas ekonomi. Mereka harus membuat adaptasi ke kethoprak yang menarik penonton baru yang akan membayar untuk menonton. Hal ini akan
membantu seniman mendapat lebih banyak dana dari pemerintah dan sponsor lain karena mereka juga bisa memperoleh penonton/konsumen baru.
Seniman kethoprak masih mencoba menjaga keseniannya. Kawasan Yogyakarta lebih
berhasil dengan mengembangan kethoprak daripada Jawa Timur. Itu sebabnya seniman disana sudah lebih sering membuat gaya kethoprak yang lebih menyesuaikan dengan
pasaran ekonomi.61 Gaya kethoprak itu mengarahkan kepada penonton yang akan bayar untuk tiket. Akibatnya pementasan itu harus di buat supaya dapat bersaing dengan hiburan
lain. Penciptaan gaya kethoprak yang baik lebih modem maupun salah satu pengalaman yang luar biasa dengan berarti sosial tinggi untuk penontonnya. Salah satu faktor lain yang Bondan Nusantara, pc, 26 Maret 2008. 43
mempengaruhi kepopuleran kethoprak di antara kedua kawasan tersebut di atas adalah Yogyakarta dahulu tempat yang asli pusat kethoprak. Di Jawa Timur kesenian tradisional lain lebih populer daripada kethoprak. Hal ini tidak terlalu berpengaruh atas perbandingan kepopuleran kethoprak di antara dua kawasan karena di Yogya banyak juga kesenian tradisional lain.
Bahkan seniman kethoprak sudah membuat beberapa adaptasi atas gaya pementasan
kethoprak hal ini harus dilakukan dengan pemasaran efektif. Pemasaran ini termasuk memasarkan gaya kethoprak kepada penonton bam khususnya muda. Biaya pemasaran ini
agak mahal supaya seniman hams mendapat dana dari pemerintah atau sponsor lain. Supaya pemerintah atau sponsor bisa menarik untuk mendukung pementasan mereka hams bisa melihat cukup dorongan. Untuk pemerintah, salah satu dorongan adalah kethoprak
sebagai alat untuk pendidikan masyarakat. Kalau anggota pemerintah suka kethoprak itu lebih mudah untuk mendapat dananya. Untuk sponsor lain seperti pemilik bisnis, mereka hams bisa melihat bahwa produknya bisa mendapat banyak perhatian. Itu berarti
pementasannya harus ada banyak dukungan dari penonton. Tanpa dukungan keuangan dari permerintah atau dana lain, masa depan pentasan kethoprak semakin tidak menentu.
Hal-hal tersebut tidak hanya yang harus dilakukan untuk dapat menarik minat pemuda dan
penonton baru dan dukungan keuangan. Untuk menarik pemuda saya menyarankan seniman sehamsnya mendekati kelompok kesenian panggung lain dan bekerja sama untuk melibatkan pemain pemuda dengan menciptakan cerita dan gaya kethoprak bam. Misalnya kelompok kesenian panggung dari universitas-universitas atau sekolah-sekolah. Seniman bisa kerja bersama anggota pemuda kelompok-kelompok itu untuk mencari isu-isu atau 44
masalah-masalah yang lebih terkait dengan kehidupan pemuda-pemuda itu. Pemudanya mungkin mau mengekspresikan isu-isu seperti kenaikan biaya bensin, dukungan pemerintah
mengenai kesehatan, pendidikan, kemiskinan atau hak-hak manusia. Bekerja sama dengan pemuda tentang isu-isu yang mereka gemari memberi mereka kesempatan untuk
mengekspresi pendapat mereka. Mahasiswa di Indonesia memiliki sejarah yang aktif
dengan isu-isu politik.62 Kalau seniman membuat pementasan dengan mereka, banyak mahasiswa lain akan mau mendukung pementasan. Oleh sebab itu mereka bisa merasa
seperti suara mereka bisa didengar oleh banyak orang. Akibatnya pementasan seperti itu akan menarik penonton baru dan muda ke kethoprak. Pada waktu bersama, seniman akan
mendapatkan kesempatan untuk mengajar kethoprak kepada pemuda. Mengajarkan bagaimana tetap menjaga kelangsungan tradisinya.
Masalah yang paling besar menantang seniman untuk mengembangkan kethoprak adalah 'i
mencari cukup dana. Biasanya dana disediakan oleh pemerintah atau orang lain untuk acara
istimewa saja. Dengan demikian kethoprak tidak bisa berkembang malahan tetap membosankan. Dengan lebih banyak dana, seniman bisa menginvestasikan dalam alat-alat
bam dan pementasan besar. Mereka akan bisa membayar pemasaran yang akan menaikkan
keluasan penonton kethoprak. Kalau gaya kethoprak lebih modem pementasan itu akan
lebih tertarik bagi penonton baru dan para pemuda. Oleh sebab itu saat ini pemuda lebih
tertarik dengan kegiatan modern. Seniman harus menciptakan lagi kethoprak supaya itu
menjadi salah satu hiburan yang bam dan menarik. Kalau begitu seniman kethoprak bisa
menjaga keseniannya untuk generasi masa depan. Juga kesenian tradisional seperti 62
Drs.MahfudzSiddiq, 'Perubahan Politik Indonesia Pasca Soeharto dan Posisi Ummat Islam', 1999,h4,pada
http://www.hamline.edu/apakabar/basisdata/! 999/02/23/0034.html
45
kethoprak masih bisa memainkan peran yang penting dalam masyarakat, mengambarkan isu-isu kontemporari secara menarik dan segardengan dasar dalam tradisi dan budaya Jawa.
46
Daftar Pustaka Bain, L.
'Confused? Some Directions in Post-New Order Theatre', ditulis oleh Lauren Bain dalam Inside Indonesia, 2007, pada
http://insideindonesia.org/index2.php?option=com_content&task=view& id=512&pop, hi, accsessed 27/2/2008
Bell, D.
'The Cultural Contradictions ofCapitalism', ditulis oleh Daniel Bell,
dalam Journal of Aesthetic Education, vol. 6 no '/a, Special Double Issue: Capitalism, Culture and Education (Jan-Apr, 1972), h22
Fredrick, HWilliam dan Worden L Robert (eds) 'Indonesia-Japanese Occupation 1942-1945, dalam Indonesia: A Country Study. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1993. di http://countrystudies.us/indonesia/15.htm Grant, D.
'Advertisingfor Advertising's Sake', ditulis oleh Daniel Grant, dalam American Artist. New York: May 2003. Vol 67, Iss.730, h 18.
Global Policy Forum,
'Globalisation' dalam Global Policy Forum pada http://globalpolicy.org/globaIiz/index.htm
Hatley, B.
'Lightning', dalam Inside Indonesia, No58. April-June 1999, pada http://www.insideindonesia.org/edit58/gandrik.htm, accessed 27/02/2008
Hatley, B.
'Kethoprak in the Time ofMotion', dalam Javanese Performances on an
Indonesian Stage: Contesting Culture, Embracing Change. Ditulis oleh Barbara Hatley, 2008, Australian Association of Asian Studies, NUS Press, Singapore. Hh 25, 26
Faiz Manshur,
'Budaya Pasar', dalam Globilasasi Determinasi Ekonomi dan Budaya Pasar, ditulis oleh Faiz Manshur, pada http://faizmanshur.wordpress.com/2003/04/01/47/
Oakley D,
'Soaring Shipping Costs Fuel Inflation', dalam Financial Times, 9 Juni 2008, ditulis oleh David Oakley, pada http://0-
proquest.umi.com.prospero.murdoch.edu.au/pqdweb?index=0&did=1492 414001&sid=l&Fmt=3&clientId=20829&RQT=309&VName=PQD
Penulis tidak diketahui,
"Tradisi Lisan Dalam Penulisan Budaya Lokal", Fakultas Ilmu
Pengetahuan Budaya, Universitas Indonesia, 22 Juli 2005 pada
http://www.fib.ui.edu/index1.php?id=view_news&ct_news=l39 Siddiq, M.
'Perubahan Politik Indonesia Pasca Soeharto dan Posisi Ummat Islam',
ditulis oleh Drs. Mahfudz Siddiq 1999, hh 1-6, pada http://www.hamline.edu/apakabar/basisdata/1999/02/23/0034.html
Subagya, Y. T.
'The Rise ofGlowing Light: Forgive butnotForget', dalam Breaking the Silence: Kethoprak and Social Healings of the Past Violence in Rural Java (draft), ditulis oleh Y. Tri Subagya, year unknown, hh 8-11.
Subanar, B.
'Tempat, Waktu, dan Lakon: Faktor-faktor Penentu', dalam Sebuah
Geliat dalam Dunia Ketoprak Jaman Ini: Makna Simbol dan Fungsi Seni Pertunjukan di Tengah Perubahan Jaman, 2007, ditulis oleh DR. G. Budi Subanar, h3.
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" Ketika Mentalisme Kapitalisme dan Budaya KonsumtifSudah Keblablasan", ditulis oleh Iwan Syahril, dalam Education 21,12 Oktober 2007 pada http://iwansyahril.blogspot.com/2007/10/ketikamentalitaskapitalisme-dan.html
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Trevor-Roper, H.
'The Invention ofTradition: The HighlandScotland Tradtion', dalam The Invention ofTradion, eds Ranger, Terrence dan Hosbawn,
Eric.Cambridge University Press, 1992. Hh 15-41. Trisakti,
'Seni Pertunjukan Ketoprak Televisi Dalam Konteks Transformasi Budaya', ditulis oleh Trisakti, Universitas Negeri Surabaya, Tahun tidak ditahui.
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'The' Indonesia-ness' Language, Visual Culture and Dislocuted Identity', ditulis oleh Farah Wardani, dalam Art from Dislocution:
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sglobalisation/ivg_debates/art_symposium/farah wardani.htm Zaelani, R.A
'(No More) Peaceful Reformation, Noisy Deformation, "Turn Left May Proceed"', ditulis oleh Ri/ki A. Zaelani untuk Network Indonesia, 1998, h3, pada http://uscrs.skyncl.hc/nctwork.indoncsia/ni3001a34.htm
APPENDIX
47
Survei Para Pemuda Umur 18-25
Name: Umur:
1. Apakah Anda sudah pernah mengatahui tentang kethoprak?
2. Apakah Anda pemah menonton pementasan kethoprak?
3. Bagaimana pendapat Anda tentang kethoprak? */
4. Kegiatan apa saja yang Anda lakukan pada saat waktu luang?
5.Apakah kalau gaya pementasan kethoprak lebih modern (misalnya, musik, cerita,), akan membuat Anda lebih tertarik untuk menontonnya?
6. Apa saja yang akan membuat kethoprak lebih tertarik kepada pemuda?
Tabel Akibat Survei P/L
U
PI.
P2.
P3.
P4.
