Dr. Murádin János Kristóf1
Being in minority or majority? The Transylvanian Party in the Hungarian public life between 1940–1944
I would like to give a thorough picture of an almost forgotten party, the Transylvanian Party which gathered the Hungarians of Northern Transylvania together. One of the most important elements of studying the present is revealing the political life including the history of parties. It is especially important in case of minorities where the primary condition of survival appraises the political dimension. The activity and effectiveness of the Transylvanian Party between 1940 and 1944, founded after the Second Vienna Arbitration, the short four-year period of its being is mainly unknown today. The historical or politological study of this political formation is quite topical even today. It has been the only real Transylvanian Hungarian party in the last century which carried out its short but fruitful activity within the borders of the Hungarian state. It is thus a rarity, a unique political party, which although was founded in a `majority period`, its functioning mechanisms, goals and toolbar are of `minority type`, and it has been an organic part of the national political life, pointing beyond mere regionalism. Its basic aim was to hold Transylvanians together, to be the member of the Hungarian Parliament for the Transylvanians, and to mediate between the local Romanian, German and Jewish population and the Hungarian Government. The Transylvanian Party tried to reach monopolistic position in the region and became the most comprehensive Hungarian party in Transylvania preventing the Hungarian, mainly extreme right parties from expansion. I am focusing on the foundation of the party, the party organization and the analyses of the party programme, paying special attention to the basic conceptions of this political formation 1
The author is senior lecturer at Sapientia-Hungarian University of Transylvania, Faculty of Sciences and Arts Cluj
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regarding Transylvanian ethnic problems. Then I am trying to sketch the activity of the Transylvanian Party and its cessation, as well as its intellectual legacy.
The Foundation of the Transylvanian Party Following the Treaty of Trianon in 1920, 103 093 km2 territory was given to Romania, from which on 30 August 1940 following the German-Italian arbitration, the Northern part of historic Transylvania and the Partium, Szeklerland and Maramures regions were given back to Hungary. (L. Balogh 2002. 5.) The total territory of „the reannexed Northern Transylvania and the eastern parts”, using the expressions of this period, was 43 104 km2, (Thirring 1940. 663.) its population, according to the 1941 Hungarian census, was of 2 557 000 people, among which 52,1% Hungarians, 41,5% Romanians. (Fogarasi 1944. 4.) Besides the 1 380 000 Hungarian inhabitants there were 1 057 000 Romanians and 44 000 German people living on this territory. (Ablonczy 2011. 47.) This territory of slight Hungarian majority, mainly mixed population set hard tasks for the Hungarian Government, as well as for the Transylvanian politicians on how to organize the political representation of the local Hungarians. In order to solve the problem, prime minister Teleki Pál called for a Cabinet meeting in Budapest on 25 September 1940. They discussed the bill regarding the annexation of the re-annexed territory, and put together a list of names following the prime minister’s lead based on previous decision of those people who would represent Northern Transylvania in the Hungarian Parliament. (Ellenzék 1940. 221. 1.) This unusual method was due to the fact that the parliamentary elections in Hungary were held in 1939, only a year before the Second Vienna Arbitration, and holding a new election due to the resistance of the parties was almost impossible. (Romsics 2003. 226.) That is why they decided to co-opt the chamber of deputies with political representatives of the re-annexed territories by invitation. The invited members according to law XXVI. in 1940 (Egry 2008. 29.), on the basis of Teleki Pál`s considerations would be among those who politically kept ground in the period after 1920 and successfully protected the interests of the Hungarians in royal Romania. Thus the leading politicians of the National Hungarian Party founded in 1922, lead by count Bethlen 2
György became members of the Chamber of Deputies in the Hungarian Parliament. Among the 50 Transylvanian Hungarian deputies 27 were former leading members of the National Hungarian Party. (Egry 2008. 30.) At the same time they had left out of the invited members most of the politicians who played a great part in the Hungarian People’s Community since 1939 by the side of count Bánffy Miklós such well-known personalities of the Transylvanian Hungarian public life as Kós Károly and Tamási Áron. (Balázs 2003. 300.) Prime minister Teleki Pál tried to complete the invited group of deputies with such young, socially sensitive intellectuals who had effectively activated in youth movements and had been generally known to reject the extreme right ideas of the Arrow Cross Party. Among others, one of these young people was the reformed priest from Cluj, László Dezső one of the leading personalities of the Transylvanian Youth organization. (Balázs 2004. 99.) They had also invited as a deputy leading personalities from Transylvanian social-economic organizations. The most significant among them was count Teleki Béla, vice-president of the Transylvanian Hungarian Economic Association, elected in 1936. (Tibori Szabó 1993. 