P5.
l.KhairulFajri
L
25
Y
tv
UOT
Band
Mngkn
2. Bayu Susilo
L
24
Y
P
Suka
M
Y
3. Antok
L
22
T
T
UOT
M
Mngkn
4. Iwan
L
24
T
T
UOT
Band
T
5. Anton
L
23
Y
tv
Lum
M
Mngkn
6. Didi
L
19
Y
tv
Tdk suka
0
T
7. Agung
L
21
Y
P/tv
Lum
M
Y
8. Musli
L
23
Y
tv
UOT
M
Mngkn
9. Budi
L
24
Y
tv
Lum
M
Mngkn
10. Yudo
L
23
T
T
UOT
M
T
ll.Oki
L
25
Y
T
Band
Mngkn
12. Wisnu
L
22
T
T
UOT
0
T
13. Sabto
L
21
Y
tv
Tdk suka
Dugem
T
14. Lelek
L
24
Y
T
UOT
Dugem
T
15. Preyo
L
22
T
T
UOT
Dugem
T
16. Dini
P
19
T
T
M
T
17.1ndah
P
21
T
T
UOT
M
Mngkn
18. Irma
P
23
Y
T
UOT
M
Mngkn
19. Aisyah
P
24
T
T
M
Mngkn
20. Anezka
P
25
Y
tv
Tdk suka
M
Mngkn
21.Nindi
P
20
Y
tv
UOT
M
Mngkn
22. Nabiia
P
22
T
tv
UOT
M
Mngkn
23. Faridah
P
22
Y
tv
Lum
M
Mngkn
-
-
-
24. Gita
P
18
Y
T
UOT
M
Mngkn
25. Dewi
P
23
Y
tv
UOT
M
Mngkn
26. Natasha
P
24
Y
T
M
Mngkn
27. Yuli
P
21
Y
T
UOT
M
Mngkn
28. Asya
P
19
T
tv
UOT
M
T
29. Cici
P
24
Y
tv
Lum
M
Mngkn
30. Manda
P
22
Y
T
M
Mngkn
P/L= Perempuan/Laki-laki U=umur
Pl= pertanyaan 1
Y=ya
T= tidak
P2= pertanyaan 2
P= pementasan
tv=:televisi
P3= pertanyaan 3
Lum=
P4= pertanyaan 4
M=m< snongk]rong (1kegiat an sosial seoerti: di ca
lumayan
O- olahraga
-
=
T= tidak
tidak ada pendapat
UTO= untuk orang tua
Band= suka menonton band
P6 Saranan:
Bahasa Indonesia, musik modern, cerita tertarik dan baru, alat pentas modern.
1
RECALLING AND RE-PRESENTING THE 1965/1966 ANTI-COMMUNIST VIOLENCE IN INDONESIA
Barbara Hatley, University of Tasmania
The ongoing trauma
In terms of Terror, Political Violence and Cultural Trauma in Asia', the topic ofthe conference panel where this paper was given,' the killings and imprisonments in 1965-66 ofmany hundreds ofthousands ofIndonesian people for membership ofor association with the communist
movement,2 present an extreme and infamous example. The horror ofthe killings, for both victims and their families, and communities as awhole, was intensified by the fact that in most
cases the violence was perpetrated by fellow citizens, not state forces. Moreover the ongoing, many-sided trauma -the shock of the massacres, the sufferings of political prisoners and the economic deprivation and social isolation experienced by their relatives - had to be endured in
silence. Victims and their families, branded arch-enemies ofthe state by the new regime, had no The attached paper was presented at the 16,h Biennial Conference of the Asian Studies Association of
Australia in Wollongong 26-29 June 2006. It has been peer-reviewed and appears on the Conference Proceedings website by permission ofthe author who retains copyright. The paper may be downloaded for
fair use under the Copyright Act ( 1954), its later amendments and other relevant legislation.
The exact number ofthose killed and imprisoned is notoriously difficult to calculate. Robert Cribb
reviews the vastly differing estimates from different sources ofthe number ofdeaths, including official Indonesian military figures of500,000. (Cribb 1990:9-14) While acknowledging such difficulties of calculation Ariel Heryanto states "It is safe to speculate that we are talking about the plight ofseveral
rights to speak; in expressing sympathy with them one ran the risk of being labelled similarly. For the Suharto regime not only justified its rise to power in terms of suppression ofthe Communist movement, butdeliberately maintained a sense of danger, and fuelled fears ofthe recurrence of
the events of 1965-66, as amechanism of social control. The term "Communist", as Ariel
Heryanto explains, became a"floating signifier" which could become attached to anyone or
anything, undermining the legitimacy oftheir existence. (Heryanto 2006) Citizens set up hyperobedient practices, reproducing the fear ofCommunist threat and reflecting it back to state
authorities. In this sense the trauma affected the entire society, and lasted for 30 years, right throughout the life ofthe New Order regime.
With the Suharto's resignation in 1998 and the dismantling ofhis regime, the events of1965-66
and their aftermath could finally be spoken ofonce more. Yet even then the space opened up for discussion and restoration was limited and partial. There has been no official investigation ofthe massacres, no public accounting or apology. A proposal to parliament by then President
Abdurrachman Wahid in 2001 to rescind the ban on the Communist Party was greeted with such fierce opposition from his own political party and others that it was quickly dropped. When a group offormer political detainees and supporters dug up the remains of1065 victims from a
mass grave in Temanggung and prepared to rebury them, their plans were thwarted by violent attacks by local residents, rejecting the presence ofCommunist bones in their cemetery. (Heryanto 2006: 1-2) The legacy ofNew Order ideological branding and societal terror of Communism remains strong.
Contesting hegemony, recovering history
Nevertheless, anumber ofnon-government organisations have taken up the tasks ofinvestigation, documentation and advocacy on behalfofthe 1965 victims and their families. For some this is
part ofabroader concern with the abuse ofhuman rights by the New Order regime; other groups have formed specifically for this purpose. YPKP (Yayasan Penelitian Korban Pembunuhan 1965-
66- Institute for the Investigation ofthe Victims ofthe Killings of 1965-1966), the group involved in exhuming graves mentioned above, focuses on documenting and investigation cases ofviolence. Others have avariety ofaims, including prosecution ofthe perpetrators and reparation to victims, although all recognise the difficulty of legal action, given the fact that groups implicated in the violence continue to hold powerful state positions.
Syarikat (Masyarakat Santri untukAdvokasi Rakyat - Community ofMuslims Advocating for the People) was founded among youthful human rights activists from the Nahdatul Ulama Muslim organisation. They wished to make reparation in some way for the reputedly widespread involvement ofNU youth in the 1965 anti-Communist violence by working for reconciliation between victims and perpetrators. Their methods include research on the causes and consequences of the conflict in particular areas, mediation between the victims and community groups, and organisation ofdiscussions on ways to overcome differences and implement cooperation. Such activities have as their aim "to re-evaluate historical constructions ofthe tragedy of 1965 and its ensuing conflicts, to eliminate the stigmatisation offollowers ofthe PKI and their descendants, and to build bridges between communities who used to exclude one
another" (Wajidi 2004 p.81). Based in Yogya, Syarikat has branches in 18 other cities in Java.. Another group in Yogyakarta working towards similar goals is the Pusat Sejarah dan Etika Politik (PUSDEP), the Centre for History and Political Ethics at the Catholic Sanata
DharmaUniversity inYogyakarta. PUSDEP focuses attention on instances of political violence, the politics oftheir historical construction and efforts at reconciliation. Itaims 'to re-investigate and represent history and social processes from more comprehensive, integrative perspectives.' ( Bulletin PUSDEP April 2006 p. 19) While PUSDEP holds frequent academic seminars and book discussions, and Syarikat's major work is more community-based, both organisations have an interest in cultural forms - in films, performances and art and photographic exhibitions. On
various occasions they have worked together to organise and promote such activities. The roles of cultural forms.
Various factors motivate this emphasis. Cultural media allow the transmission to a wider public,
beyond the circles of victims and those involved in reconciliation activities, of a picture of what really happened in 1965 and its impact on individual lives. The medium of film played a powerful role in theNewOrder era in instilling the regime's version of this history. The infamous
film Pengkhianatan G30S/PKI " The Treachery ofthe 30,h September Movement/PKI", depicting in grisly detail the kidnapping, torture and killing of a group of army generals by
vicious communists in the September 30th attempted coup, was shown constantly to groups of school children, and broadcast yearlyon television. Performances, exhibitions and locally-made
films provide a medium, albeit far more limited in reach, to refute this still powerfully influential propaganda in telling a different story.
Live performances, moreover, play a special role inJavanese society in bringing communities
together in shared witness and celebration of significant events. A lavish shadow play marking a wedding in a prominent family, performed bya famous puppeteer before crowds of delighted neighbours; a community concert for Independence day with contributions from each social group - toddlers dancing, housewives singing, teenagers rapping - represent variations on this
principle. In this context, bringing social groups together for acultural performance re-telling contested history and promoting reconciliation has deep resonance. Where different groups have
the chance to perform their identity within asingle, unified event the effect is particularly powerful. An impressive example, described by Farid Wajidi quoting an account by Asvi Adam (Wajidi 2004: 83-84) occurred in South Blitar, formerly a site ofstrong communist activity, NU youth involvement in killings, and heavy New Order indoctrination, including the building of the Trisula monument commemorating the extinction ofthe PKI. In 2002 abig ceremonial event
was held at the Trisula monument, ostensibly to commemorate the migration ofthe prophet Muhamad from Mecca to Medina. Former PKI and NU communities came together, each presenting its own art form - NU villagers staging kentrung; campursari3 for the ex PKI group. Discussions preceding the event had revealed the role ofthe military in promoting conflict
between the groups. Now they performed together before the monument created by the military, asserting a new-found independence of its narrative of terror.
Another reason for the prominence ofcultural activities in the recovery ofthe history of 1965 in Yogya is the fact that artists and performers were strongly represented among the victims. Many actors, wriutrs and visual artists beforel965 were associated with the communist-linked cultural
organisation LEKRA, and Yogya was the base ofafamous leftist troupe Krido Mardi, performing ketoprak, Javanese language historical melodrama. After Suharto's departure, several writers and
visual artists became active again. Ofthe legendary pre-1965 actors, many had passed away and others were too old to perform .However in Yogya several children of PKI victims are prominent actor/directors, and one, Bondan Nusantara, has taken lead in recuperative activities.
It was my own interest in cultural activities in Yogyakarta, and contacts with practitioners, which to my attention the work of Syarikat and PUSDEP, and the emergence into public representation
ofthe theme ofthe 1965-1966 anti-Communist violence. 4I heard ofaperformance of ketoprak IfST81? naiTatiVe by?St°7teUer' accomPanying himselfwith drum music; campursari is amixture
oftraditional Javanese gamelan with Western musical instruments
Iexpress great gratitude to Bondan Nusantara and Yustinus Tri Subagyo, for providing much information
and most ofthe materials on which this paper is based
information,
at a gatheringof women political prisoners in July 2005, then of a much grander, spectacular
ketoprak show playingout the political eventsof September 1965,held to celebratethe founding of the regionof Bantul and sponsored by the bupati, the regional head. Later I gained accessto
documentation of other performances, art exhibitions and films, dealing in various wayswiththe events of 1965-66 and their aftermath. In this paper I lookat various examples of films and
performances, analysing the way the 1965 theme is represented in each, and how differences of form and style might connect with particular aims and factors of social context. The review is
partial and impressionistic, drawing only on a few texts to hand, making no pretence to a comprehensive study. But of these few examples I try to suggest how such cultural expression addresses the experiences ofvictims ofthe violence, combats stereotypical assumptions about the past and attempts to indicate new directions for the future.
Documentary and fictional films
Syarikat has produced two films on the 1965 events and the victims, the documentary Kado untuk Ibu "Present for Mother" and a very brief feature film Jejak Darah " Trail of Blood". Kado
untuk Ibu focuses on the prison at Plantungan in the Ungaran highland area near Semarang where women accused ofPKI involvement were held. It opens with accounts by two women of the activities ofawomen's organisation, presumably Gerwani, and the ideals they were striving for. One describes her concern that, amidst all the progressive change brought about by the achievement of Independence for Indonesia, conditions for women were still so bad She felt
challenged, called. "While women were still suffering like that how could Inot get involved?"
Then avoiceover recounts how the high hopes of women such as these were overturned by the events ofSeptember 1965. Stills ofreports from newspapers ofthe time, and shots ofsections of
the commemorative Pancasila monument erected by the military, illustrate an account of
vilification ofGerwani as politically subversive and wantonly immoral. Several former prisoners recount the events oftheir capture, the confusion and hardship ofthose days, sessions of
interrogation, abuse and torture and the privations ofprison life. The history ofthe Plantungan prison is recounted - from military hospital in the late 1800s to leper colony in 1929, ayouth detention centre in the 1950s and finally an internment camp for women in 1971. The camera returns tothe woman who spoke earlier ofher ideals. She now recalls, in restrained tones belied
by the emotional stress revealed in her face and body language, experiences ofrepeated sexual violation justified as appropriate treatment for women whose political deviance equated them with prostitutes. On one occasion she had been forced to perform oral sex on agroup of
interrogators, sitting in line, her head forced down onto their genitals." They were the people exalted bythe New Order" she remarks bitterly. "They said they were upholders of the law, they said they were religious people". But can we believe that, she asks, after behaviour like this? The
film ends with this powerful indictment ofthe sexual abuse ofwomen political prisoners (other accounts indicate the practice was indeed widespread, and often brutal5) exposing the hypocrisy of the New Order military's portrayal of themselves as saviours of the nation from the threatened
moral disorder ofcommunism. The filmic approach and technology ofthe film is simple and unsophisticated, its scope limited6, while the message comes through strongly. It key aim has been to provide afactual account ofthe events of1965 and their impact on women imprisoned as
Communists, which counters and refutes hegemonic representations ofthis topic, and to give long-silenced victims achance to speak.
Jejak Darah is a more ambitious work, incorporating fragments ofmusic and sung poetry, filmic effects such as flashbacks, and subtitles in English, in representing the fictional experience ofayoung ketoprak performer, seized from his home as asuspected Communist sympathiser and brutally dragged away for "interrogation". The young man is seen writing aletter to his
sweetheart, the daughter ofavillage ketoprak director, glancing fondly at her framed photo. He had been ac,tor in this troupe before coining to the city to join alarger troupe and perfect his skills. The words ofthe letter, conveyed in voiceover by the young man in Javanese and Indonesian, reveal that the events of the 1965 coup have taken place; generals have been killed
and the Communists have been blamed. At the local level killings have occurred and many people have fled. He ponders whether the Communists were really at fault. He also describes the
aim ofhis performance, developed under the guidance ofthe director ofthe city ketoprak troupe, Pak Gito, that of not merely distracting people from their hunger but firing them up to do something about it. Is this the same as that ofthe PKI? He doesn't know. Acommotion is heard
outside the house; afriend rushes in, reporting that Pak Gito has been seized, along with others, and "they" are coming. Asecond friend appears, urging the young man to flee. But insisting he knows nothing, has done nothing wrong, he stays. As agroup of men, some villagers, some in rt^J^J^**0 ^ res/arched the experiences of former Gerwani political prisoners for her PhD tihes.s, reports that accounts ofsexual violence are very common and some say that every Gerwani prisoner was raped Often the news that aformer fellow-prisoner has borne achild is greeted with sTrp^s^Tn
*e seventy of mjunes inflicted on the woman's reproductive system during incarceralS Pohlgren, personal communication.) wuwamiun.v/uime
fS^X^£l rnT^ °/St°rift0,d: °!!Iy f0Ursome WOmen apPearononthescreen' WhiIeinterviewers. ^is is not One necessarily aproblem mfilmic terms, it may indicate selectivity part ofthe
armyuniform, one wearing a Muslim fez marking his membership of an Islamic group, burstinto the house, shout questions and assault the young man, his voiceover is heard insisting that he knows nothing, has no connections with Communism and is not a member of the party. While he groans under their blows and kicks the voiceover state "God will decide what is true." Pools of
blood left on the floor as his body is dragged away, and the imprint in blood of an army boot, constitute thejejak darah the trail or footstep of blood (the wordjejak can have both meanings) of the title.
With its consciously artistic effects and English subtitles Jejak Darah is clearly intended for showing to varied audiences, at events such as national and even international festivals. It works
on an imaginative, emotional level, inviting viewers to think about the young man's stated ideals,
and their possible similarity toCommunist thought, toengage with the question as to whether he
(and Communism?) has done anything wrong. The violence with which he is treated by his captors, using graphic slow motion shots, and the trail ofblood left behind evoke strong parallels with the scenes depicting the kidnapping of the generals bythe communists in the film Pengkhianatan G30S/PKI. Where Kado untuk Ibu tells a factual story through the voices of actual victims, Jejak Darah writes back to the ideological constructs of New Order media. Stage performances
Tentu Rindu, Menggugat Senyap "Come together in longing, challenge loneliness" These words, emblazoned on acloth banner, greeted participants arriving at an historic event held
in Yogya in July 2005, areunion ofwomen victims ofthe 1965/66 violence. Two elderly former women prisoners, who gained comfort and support from one another's company, developed the idea ofholding the gathering to create asense ofsolidarity and strength among fellow women survivors. Several NGOS including Syarikat and PUSDEP provided logistical assistance, and on the day over 500 women from cities and towns throughout Central Java came together. PUSDEP researcher Yustinus Tri Subagyo, who was present at the event, describes emotional encounters
between women who had not seen each other since their release from prison 20-25 years earlier, who didn't know their friends were still alive, who had been too fearful to socialise during New Order times. They talked and ate together, spoke publicly about their experiences, and sat on the
floor around a"stage" area where those who wished came forward to read apoem, dance or sing. The peak ofthe program was ashort ketoprak performance. Its presentation, analysed below, ofthe interviewers is reported as saying that the accounts ofanumber ofthe women interviewed were
unsuitable for inclusion as they had cohabited with guards. (Adrian Vickers, personal communication).
illustrates tellingly the capacity of performances in such contexts to celebrate and strengthen the shared sense of identity ofactors and audience members. (Tri Subagyo 2005: 3-6) The show was directed by Kadariyah, the legendary prima donna of the Communist-linked
ketoprak group Krido Mardi, who had directed numerous all-female ketoprak plays in prison, with other former women prisoners as actors. Kadariyah also played the main role, that ofa
woman whose young daughter has been made pregnant by arich, elderly, polygamous official. As Kadariyah berated and ridiculed the official for his immoral, self-indulgent, exploitative
behaviour, audience members responded with delighted laughter. Tri Subagyo reports that the woman sitting to him confirmed the reality ofthis picture ofmen ofthe aristocratic priyayi class exerting their power over social inferiors. Aking in his own household, he could indulge himself sexually outside the home without sanction. Then she went on to speak ofher experiences when
she was arrested 30 years ago for membership ofGerwani: she had been fondled and groped by interrogators, and forced to appear naked with other detainees. This woman's reaction suggests that for audience members generally the performance may have provided shared validation of their own experiences ofsexual violation years ago, even adegree ofcathartic release. The show
also displayed the acting abilities ofgroup members, among other skills they are still able to contribute to society. Directed very much to its specific audience and context, it seems to have succeeded admirably as acelebration ofshared identity. Bang-bang Sumirat
In contrast to this modest, internally-focussed performance, afew weeks later, on 11 August 2005, agrand theatrical spectacle was staged, Bang-bang Sumirat" The Red Light of Dawn" playing out in allegorical form the events ofthe so-called communist coup ofSeptember 1965 and its aftermath. Celebrating the anniversary ofthe founding ofthe regency of Bantul, south of Yogyakarta, it was performed on Bantul town square before about 1000 people, and later broadcast on Yogya state television. Ketoprak script writer and director Bondan Nusantara, son of Kadariyah, had been invited by the regent, bupati, of Bantul to organise the show, which involved 300 local actors, dancers and musicians. The play is set in the fictional kingdom ofBantala Warih7, where conditions parallel to those experienced by Indonesia in 1965. Ji!?»fi!™,
a^an, m°,d JaVaneSe transIates int0 Ind°nesian as tanah air, literally "water and
EL^E? f°r theuIndon*r "a«vethelandperformance or homeland. wonders also ifai!m?My™^ sound withof Bamul, the localTregency whose anniversary wasOne celebrating, InfluKfeChoice
name.
9
The performance commences with loud, dramatic gamelan music and clouds ofpink smoke as soldiers in knee-length pants, with bare torsos, move rhythmically across the stage in formation, stopping occasionally to practice fighting manoeuvres. Two young women leaders inform the troops they are soon to receive important instructions: then their king, the monarch ofMalaya Bumi (Malaysia) enters with his ally Prabu Singa-singa (the CIA), The latter speaks ofthe danger represented to their country and others by Bantala Warih, and enlists their help staging an attack. Action shifts to the court of Bantala Warih; assembled courtiers bow in homage as their
king, Prabu Tuk Gunung (President Sukarno) enters the stage. Played byveteran actor Widayat, a former member of the youth wing of Sukarno's nationalist party, themonarch, resplendent in glittering robes, gold necklace and jewelled epaulets, is accompanied by two beautiful consorts and a troop of young female guards. Officials and military leaders, including foreign minister Subandrio, head of the PKI Aidit and generals Nasution and Yani, debate how to deal with the CIA, and the king reaffirms his policy of independence from any outside forces. Then a
messenger arrives with news of the attack from Malaysia and the king instructs the military leaders to fight back. A lengthy scene of battle preparation follows: maletroops drill and practice combat in pairs, female cavalry dance with hobby horsesand a troop of women archers parades with miniature bows. After a brief opening skirmish, the women troops of Malaya Bumi and Bantala Warih confront one another, exchangingchallenges. A BantalaWarih female leader asserts dramatically, arms outstretched" This is my country, the land of my birth. Right or wrong
I am prepared to die for it!" then the battle begins in earnest. First male and female pairs fight one another, then the battle becomes a general struggle, all against all.
Bantala Warih may have won the battle against Malaya Bumi8 but there are other problems. A dispute within the military has resulted in the deaths of several top generals. Prabu Tuk Gunung/ Sukarno reprimands Subandrio and other leaders for allowing this to happen, and is advised to seek safety. A high-ranking military officer Haryo Tratap ( Suharto) announces that there has been a coup and Karno Tanding ( Aidit) is to blame. Different groups of soldiers fight one another. Haryo Tratap (Suharto) appears on high at the back of the stage as crowds of ordinary
people mill about in confusion watched by soldiers. He gives an order; ordinary people start attackingone anotherand soldiers drape a huge red cloth over them, creating a seething red mass. When the melee quietens bodies lay stewn across the stage. A madman appears, singing and
dancing. He announces that the world is in total disarray. " No-one remembers anything. Not the
In the vicjeorecording of the performance the outcome is somewhat unclear
10
good, not the bad....not their relatives or their families."9 Then he points to the Suharto figure, now facing the back ofthe stage. " Those who portrayed themselves as heroes (literally "warrior knights") have transformed into monsters".10 Suharto turns around, his face ahideous demonic mask with fangs and wild hair. "Wake up!" says the madman," Learn from what has
happened!" The bodies stir and people come to consciousness. Taking revenge will bring only ongoing suffering, the madman asserts. Look to the south, he advises, to the bright light ofdawn -the bang-bang sumirat ofthe title. "A new time has come, atime full ofglorious hope."12 Actors flood onto the stage as the performance comes to an end.
It is hard to tell how widely the allegory ofthe performance was appreciated. Actors surely understood the reference ofthe characters and events they were representing, and the bupati of Bantul, apolitically-astute former newspaper editor, clearly knew and approved. Many with connections in artist and activist circles would have heard in advance about the content ofthe
show. Journalists would have known, although they made only oblique reference to asocial
lesson about reconciliation. Some analytically-minded viewers perhaps picked up the suggestion of the names.
But uninitiated, unsophisticated audience members might not have grasped these clues. Indeed it
might have been hard for them to see the awesome, richly-attired monarch Prabu Tuk Gunung as their first president Bung Karno. Scenes ofcourtly grandeur and displays ofhomage possibly conveyed asense ofclass difference and awe for high status at odds with the populist values espoused by Sukarno himselfand the play's director. Similarly, as an example ofketoprak kolossal, agenre developed in New Order times, requiring great directorial skill, coordination and generous funding, the show might be seen by some as consumerist spectacle, in place ofthe
participatory people's art once represented by ketoprak. Yet some ofthe subversive, progressive content ofthe show surely came through loud and clear. All viewers would have shocked to the
sight ofthe noble warrior transformed to amonster, with accompanying commentary from the madman underlining the damning implications for Suharto and the military. Similarly the final words ofthe performance about the need to embrace reconciliation and look to the future were
powerfully'direct. Another distinctive feature ofthe show, distinguishing it from standard fobeh ora eling. Ora eling benere, ora eling lupute. Ora eling sanak Ian keluargane.
j| Sing maune ngaku satriya malik dadi buta babrah.
Ayo, toh, tangia, tangiaf Sinauna marang lelakon.
Bangkitjaman anyar, jaman sing kebak pengarep-arep mulya
From chapters 1 and 2 of Barbara Hatley Javanese Performances on an Indonesian Stage: Contesting Culture, Embracing Change. Australian Association of Asian Studies/NUS Press, Singapore 2008
(page 1 ofthis excerpt=p. 25 ofbook) Ketoprak in the time ofmotion Village origins
Ketoprak is generally believed to have emerged in the latter half ofthe nineteenth century in the countryside around the court cities ofSurakarta (Solo) and Yogyakarta.' A1977 account begins by describing how ketoprak developed as an elaboration ofa form of musical
entertainment long established in village Java, performed after harvesting or for community
celebrations." Gejog or kothekan music is produced through the rhythmic striking of poles in the wooden trough used to pound and husk rice (lesung) and the beating ofsmaller sticks
against the sides of the trough to supplement the main rhythm. Apicture is given of informal
gatherings in the evenings, where one or two people would beat the lesung, summoning a crowd; some people would join in beating and others dance about in time to the rhythm. Sometime in the late nineteenth century, asimple dramatic story came to be performed and
other musical instruments added —drum, flute and tambourine. Whether performances of this type were already described as "ketoprak" is said to be unknown, but development of the genre from this kernel is clear (Wijaya and Sutjipto, 1977:13). Later the text cites as
authoritative the popularly-accepted view ofthe origin ofthe term "ketoprak" —that it
derives onomatopoeically from the sound ofthe pounding (kethok) ofthe large wooden poles on the floor oftrough, and tfie beating (prak, prak, prak), ofthe smaller sticks on the side (Wijaya and Sutjipto, 1977: 61).
Elite patronagein the city
The next stage in ketoprak's development involved amove to the city and cultivation by
members ofthe aristocracy..In 1908 the Solonese aristocrat, K.R.T. Wreksodiningrat is
reported tohave established aketoprak troupe in his home. Its simple, humorous style, using alesung plus drum, flute and tambourine as accompaniment, reputedly, attracted widespread attention when the group performed in public for events such as aroyal wedding in 1909.
After Wreksodiningrat died in 1914, attempts by a former member of his group to establish
ketoprak as acommercial venture were unsuccessful. Solo people reportedly were not used to paying for entertainment, since they could often watch without charge performances
staged in aristocratic homes. (Wijaya and Sutjipto, 1977:22). Moreover there was strong competition from wayang wong, adance drama of court origin, which since the 1880s had been performed outside the palace, asa commercial show.
In the city ofYogyakarta, by contrast, ketoprak quickly achieved immense popularity. Krida Madya Utama, atroupe led by an actor from one ofWreskosdiningrat's offshoot groups, went on tour westward from Solo in 1925. It played in the cities of Klaten and
Prambanan, and finally the district ofDemangan on the western edge ofYogyakarta. Within
weeks groups had sprung up all over the city: ketoprak became averitable craze. By 1928, a contemporary newspaper account reports that 300 groups were operating in Yogyakarta. One
elderly court official, Pak Probosoeprodjo, with whom Ispoke in 1978, recalled that in the
1920$ and early 1930s there were often three or four ketoprak groups in one kampung. Young men didn't feel satisfied unless they were involved in performing. People were so keen to participate that when all the parts in astory had been assigned, those who hadn't
been given arole would plead, Aku neng adegan taman ben dadi wit wae ("In the garden scene, please let me just be atree!"). Pak Probosuprodjo's himselfwas actively involved,
playing his first role as adevil (setan), at the age often.'" His older brother Atmosuripto,
later to become avery famous figure in the ketoprak world, was at that time piously devoted to his studies at the Muhammadiyah teacher training school. But just as he was about to
graduate Atmosuripto got caught up in the ketoprak craze, dropped his studies and took to the stage.
While most ketoprak participants were ordinary kampung folk, members ofthe nobility were likewise fascinated by the new form.iv Beginning in 1925, ketoprak groups were
formed in several of the great houses of Yogyakarta, including the residences of four sons of the reigning sultan, Tejakusuma, Adikusuma, Mangkukusuma and Suryodiningrat. The groups were composed of sons ofthe princesthemselves, along with children oftheir
retainers (abdi dalem) and some neighbourhood boys. In another model, a kampung group was invited or permitted to rehearse and perform in the house of a local courtofficial,
although the nobleman was notdirectly involved. Each noble house specialised ina
particular lakon (story) orgroup of lakon, taken from the repertoire of shadow-puppet
theatre and dance drama or from Javanese and Middle Eastern legend/ Weekly practices and
performances would be held the large open at the front ofthe house, with invited guests seated inside and hundreds of kampung people standing in the courtyard outside to watch. Court drama and dance started to influence the style of performance. The lesung was generally replaced by instruments of the gamelan orchestra. While the style of dance for men
remained simple and strong, with stiffarms and closed fists, that of female figures became more refined, in imitation of court dances, even though all female roles continued to be
played by men. Performances became more structured, on the model of dance drama, and a
separation was introduced between serious, heroic characters and comic roles. Very probably itwas at this period that palace scenes employing more elaborate language were first
introduced. However ketoprak retained its naturalistic style ofspeech and gesture in contrast to the stylised movement and vocal delivery of court dance drama.
Numerous ketoprak greats oflater years started performing in these aristocratic groups.
Cokrojiyo and Sudjati, famous stars ofrival troupes in the 1950s and early 1960s, began acting with the Mangkukusuman group. Their father, like his father before him, was a
retainer in the Mangkukusuman house, amaker ofcoaches. So Cokrojiyo, Sudjati and athird son, Pardi, joined the ketoprak activities, and went on to illustrious careers. By the 1970s,
only Pardi lived on, performing the part oftoothless clown with the Sapta Mandala troupe. Several ofthe old performers recalled their group being invited to perform for the
reigning sultan and his family/' The Sultan had heard ofthis new thing called "ketoprak", and wanted to see for himselfwhat it was like. But it could only be staged in aside hall of
the palace rather than the main dance pavilion. For ketoprak was considered a lowly
(rendah) form within thekraton, and never performed bypalace danceis.v" Cultivation of ketoprak by the nobility lasted for only a few years. By 1930or 1931 most
of thesegroups had been disbanded. Elderly aristocrats suggested various explanations, such
as theexpense of rehearsals and boredom with thecraze. Political factors may alsohave had
an influence. Ketoprak as a popular artform appears to have been influenced intheearly 1920s by the ferment of political activity taking place in Central Javaat that time (Shiraishi,
1990). Jaap Kunst writes, with particular reference to ketoprak in Solo, that "politics took possession of it... unmistakably forcing the performances in a communistic direction"
(KuiVst, 1973 vol 1: 288.) After attempted communist rebellions in 1926-1927, however, Dutch colonial authorities crushed the political movement and intensified surveillance of
social and cultural life. Fear ofattracting adverse attention from the Dutch may well have
influenced the aristocrats in ending their direct involvement in ketoprak activity. Taking the show on the road
After the disbanding ofketoprak activity in the noble houses, many performers joined commercial troupes, which performed intermittently in Yogyakarta and went on tour toother
cities. Here was a major shift in the setting ofperformances, from outdoor locations orthe
pavilions ofroyal houses to makeshift theatre buildings with proscenium stages, scenic
backdrops and paying audiences. There was also contact with other theatre genres performed alongside ketoprak as neighbouring attractions at night fairs. The lifestyle ofactors changed dramatically, from settled kampung and village life, with its set routines, rules and
responsibilities, to one ofconstant movement, living on the margins ofsociety, with
connotations ofwild, immoral behaviour, in cramped temporary quarters, ever dependent on the fortunes of the troupe.
'
In its development into acommercial show, ketoprak took on aspects ofthe model of
Western theatre, adopted via the medium ofStamboel (from Istanbul, in reference to Stamboel's core repertoire ofArabian Nights tales). This hybrid Malay, Middle Eastern and
European theatrical form had originatedamong the Eurasian community in Surabaya in 1890-1891 and toured Java frequently in the last decade of the nineteenth century. After a
spectacular first visit to Yogya in 1892,three more very successful stays in the city soon
followed (Cohen, 2006:107-12,155-6,235,280-1). By the 1920s and 1930s theoriginal Stamboel troupe had long since disbanded but offshoot groups continued to emulate itsstyle. In Yogyakarta these performances were popular attractions at the yearly Sekaten festival and
atnight markets. (Wijaya and Sutjipto, 1977:40). Here ketoprak played alongside Stamboel
as neighbouring shows. Many Stamboel stories were adopted into ketoprak — Arabian
nights tales such as Aladdin's Lamp, European classics like Romeo and Juliet — along with its staging techniques, scenic d&or and costume style consisting of loose satin pants, tunics, turbans, boleros. Anelderly actress speaking in 1977, recalled, for example, that in the late
1920s the ketoprak group in which she was performing went on tour as part ofa"package" of stage attractions, owned byaJewish entrepreneur, among which was also a Stamboel troupe. Her ketoprak group, Budi Langen Winodya, performed mainly Middle Eastern
stories, using Arabian-style costumes and European musical accompaniment using guitars, violins and drums.""
The association with the exotic at times had astrategic dimension. When ketoprak actors, as commoners, wished to stage historical stories involving kings and princes ofthe stillreigning Mataram dynasty, palace authorities often forbade the use of traditional Javanese
style (kejawen) clothing, in particular court ceremonial dress. So Middle Eastern-style costumes, designated Mesiran (after Mesir, Egypt) had to be worn instead.'" The costume
issue connected with deeper political tensions over the representation ofJavanese history in ketoprak. Some older actors reported that in late colonial times the performance ofstories of
the kingdoms of Demak and Mataram was banned by the authorities, ostensibly to avoid offending living relatives ofhistorical figures but more likely for fear ofallusion to the
illegitimacy ofthe Dutch presence in Java. Ketoprak's negative political associations among government officials often meant that, in order get permission to perform, troupes had to call
their performances stamboel Jawa (Javanese stamboel) (Kunst, 1973: 288). As in the case of
the Mesiran costumes, the distance ofthe foreign apparently served as astrategy to neutralise the threat of the familiar.
Not all attention to ketoprak by the colonial authorities was negative. In 1935 the troupe Krido Raharjo was appointed to present aweekly broadcast ofketoprak on the government
radio station MAVRO (Maatschappelijke Vereeniging voor Radio Omroep). Presumably the popularity of the form made itappropriate for radio broadcast as a medium for both
entertaining listeners and controlling the content ofwhat was presented to them. The actors
learned the performing skills and disciplines required by the new medium and knowledge of and interest in ketoprak was extended to new audiences. The results were far-reaching. An officially-sanctioned, government-supported radio ketoprak group has continued to operate through all the subsequent shifts ofIndonesian history. After Independence, the ketoprak group ofthe Yogyakarta station ofRRI (Radio Republik Indonesia, Radio ofthe Republic of Indonesia), became arevered institution, the pinnacle ofskill and artistry in performance. What the group also represented, through its institutionalised status, was conservatism, official connection, and support for the status quo. During the 1950s and 1960s this was expressed in political difference from more radical, leftist groups and later in resistance to
the innovations of style being introduced into the ketoprak world. The troupe has continued its weekly broadcasts and occasional live performances until today, albeit much reduced in size and influence in these transformed times.
Political mobilisation
During Japanese Occupation, ketoprak activity reportedly declined drastically under the
harsh conditions (Wijaya and Sutjipto, 1977:41). After the occupation eneded, during the war ofIndependence against the returning Dutch, many ketoprak actors joined the troupe Sandiwara Rakyat (People's Theatre) formed by the Department of Information of the
fledgling Republic ofIndonesia, and asuccessor group created a few years later. Yogyakarta, as capital ofthe Republican territories, was an important site of nationalist-
oriented entertainment. Shows were organised by the entertainment section ofthe army, and
attended by both soldiers and the general population.There was Javanese language comedy, and Indonesian language plays by the Sandiwara Rakyat troupe concerning the
contemporary struggle. A Yogyakarta resident who watched these performances as a boy
dates the beginning of his nationalist ideals from those stirring shows."
After Independence, ketoprak in the 1950s and early 1960s, like other aspects of Indonesian life, became deeply involved in party politics. Yet, for the reasons mentioned
earlier, during the 1970s this involvement went unmentioned or was spoken of only
obliquely. The basic facts were well-known. Ketoprak in Yogya had been polarised between the PNI (Partai Nasional Indonesia Indonesian Nationalist Party) and the PKI, (Partai
Komunis Indonesia Indonesian Communist Party), each with its own ketoprak organisation
and representative troupe. The PNI-affiliated Lembaga Ketoprak Nasional (LKN), the
National Ketoprak Institute, maintained as its principal troupe Ketoprak Mataram, the troupe ofthe state radio station RRI. The Badan Koordinasi Ketoprak Indonesia (BAKOKSI) the
All-Indonesia Body for Co-ordination ofKetoprak, was aligned, although not formallyaffiliated, with the PKI. Fou.nded and represented by the star Yogyakarta professional troupe,
Krido Mardi, it had member groups in most areas ofCentral and East Java."' The political parties staged ketoprak performances to celebrate special events and as entertainment at
political rallies. Student groups affiliated with the parties also appeared atthis time; the young actors would often invite a few professional performers to take the starring roles while playing the other parts themselves.
These were the main facts: how they were interpreted and explained, and what impact
political connections had on the nature ofketoprak as a form remain questions. In my experience ofchatting with groups ofactors, ketoprak in Old Order times never arose as a
topic ofdiscussion, and Iwas wary ofraising the issue in private conversations for fear of embarrassing or endangering performers. Now and then, however, an actor would volunteer
information on a particular point. An actor formerly affiliated with the PNI, now a member ofthe Sapta Mandala troupe, observed that the repertoire ofketoprak before 1965 had been
not been much different from the present. Each period has its patrons or sponsors, whose
interests are reflected in performances. Political ideology in the time of the parties had been incorporated into ketoprakshows in about the same proportions as promotionofjamu (patent medicine) in shows sponsored byjamu factories in the 1970s. He went on to cite the
example of performances bycommunist-affiliated groups of the story of Ki Ageng Mangir, a heroic village leader unjustly killed bythe king of Mataram, in which Mangir's supporters
shouted slogans of the Barisan Tani Indonesia, the communist-linked agricultural labourers' organisation.
Performances of this lakon were recalled very differently, however, by the former
director ofthe communist-linked Krido Mardi troupe and current director ofSapta Mandala,
when Ispoke to him separately. This man described deeply moving scenes as Mangir travelled through thecountryside to the Mataram court and his fateful encounter with the
king.'i Residents ofvillages along the way would plead with the revered leader to turn back'
but he continued steadfastly on his doomed journey. In his account asense ofthe rightness ofMangir's stance and the tragedy ofhis death had been built up gradually through the
dramatic development ofthe performance, rather than apolitical message being crudely "tacked on" through political slogans.
There was general agreement, however, that certain stories were seen to fit the ideologies of particular political parties, and became their trademark lakon. Ki Ageng Mangir, with its
damning picture ofoppressive feudal authority and positive portrayal of aheroic village leader, was particularly popular with communist groups. The folk legend Row Mendut, in which a noble official takes an unwilling village girl as his concubine and later kills her
commoner sweetheart was likewise performed with anti-feudal, populist implications.
TopengMas, astory with a Middle Eastern setting concerning treacherous military officers, was used to reflect negatively on the Indonesian military, the main rivals ofthe Communist
Party. The Chinese lakon Sam Pek Eng Tay, in which ayoung girl disguises herselfas aboy
in order to be able to go to school, was performed by communist-linked groups to convey a progressive message about women's rights, and to counter negative stereotypes ofthe
Chinese. The lakon Banteng Mataram literally (Bull of Mataram) about avillage youth who
heroically defends his king and the kingdom ofMataram, was a favourite oftroupes affiliated with the PNI, whose party symbol is a bull.
At routine commercial performances, however, aimed atattracting audiences, the aim was above all to present a dramatic, engaging show. The Sapta Mandala and former Krido
Mardi director observed that many ofthe stories performed today by Sapta Mandala were
lakon he had first learnt while with Krido Mardi. With minor adaptation they had been made acceptable to a very different patron.
Organisational connections
Written sources, statements by bureaucrats and conversation with actors and other Yogya residents confirm that during the 1950s and 1960s it was groups associated with the
Communist Party which had the most active ties with the ketoprak world. Reviewing the organisation of theatre troupes in Indonesia in the early 1960s, James Brandon suggests that membership ofthe communist-linked ketoprak organisation BAKOKS1 was about four times greater than that ofthe LKN, the equivalent organisation associated with the PNI nationalist
party (Brandon, 1967: 216). He describes the aims ofBAKOKSl, "a potent organisation
whose influence stems less from its size than its activist tactics", as those of recruiting members and instilling government policy and Communist Party ideology. Among its member groups, however, political awareness was patchy. For this reason groups were offered "inducements" such as "free acting lessons, an invitation to join a local theatre
festival, assistance to an amateur group trying to set up its own theatre program" (Brandon, 1967:215-218).
Wijaya and Sutjipto's text, in aspare, two-paragraph account ofthis period, describes BAKOKS1 "as a child (anak kandung) ofthe people's cultural organization LEKRA, under
the protection ofthe Indonesian Communist Party, the PKI, as an attempt to use ketoprak performances as atool for spreading party propaganda by drawing ketoprak groups in the
regions to join it"(Wijaya and Sucipto, 1977:42). This picture ofpurposeful use ofketoprak by the Communist Party and LEKRA for the spread ofparty propaganda was also cited on
occasion by government officials and other figures of authority duringthe 1970s. They
decried the involvement of political organisations generally in theatre activities during this period, seen as detrimental to artistic standards and the welfare of actors.
During the 1970s views from the other side, from those involved in communist-linked
ketoprak activity, tocompare with the accounts of bureaucrats representing the opposing political order, and an American scholar writing ata time of intense Cold War anti-
communism, were too difficult and dangerous to access. In later years, however, I was able tospeak toat length to Hersri Setiawan, who during the 1950s was aregional head of LEKRA, the communist-associated cultural institute, first in Yogyakarta and later Central Java as awhole. Hersri confirmed the strong ideological commitment to
socialism/communism ofkey ketoprak actors in Yogya, members ofthe star troupe Krido Mardi, which formed the basis ofBAKOKSl. He mentions Rukiman, Sudjati (Jati), Sasmito and Rukinah as active members ofLEKRA. These were all seasoned performers, veterans of
the prewar group Warga Wandawa, and ofthe army-organised nationalist plays ofthe Revolution. Numerous Krido Mardi actors were also members ofthe PKI party, while Pak
Jati and Pak Sasmito also represented the PKI in the provincial parliament. Similarly, the head ofthe RRI troup, the legendary Cokrojiyo, and anumber ofhis colleagues were members of the PNI Nationalist Party.
The PKI maintained aparty cell, afraksi in each organization. The Krido Mardi fraksi
head Pak Rukiman, would consult both the head ofthe PKI and LEKRA before the troupe went on tour. The PKI provided information about the national political situation and the
party's current ideological priorities: from LEKRA they learnt about local politics and cultural conditions in the areas to be visited. It was up to the troupe to draw on this information in devising aprogram ofperformances for the tour. Actors often consulted
Hersri, who had been appointed as special an advisor to BAKOKSI, about such matters as
historical accuracy in stories and costuming, correct language, and the kind ofmessage appropriate to particular geographic areas.""
10
Hersri described his main mission in LEKRA not as spreading political ideas but
fostering local cultural development, giving attention to cultural forms which were not being valued —"to give people's art its rightful place, so it wouldn't be looked down on, treated
like apariah."""' The concern was alongstanding one. Back during his high school years Hersri, a keen fan ofketoprak like his kampung neighbours, had bristled atthe disdainful
attitudes ofelite classmates, who played hockey for recreation and saw ketoprak as alowly pursuit ofcommon kampung folk. When, as an adult, he got the chance to support and promote ketoprak through his LEKRA work, he delighted in doing so."'v In terms ofideological understanding and practical commitment to advancement for the
people, Hersi described the main performers in the Krido Mardi troupe as in no sense
dictated to or manipulated by the party or LEKRA. Their ideas had developed from social experience and contact with nationalist thinking, especially during the revolution. Two
actors he mentioned specifically in this regard were Pak Sasmito and his wife Bu Rukinah, whom Imanaged to meet briefly after their release from prison in the mid-1980s. In spite of their straightened circumstances and the ill-health which caused their deaths afew years later, they spoke glowingly about their experiences performing ketoprak in the 1950s and 1960s. Bu Rukinah expressed particular pride in the ketoprak school run by Krido Mardi.
Wherever the troupe went on tour, they would give lessons during the day to local young people in history and ideology and practicals skills, while at night staging routine commercial performances.
From the accounts of practitioners and the few written accounts still extant, there emerges apicture ofsincere ideological belief in socialist/communist ideas among ketoprak activists such as the leading figures in Krido Mardi, combined with acommitment to the
advancement of ketoprak as an art and the welfare of its players. Amagazine, Ketoprak, published by Bakoksi, which appeared briefly in 1959-1960 includes articles about ketoprak history, language, music and organisational practice, expressions ofconcern at the lowly social reputation ofthe form, exhortations to practitioners to work hard to improve artistic standards, recruit young players and keep up with changes in society, and protests at a 11
crippling entertainment tax causing great hardship to troupes (Ketoprak taon 1 1960).
Articles are written from the perspective ofketoprak practitioners, with the apparent aim of increasing their knowledge and skills, and encouraging and motivating them. Activities such as those described by Brandon as mere "inducements" to attract BAKOKSI members, the
acting lessons, competitions and training school, in fact seem to have been highly valued.
Presumably these performers saw communist ideology and LEKRA activities as providing support for ketoprak as artistic expression ofthe ordinary people, the rakyat or wong cilik, and themselves as its practitioners.
People's art and its patrons.
In some ways the connection between ketoprak groups and political parties during the 1950s
and 1960s exemplified an ongoing pattern, the cultivation ofthis underclass art form by more prominent, influential social groups. From its origins as asimple rural entertainment
form, to the Stamboel-influenced touring shows ofthe 1930s, to patriotic renderings of Javanese history tales in radio broadcasts and neighbourhood concerts after Independence, ketoprak retained its close identification with village and kampung folk and their culture. Its
labelling as ordinair "vulgar, common", in palace circles in the late 1920s, its mocking disparagement by elite school boys in the 1950s, and concern at the low social reputation of their art expressed by ketoprak practitioners in the 1960s are all easily explained. Yet akey factor in the process of ketoprak's development had been the involvement of figures from outside the ketoprak world —the nobleman Wreksodiningrat in Solo, Yogya aristocrats maintaining ketoprak groups in their grand homes in the 1920s, the business bosses of
touring groups in the 1930s, nationalist groups and fledging government departments in the late 1940s and political parties in the 1950s and 1960s. These groups for their own reasons
directed attention and resources towards ketoprak. Ketoprak actors as "little people" at the bottom ofthe Javanese class system, became part ofprocesses oftransformation and
promotion oftheir form through alliances with those ofgreater status, wealth and influence,
Developments during the New Order period, when the government became extensively
12
involved in ketoprakactivities, can be seen as an extension of this pattern. In one respect, however, what happened in the 1950s and early 1960sdiffered from the
general pattern of elitecultivation of ketoprak. Official populist/ nationalist political
ideology during those years nowvalorized the rakyat, theordinary people, as the core of the
nation. The communist movement promoted peasants and workers as adistinct class group,
while LEKRA supported cultural forms defined as "people's art". Ketoprak performers and enthusiasts were thus encouraged to identify explicitly and positively as wong cilik, and to
stage performances embodying this class identity. In aesthetic terms there was no shaping by external models, such as that of court dance drama or hybrid, Malay/ Middle Eastern
Stamboel. Political indoctrination, meanwhile, promoting concepts such as class struggle and
anti-colonialism/imperialism, was vigorously pursued. Many performers, particularly in small rural troupes, would have had only avague understanding ofthese ideas. But the
politically committed, like the leaders ofKrido Mardi, joined enthusiastically in apolitical movement they saw as validating and promoting their own interests. And performers generally would have experienced astrengthened sense of pride in their lower class Javanese
cultural identity which arguably lingered on into New Order times, even after the momentous political shifts of the late 1960s.
After the storm— military masters.
The alleged communist coup ofSeptember 1965 was followed by awave ofreprisals against Communist Party members and sympathisers which hit the ketoprak world hard. The
association in public perception between ketoprak and Communism was very strong. As the
military and local community groups mobilized in the months after the coup, and the killings and disappearances began, many actors were rounded up in and imprisoned or killed. In Yogyakarta the lead actor ofKrido Mardi, Pak Jati, is known to have been killed, while many others were imprisoned."v All ketoprak activity, professional and amateur, ceased in
the weeks after the coup and did not resume for some years. In the traumatized atmosphere people did not dare to hold performances for fear ofviolent disruption, nor to attend public
13
gatherings after dark. In Yogyakarta it was 1968 before two new troupes started up. One, Budi Rahayu, was established bya Chinese financier; theother, Dahana Mataram, was
army-backed, using costumes and properties taken over from the former Krido Mardi troupe, with veteran performer and director Atmosuripto appointed as leader. However Atmosuripto, reacting against criticism that he had benefited from the misfortune of his fellow performers, gave up the position after a year and moved to Jakarta.
The New Order military now moved in as the new patronof Javanese popular theatre.Theytook over the roles previously occupied by the political parties in relation to
theatre, eliminatingany lingeringsocialist/populist connections as they imposedtheir own ideological control. In East Java the focus was ludruk, the local form which like ketoprakin Central Java, had been strongly associated with the communist movement prior to 1965
(Peacock 1968:28). The Brawijaya regiment established six ludruk troupes, while the local military and police force also founded groups. In Yogyakarta in September 1971 the Central Javanese Diponegoro regiment formally established a large, well-equipped and supported ketoprak troupe Sapta Mandala, comprised of actors from Budi Rahayu plus others invited to
join. Meanwhile the Dahono Mataram group, now named Wringin Dahono, was supported by the military district command, Kodim 0374.
The founding of Sapta Mandala, as a joint undertaking of the Yogyakarta military, government and arts establishments, represented a major cultural initiative of the new
regime. The well-known, noble-born dancer, choreographer and cultural figure, Bagong
Kussudiarjo was appointed titular head, while his younger brother, the writer and journalist Handung Kussudiarsono, actively managed and led the troupe. Sapta Mandala's founders
defined ketoprak as "people's art" (kesenian rakyat) in the sense ofan art form appealing to the entire people, the society as a whole, rather than any particular group. This description denied the notion of a specific identification between ketoprak and the underclass masses (Wijaya and Sujipto, 1977: 43). To satisfy the tastes of a diverse public, containing many high ranking, educated people as well as low status groups, the artistic standards and
historical and cultural accuracy of performances needed to be raised. Hence in addition to
14
performing routinely, Sapta Mandala actors were given instruction by experts inJavanese
history, language, dress and etiquette as well as modem dramaturgy. They were frequently involved in performances for state events, intelevision broadcasts and in experiments with novel techniques such as written scripts and Indonesian language dialogue, requiring intensive rehearsal.
They werealso provided with facilities not available to other troupes. One notable feature was transport between their homes in the city and the site of nightly commercial performances in villages outside of town. Where members of other troupes had to sleep on site in the theatre building, Sapta Mandala actors were driven back to town by panel van. This arrangement, allowing actors to remain with their families and maintain a normal
domestic and work life, was much appreciated by Sapta Mandala members and envied by
other groups. Its central aim, meanwhile, one actor reported later, was prevention of the sexual impropriety and other unruliness associated with touring troupes. Such behaviour
would undermine Sapta Mandala's image of respectability and social responsibility, within
the broader framework of the ordered, family-like New Order state.xvi
Ketoprak troupes in the 1970s — Sapta and the rest Sapta Mandala contained a numberof former members of the Krido Mardi troupe. As former political prisoners with communist connections, they were not permitted to work elsewhere,
but were ableto perform with Sapta Mandala's military patrons as sponsors and guarantors. The new troupebenefited from their expertise, while the actors, grateful for any work at all, had little choice. The group included, as mentioned earlier, the former director of Krido
Mardi, Pak Mujiharjo. Pak Muji acted asdirector for routine, nightly performances, while troupe leader Pak Handung took charge of preparation for special, experimental shows. Pak
Rukiman, now bentand shrivelled, played the roles of wise old advisors, teachers and sages and Pak Pardi appeared as a toothless clown. By day Pak Pardi and Pak Rukiman were also employed to do general labouring tasks in the large house compoundand batik business of
the troupe's titular leader, Pak Bagong. Considering their lives a few years earlier,
15
particularly that of Pak Rukiman, as Krido Mardi fraction head and active LEKRA member, this situation must havebeen verydifficult. In a sense the actors' lives had traced a circle. As children of servants to aristocratic families they had been introduced to ketoprak, become
prominent performers, toured the country, learned about the world, and experienced some degree of social equality. Now, in oldage, they were once more reduced to menial work in an aristocratic household, not as trusted retainers like their fathers, but stained by political disgrace.
None ofthese actors lived long. By the early 1980s Pak Muji, Pak Rukiman and Pak
Pardi had all died. Bu Rukinah, by then newly released from prison, performed with Sapta Mandala briefly, but soon she too, along with her husband Pak Sasmito, had passed away.
Bu Kadariyah, the famed prima donna of Krido Mardi, lived on, performing small roles in
films and telemovies as well as ketoprak, and surviving into the post-Suharto era. But for her generation as whole, the ketoprak world was no longer theirs.The baton had passed to another, younger generation.
Amongthe younger members of Sapta Mandala were a star husband and wife pair,
Widayat and Marsidah. As university students in the early 1960s they had begun performing ketoprak in groups linked with student political organisations. Such activities had brought into ketoprak people of more educated, affluent background than the norm for performers. Widayat had reputedly been very active in the nationalist, Sukarnoist student organization GMNI (Gerakan Mahasiswa Nasional Indonesia — Indonesian National Student
Movement). Perhaps his impressive skills in onstage political debate werea legacy of that experience. By day Widayat had a position withthe radio troupe RRI, and aftera time
moved to work exclusively with RRI. Marsidah remained with Sapta Mandala, as thehugely
popular, vivacious and loquacious female star of the troupe, while working by day with the Department of Information, performing humorous skits conveying government information. Two other members ofthe troupe were school teachers. One, Pak Wahono, related that he had become involved in ketoprak by accident as a result of following around from
performance to performance a pretty actress, now his wife. Invited tojoin in acting, he 16
displayed a fluent delivery and teacherly manner which quickly earned him the name Pak
Guru (teacher). After Pak Rukiman's death, Wahono took over his position in the troupe, playing the parts ofteacher, wise man and sage. The remaining members ofSapta Mandala came from the usual class background ofketoprak performers, often following on the occupation of their parents.
By the mid- 1970s four other professional troupes, besides Sapta Mandala, were
performing nightly in and around Yogyakarta. One was based at the Taman Hiburan Rakyat, the People's Amusement Park, in the centre of the city. The others, Wringin Dahana, Sinar Mataram and Warga Mulya, moved around, spending about two months at atime in villages and towns in the Yogyakarta area. Their members included some veteran performers who
had survived the upheavals of the mid 1960s and many younger people learning the ropes. From the late 1960s onwards many amateur and semi-professional groups regrouped or were newly founded, often with encouragement from local government officials, Some
groups held regular rehearsals in their kampung neighbourhoods and performed occasionally when invited to so for events such as weddings. The two amateur radio stations, Reco Buntung and Armasebelas, each had associated ketoprak groups which made weekly broadcasts. Government departments, including the Department ofSocial Welfare and the
Department of Education, and the local newspaper Kedaulatan Rakyat, formed groups among their employees. Many more groups came together only in the months leading up to the major annual occasion for ketoprak performance, the community concert for 17 August, Independence Day. An accurate estimate ofthe total number is not possible. However my own observations together with information from Wijaya and Sucipto (1977) suggest around 200 groups in Yogyakarta and surrounding villages.xvii
New Order officials sought both to replace ketoprak's previous populist/socialist image with amore "progressive" one, and to make use ofits communicative power for their own ends. At the yearly ketoprak competitions, held first among sub-districts (kecamatan), then at district (kabupaten) level, government representatives spoke ofketoprak as a"mass media", very popular with the people and thus suited for communication ofeducative 17
information.""" Participating troupes were instructed to insert in their performances "messages" endorsing the state ideology, Pancasila, economic development, family
planning, transmigration and Dwijungsi ABRI, the role of the armed forces in civilian life.
Seminars and workshops brought ordinary actorstogether with elite culturalexpertsand officials, who gave them lectures on improving "dialogue, language and etiquette"and
"characterization, acting, improvisation and stagecraft" to bringtheir performances into line
with contemporary conditions and "the tastes of the majority of society". (Wijaya and Sutjipto, 1977:62).
Official agendas, popular tastes, local conditions. For the most part actors accepted these measures. They dutifully incorporated propaganda
messages into competition performances, and listened silently to lectures on aspects of
theatrical production they had been practising routinely for decades. Some topics,
particularly those involving correct Javanese language expression, could give rise to lively debate. However there was only one occasion when 1heard actors publicly express resistance to a government-promoted model ofketoprak practice. A Department of
Education and Culture workshop held the Kulon Progo regency ofYogya in 1978 highlighted the theme ofoutmoded, stereotyped characterization requiring revision in accordance with modern concepts ofdramatic realism and psychological development. The
main figures in the well-known lakon Roro Mendut were pinpointed as examples and excerpts from the story staged soas topresent alternate character portrayals. The noble
official Wiroguno, usually pictured as a doddering, vindictive geriatric, was portrayed here as middle-aged but strong and active, in keeping with his position as a military commander. Roro Mendut, Wiroguno's intended concubine, and Pronocitro hercommoner lover, were portrayed as less than innocent, veterans ofa number of previous love affairs. Moreover
Wiroguno killed Pronocitro in a fair fight rather than, as in routine performances, cruelly torturing his unarmed opponent before stabbing him.
18
NETWORK INDONESIA-home-culture-arts
(No more) Peaceful Reformation Noisy Deformation "Turn left, may proceed". By Rizki A. Zaelani Art Exhibition/ Galeripadi/ 1998/September.
By the end of the 90's, the Indonesian modern art tradition is 'shaken'; it has to face what has been believed by most of its supporters as the turning point of the development. The phenomenon was declared at the same time with the assumption about "the social corruption", which then blew some art practices out with assumptions like: The modern art doesn't function because the public doesn't need it.
Consequently the art expression that is functioning is that of anything 'involved' with what's the
public need. Or, alternately, there has to be an art empowerment so it will be able to 'help' the public (and its self as well), through production management strategy and effective presentation of the art works. Eventually there will be an added value (economically) which will drive the public economics.
In relation to all of these things we then pondering on what kind of art that (will be) "in demand" or acknowledged?
This phenomenon can't conceal the questions about: Does social corruption necessarily mean art corruption as well? Is the falling social, political and economical condition to the 'nadir'
applied to the artistic expression as well? Upon contemplating these questions, we are connecting two things: Firstly, doesn't it mean that we're observing the problem of'what kind of art expression' do we refer to? Secondly, isn't it the assumption made on social corruption
(which is also tied to economical and political corruption) is a kind of explanation for a social change as well? Then, isn't it both are the problem of the shifting of value? In "The Shifting of Moral Values, Art Development and Social Changes" (1), Ignas Kleden explained the presence of'value' as' something regarded to be related with culture, or to be
more specific, is in the symbolical world of culture. This symbolical world is a world where production, reproduction and storing of mental and cognitive contents of culture in the form of
science and belief, meaning and symbol, value and norm take place. Within this symbolical
world there is aesthetic value that is appeared in the form of art and moral value which then is
manifested into social action and interaction. If this symbolical world is a fabric of meaning, then the social world is its real and concrete manifestation of the value. It is reflected in daily action that is then institutionalized in social norm. Through their more advance relationship later on, the social world is not only manifesting, it could also deceiving, concealing, trespassing or violating the existed norm in the symbolical world of culture. Social behavior always has ambivalent or even multivalent value.
The above explanation could be applied to help our understanding on the 'theory of art' and 'art practice'. Hence, in art practice (production, presentation, distribution, and institutionalization) there's always aesthetic value (whether a certain thing is beautiful or not) and moral value (whether a certain thing is good or not) involved in it. It is interesting to draw a relationship between art practice (Including art theory) and the social world, to discuss the changes of social condition and the belief in the social corruption condition (for some art practitioners). It seems that we should read the development of art tradition from decades before. Still fresh in our
memories Is the Indonesian modern art (painting) booming phenomenon during the eighties, particularly the later half. Even though In the art theory region some people are worried and never cease to remind us of the problem of the devalue, the art practice never listen and keeps on moving towards their own standard of achievement. This situation is continued to the middle of the 90's. That time is noted as the drama of Indonesian economic rise, when the expansion of capitalism network reached its most complex point never before happened in Indonesia. The rise is identified not only through the successful physical development, but also in its most intimate form, that is behavior and life style (2).
The development of art, as well as life Itself, is always looking for its own path. In the clamor of the art booming there grew some different art practices that tried to deny it, a kind of art aimed to be 'an alternative' against it. Apparently the category of'alternative' as a term could be used for many Interests and references (just like the term 'reformation' recently). But what is meant
by the 'alternative' in the 80's is an art practice reminiscence of the 'contra movement' spirit of the 70's Gerakan Seni Rupa Baru (The New Art Movement). This "alternative style" is trusted to have potentials, to mediate the art development in other side of the world, including its many problems such as the contemporary art, post-structuralist philosophy, or postmodernism art and culture.
Although many has concluded that we haven't been involved enough with the above problems, the invasion of thoughts through media and publications has inspired a kind of another "emancipating project" emphasizing the struggle against the violence of domination and
absolutism. (3). The inspiration is not growing alone, it is evolving together with the many questions about the modernization process that has never came to be fair. Postmodernism is
indeed partially pictured with another frequently neglected part that of to be modern and
understanding the modernity.
The inspiration works through its reflection to the social world. The culture is then realized as
being 'threatened', not by the bayonet tip, but by the obedience to a kind of pragmatic attitude,
leaving the question of right or wrong according to a certain doctrine or belief behind. The
legitimating criteria are almost entirely being connected to the end result or performance.(4). Thus in the pluralistic reality of Indonesia, the effect of mass culture is no more dangerous than embourgoisement fantasy. It is no more latent than the cultural politic project of the state that demands a centralized power and homogenized attitude and behavior. The hegemony ofthe New Order state-system has been built on its role as the re-stabilizer begun with the rule
arrangement. The fear of the threatening communism has worked effectively as a reminder to
the dark past and as a justification to impose the order and law of state hegemony.(5)
Now the practice of our modern art is in a time that is frequently dubbed as the Pasca-New order era, or more popularly called the Reformation era. Just like the term 'alternative' in our
modem art discourse, it could mean a category and could be used in its many meanings or for many different purposes. Now it seems that it means a'spirit' desired to change the pragmatic obedience attitude before. It is far too difficult for me to answer whether this new spirit will make it in the social-political context. I can only hope that it will not only be an arena to fight oyer status and position with authority and legality to rule the interest of larger publics. Hence
the question of'who' will be more crucial than 'how' because the matter of 'how' is defined by
the 'who'.
r
Nevertheless, is this concern could be applied to the art practice? It seems like we are now
watching the matter of"whose turn is it now?", or "what is the appropriate model of productionrepresentation for an art work to be'in'? If there is, the reformation as a spirit in the practice of art has been blundered. More often than not, it has also became "suspicious" In relation to Its
previous forms and practices which had not (yet) been explained well even though some ofthe
unexplained things had been mentioned by Sanento Yuliman:
• The homogenized view that believes In one kind of art practice for the development of Indonesian modern art. This view acknowledges sole homogenous public that serves as
•
both audience and patron whose appreciation for art should be continually improved. The belief in the assumption of linear history of the development of art. As a result, the modern art as a manifestation of modern culture is shaped by the past cultural journey, which obviously could be traced back to its roots.
•
The practice of the excessive emphasizing in painting and sculpture as the main phenomenon Inherited from the Western aesthetics. (6)
From the three statements of Sanento Yuliman above we learn that the rejection wave and the contra-movement initiated by the New Art Movement since its start in the 70's through its development after the 80's was not a manifestation of the spirit of reformation.(7). The widely accepted ideas of pluralism, genealogy (8) and the strong attack to the hegemony of the Western Modernism didn't turn it into a revolutionary ideas and reformation movement. It was a project of deviation and emancipation, a process of deformation.
The deformation would arise from 'the same game with different sets of rule' (since the rules were now under revision). It has an intention to create a new kind of game. A deformation would not be end up formless (amorf), on the contrary it is an effort to find a different form, a 'new' form that still related (genealogically) to the previous form. A deformation Is a kind of "(creative) denial" from the rigidity idea of a standardized form. The denial would worth nothing If the new form to be created should be confirmed through a formulated conception. The deformation would become an 'opposition' against the requirement for a fixed stylization. Nevertheless a meaning could still be established through a reflective way, not necessarily be more important than its process.
In this case, the deformation is not considered as a part of the process in a certain art practice. It is indeed an inspiration for the continuity of art theory and practice. Another symptom has to be anticipated, that is, a kind of ornamentation attitude. The noisy deformation is an attitude of ornamentation; it is not grown into an awareness of a process. Instead, It is a construction in the name of the end result. Ornament becomes a definitive part of the whole, a part of the hegemonic structure. The contemporary art practice in Indonesia may under the possible trap, an invitation to obey the hegemony of meaning (9) of the mainstream contemporary art development in one side, and to the lure of market expansion on the other side. In consideration to the projected result, executing a deformation is apparently not as 'pleasing' as ornamentation. Naturally, integrity and patience are rarities already. Rizki A. Zaelani Curator
Notes:
Ignas Kleden, Pergeseran Nilai Moral, Perkembangan Kesenian dan Perubahan Sosial ("The Shifting of Moral Values, Art Development and Social Changes"), Jurnal Kebudayaan Kalam, 1996, no.8, page 5-6.
Ariel Heryanto's notes in his papers, "Kajian Budaya Menjelang Abad 21", on a panel discussion "Cultural Reflection", 9 September 1995, Taman Ismail Marzuki, organized by Jaringan Kerja Budaya and Jurnal Kebudayaan Kalam. Read Ariel Heriyanto.
The polemic about Postmodern issues was started since the discussion on the topic in Salatiga in
1993, the papers of the discussion then were published in Jurnal Kebudayaan Kalam 1/1994.1 referred to this'Jurnal Kalam, particularly to Ahmad Sahal's writing "Then^Where Is The Emancipation" and Gunawan Mohamad's, "Revolution and Anarchic Praxis .
Read Gunawan Mohamad, RevolusI dan Praksis Anarkis: Marxisme dan Postmodernisme, Dilihat
dari Indonesia di tahun 1993, (Revolution and Anarchic Praxis: AS seen from Indonesia in 1993), Jurnal Kebudayaan Kalam 1/1994, page 71.
Read Michael van Langenberg, Negara Orde Baru: Bahasa, Ideologi, Hegemoni, (New Order
State: Language, Ideology, Hegemony) in YudI Latif and Idi Subandy Ibrahim's,ed. BAHASA dan KEKUASAAN: Politik Wacana di Panggung Orde Baru, (Langauge and Power: Political Discourse in the New Order Stage), 1996, Pustaka Mizan, Bandung, page 229-231.
....Sanento Yuliman, Dua Seni Rupa, (Two Arts), National Symposium of Art, Surabaya Committee of Art, July, 1984.
Particularly the development of the contemporary art in the 80's didn't elaborate the matter of rebelling anymore. It emphasized the faith to pluralism and its more "international" characteristic. The development of Indonesian modern art has never been considered in the map of the decisive mainstream discourse of Europe-America). Because of that and of the
receding popularity of the grand narrative of'reformation' or 'revolution', the development of contemporary art since the 80's (particularly in the 90's) has neither spirit nor the intention for a 'reformation'.
Genealogy is a science of family descent. It has been popular since Michel Foucault used the term in his critic to history, which according to him has a characteristic to categorize things in the name of certain power/knowledge. The word 'history' always supposing a series of events that entwined continually, and is well ordered under the causality principal. It is supposing a center point as a point of departure or destination. Foucault believes that events happen in discontinued way, they are random fragments. Foucault further mentioned about a genealogical criticality, in the sense that it is not a deductive inherence from a certain fixed form, something we have no way to acknowledge and know. On the contrary, he only chose and sorted it out from the temporariness that shaped us to the way we are now. Genealogy does not try to invoke metaphysical thoughts that will eventually become a science; it reaches as far as possible to search for a new driving force to achieve an unlimited work of freedom. For discussion, read Ahmad Sahal's Kemudian, DI manakah Emansipasi (Then, Where Is The
Emancipation), Jurnal Kebudayaan kalam, 1/1994. Read Jim Supangkat, Contemporary Art: What/When/Where, Catalog, The Second Asia-Pacific Triennial of Contemporary Art Exhibition, 1996, Queensland Art Gallery, Australia, page 26-28. translated by Lie Fhung September 1998
http://users.skynet.be/network.indonesia/ni3001 a34.htm
ART FROM DISLOCUTION
IDENTITY, GLOBALISATION & TODAY'S INDONESIAN ART by Farah Wardani (download the exhibition document 40 kB)
Globalization & Identity in Indonesia
The unlimlted-ness offered by Globalization, inescapably delivers some serious impacts. Apart from the economy crisis which, as can be vividly seen, has been
shaking developing countries for the past 6 years, one underlying impact is definitely a crisis of values, which covers areas of social, culture and politics. This crisis of values, inevitably, includes problems concerning the issue of identity. In Indonesia in particular, identity has become a buzzword which has been
excessively jargonized in every medium of govern mentally-enforced nationalism propaganda. Yet, it also remains as one issue that has been endlessly argued and requestioned. The search for 'Indonesia-ness' has become a tiring and sceptical
journey, for what is defined as 'Indonesia' itself has always been vague.
In the following, as a background I will at first briefly describe about the problem of (verbal) language in Indonesian nation building and identity constructions, and its relation to visual culture. I am completely aware that identity itself is a broad subject and in this case I have to limit my focus on 'identity' as in 'Indonesianess', relating to the Indonesian nation-building process and cultural-political constructions. Then, I will move forward to describe and read back the situations
of a new generation of Indonesian artists and the position of growing alternative »
spaces in dealing with the issue.
The Mndonesia-ness': Language, Visual Culture and Dislocuted Identity
Language Is one great factor in Indonesian identity construction system. The Indonesian language is relatively a new language derived from many languages, initially being formulated just at the end of the 19th century. The implementation of this language as the lingua franca of the archipelago is very much related to the issues of power, and its development also has been trapped too much in the hegemony of (foreign) text.
Historically, 'Indonesia' was a newly invented word, a great signifier of an idea covering a construction of linguistic system, nationality and territory, which was a
combination of former diverse constructions. 'Indonesia' is a word signifying what Ben Anderson called as 'imagined community'.
On the other hand, as development progresses and globalization takes place,
there has been transformations of medium.
Visual culture is rapidly growing as an effect of globalization and capitalism. The construction of Indonesian language and the process of visual culture are clashing onto one another. Here I am borrowing a term invented by Sarat Maharaj, a
dislocution (a play of the term 'dislocation', replacing 'locate' with 'locute') a
conflict between the signifier and the signified, or in other words -of text and context. It can be seen that in this globalization era, hybrid meanings are emerging, and also hybrid existences. Built upon double standards and the tension between traditional-modern values, a new hybrid generation of
Indonesians are emerging, with questions on their identity that has been continuously developing, yet never been eloquently articulated, whether visually or verbally.
Finding the Language: Indonesian Young Artists of Today
Indonesian visual art can be said as a product of the tension between traditions and modernity. Modernization that conveyed Western influences then has produced a transgression in the concept of identity of the artist itself, in which individual existence is the most significant. What happened afterwards as an effect was various ideological conflicts in the formulation of Indonesian national
cultural identity in relation to the development of art, with many polemics
surrounding the issue. What is left today is an 'exhaustion' of the search of 'Indonesian art'.
From the Indonesian art historiography, it is visible that there has been a great
obligation for art to function to mediate reality and that in a way also includes to take part in the identity construction. This is what should be requestioned Art has been regarded as being able to become a channel of reality representation and even an instrument of (national/cultural) identity construction, even in practice it is mostly so far has been distant with the reality, and in the end due
to the rapid movement of modernization, it is also often trapped in the paradoxes of the construction and representation systems.
Of course, when speaking about representation, one cannot escape from the problem related to the factor of language as discussed above: to represent
Indonesia, which or whose Indonesia that the artists represent? We have to be
conscious of the fact that the Indonesian art scene so far in general, whether in 5 Tar,,? °r discurslve areas> has been developed only around Java and Bali, which still posits questions surrounding the issue of localities.
Some issues that have been the target of sharp criticism is the tendency of art internationalism (like in the biennales/triennials) to be a vehicle of discourse commodihcation and identity politics, particularly relating to social problems and identity politics, with ambiguous standards between the local and the global. This problem becomes a great point of consideration of contemporary visual flfh4 eSKPeC' VHi6 °neS COming from the Post-Indonesian Art Movement era rhp pmf 9reat,y aCtiV6 dUring the ^0s and continue untjl t0^y, and also
^^nS^^llSST fr°m the rGCent 9eneration wh0 enter the scene in the lace yus ana the millennium. Focusing on the latter, it is interesting to see how young Indonesian artists of
today try to articulate their existence through their visual strategies. They can be seen as coming from the dislocuted generation with ambiguities and hybridities. Yet, the ambiguities itself might as well reflect the shifting process of the young generation, in coping with their restlessness of being raised in multi-dimensions, with so many polarities and confrontations of values. Slide show
One arresting point of these exhibitions is that the artists in general rarely bear the echoes of the cultural Identity representation or Post-Reformation political activist-art, that was once a major trend in the Indonesian contemporary art world, which reflects the exhaustion of selling such theme and their urge to explore other things, may it even be the most trivial things in their everyday life. There is a tendency to move beyond ideologies and grand narratives, choosing interdisciplinary creative processes in trying to create their own visual communication, taking inspirations from everyday lives and small narratives. Here, identity is no longer the real issue to be defined, but more to how to identify medium, contexts and the contemporary existence. Cosmopolitanism and the urban issue slowly replace the theme of tradition/tensions, or in other words,
more to the*'issue of how to deal with modernity, and also a more interactive and collaborative manner of cultural exchange, supported with more opportunities given through various artists-in-residence programs.
The emergence of alternative or peripheral cultural spaces that have been mushrooming in the world in general and in Indonesia in particular is also a phenomena on its own. Several things that can be explored from this are, firstly, alternative spaces as a signifier of socio-cultural movements that prioritize the context of locality in facing the totalitarian grip of globalism, and also reflecting various counter-culture strategies of independent movements to deal with what is regarded as the mainstream, (as in aesthetics, infrastructure, governmental/institutions, commercial galleries and the art market, and even the international art circle). Furthermore, it also indicates a transgression (or perhaps, a 'return') from capitalist-oriented individualism to
communalism/collectivity. Lastly, It can also be seen as a reflection of a growing new generation.
Even though the emergence of alternative art spaces in Indonesia has begun in the late '80's - one of the most influential and has still been sustaining is Cemeti Art House that was established in 1988, most alternative spaces initiated during the past five years are founded by younger artists and cultural practitioners who were born in the '70s and early eighties. Slide show
Some of them participated in the international forum of artists' initiatives, 'Fixing The Bridge', which took place at Kedal Kebun Forum, Yogyakarta, December 2003. The forum invited representatives of around 20 city-based art and cultural spaces from 11 countries, with Globalization as the key issue. This event tried to re-analyze how alternative spaces and art practices take parts in requesticning the issues of local/global identities as well as proposing a decentralization of the Centre and acknowledgement of the Peripheries.
As an addition, I feel necessary to point out particularly the role of foreign
cultural centres that spread around main cities of Java, which most of them are from the 1st World countries, such as GoetheHaus, Centre Culture! Frangais, Erasmus Huis, The British Council, Cultura Instituta de Italiano, and Japan Foundation. One thing that can be seen most clearly from this situation is the consciousness of such institutions of the fact that the local art infrastructure is
greatly lacking and not accommodative, and so there they have been increasingly supportive to local art practices, becoming another kind of alternative spaces In itself.
Redefining Positions and Identifying Contexts
Above all, is identity dead in this globalism era, or has never existed? The best way to look at this issue is not to get trapped into reductive oversimplification. There is a thin line between 'identity' and 'identification'. The point that can be taken from here is to raise a consciousness on identity as something created,
therefore what is more significant is to explore how the process of identification is done in every construction. From this perspective, it is not about what is identity, but what are there to be identified.
The question follows next is, to what extend the young artists and alternative cultural spaces are conscious enough of their own positions among the great flow of Globalization and internationalism, and to identify their own interests within the local contexts. On the other hand, it also has to be realized that the existence and emergence of artists and spaces can mean as an action/reaction toward Globalization, yet on the other hand, in some cases they can also be products of Globalization itself. Or in other words, how to face the crisis caused by Globalization, while all of us are still parts of it?
This is a challenge for art practices to develop every potential of art in being a medium of analysis, with its ability to offer new perceptions among existing and remaining values. The language and practice of art now has been going further beyond aesthetic transformations, penetrating into deeper socio-cultural realm. Yet, how far can art and cultural practices of today take part in finding the 'inbetween' paths, or'fixing the vulnerable bridge' built by Globalization, and continue to develop conducive discourses and practices in rethinking local contexts, without at the same time entangled in politicized universal humanism or shallow counter-culture ideological warfare?
Artists today still have to face the haunting question of whether art or cultural practices can actually contribute to change, to be an agent of change. Yet at the same time, we have come to an era when everyone seemed to be made sceptical to the modernistic faith of linear progress, where every move is made to reach a
better, or ideal state of being in one homogenous concept.
Perhaps, it might be more likely to replace progress with process, and in this case contemporary art can still work as both a reflection and medium of various
growing processes, which cannot be seen through linear and totalitarian perspective, since diverse contexts are created both within and around it. In a
greater scale, It has become an entrance of departure point to explore all the
tendencies in our contemporary culture: a huge assemblage which is packed and crowded with things, objects, noises and paradoxes, which seem to be always In transience, transforming before even reach their meaning - or before we can Identify our own existence in this ever-changing world.
http://www.hbfasia.org/southeastasia/thailand/exhibitions/identitiesversusglobalisation/ivg debates/art
_symposium/farah wardani.htm