5.) The invited Transylvanian deputies thus were of mixed type. At the beginning the group was disturbed by inner conflicts, mainly the deputies lead by Bethlen György and Bánffy Miklós having different views on relationships with the Romanians. The heterogeneous Transylvanian parliamentary panel became though coherent. The common interest, the enforcement of Northern Transylvanian Hungarian expectations in the Hungarian Parliament pushed into the background the inherited inner conflicts, many times of personal type. This made possible with the lead of their elected president, Páll Gábor from Miercurea Ciuc, and the two vice-presidents, count Teleki Béla and Ember Géza, as well as the leader of executive committee, count Bethlen György to found an independent parliamentary group on 12 November 1940. (Pártonkívüli parlamenti csoportot alakítottak az erdélyi képviselők 1940. 5.) The political group made up of Transylvanian deputies had only Hungarian members, Romanian politicians were not invited as deputies. The representation of the mixed populated Northern Transylvania showed specific features and was partly different from the methods of the Hungarian parties. The independent political party formed by the Transylvanian deputies revealing the specific problems of the multiethnic eastern territory in the Hungarian Parliament 3
became a current requirement by time. The idea was also supported by Prime Minister Teleki Pál who was urging the foundation of a united Transylvanian party in order to prevent the Northern Transylvanian organizing of the extreme right political parties, firstly the Arrow Cross Party and the Party of Hungarian Renewal lead by Imrédy Béla. This is the reason why officially the Independent Group of Transylvanian Hungarian Deputies parliamentary group (Erdélyi magyar szövetség alakítását kezdeményezik az erdélyi képviselők 1940. 8.) assumed the name Transylvanian Party on the meeting held between 13-15 December 1940 (Három napig tartó értekezleten határozták el az erdélyi képviselők az „Erdélyi Párt” megalakítását 1940. 8.) and started work as a club party. (Ablonczy 2011. 110.) The management was also changed, the new president of the parliamentray group of the party became Ember Géza instead of Páll Gábor, new vice-presidents were elected because of the reappearing conflicts Kövér Gusztávot, Albrecht Dezsőt and Kiss Kálmánt, the newly established secretary general became Botár István. This management was only temporary, their assignment was valid until the first congress of the party and until the elected presidency on the congress came into office. (Egry 2008. 34-35.) The Transylvanian deputies thus wanted to prevent Transylvania becoming the scene of political fights of Hungarian parties. They announced the foundation of the party in the Chamber of Deputies on 7 February 1941. (Bejelentették a képviselőházban az Erdélyi Párt megalakulását 1941. 3.) The closing moment of the foundation of the definitely Northern Transylvanian, independent Hungarian political formation was the founding general assembly held in Cluj on 28 May 1941 (Egry 2008. 35.) where they voted the party programme and elected the new, national board of directors of the Transylvanian Party. Count Teleki Béla, landlord from Jibou became the president of the Northern Transylvanian political formation, distant relative of Prime Minister Teleki Pál who tragically died in the meantime. (Ablonczy 2011. 110.) Deputy Albrecht Dezső from Cluj became the executive vice-president of the party, Ember Géza deputy of Satu Mare and dr. Kolumbán József lawyer from Miercurea Ciuc were elected as vice-presidents. Deputy Dr. Mikó Imre became the general secretary of the Transylvanian Party, (Megválasztották a párt országos vezetőségét 1941. 6.) who had earlier worked as head clerk of the Hungarian People`s Community in Bucharest. (Balázs 2003. 298.) The board of directors was 4
completed with Szász István president of Transylvanian Hungarian Economic Association as cashier, Rácz Mihály master builder, member of the Upper House and Szilágyi András smallholder as controllers. (Megválasztották a párt országos vezetőségét 1941. 6.) Dr. Páll György was elected head clerk. (Egry 2008. 38.) The top leadership of the party was made up of personalities who had already assumed political roles. In spite of all later aspersions, the Transylvanian Party did not become the political formation of the gentlemanly middle class, but remained the party of all the Transylvanian Hungarians.
The Organizational Structure of the Transylvanian Party
As shown before, the Transylvanian Party as an initiation coming from `above` was born in Budapest, but its foundation and its consolidation as a party was coming from `below` and it clearly happened in Transylvania. The Hungarians on the re-annexed territory entered the new political formation in large numbers starting from January 1941. The Transylvanian Party turned into a regional mass party from the club party of the capital in only a few months, and became a dominant party in ten counties of eastern Hungary by spring 1941. The slogan „Everything for Transylvania! (Mindent Erdélyért!)” (Végh 1941. 1.) conquered almost the whole Northern Transylvanian society, its rapidly growing members represent all social classes starting from land owning aristocracy, the middle classes of towns through the tradesmen and the working class to the peasants. Everybody could enter the party except for those who represented extreme ideas. This is why we could rarely find extreme right or extreme left ideas at heart in this party. Most of these people entered the Arrow Cross Party and the Party of Hungarian Renewal, or became and stayed a member of the illegally existing Communist Party. Following the entrance of the necessary number of members, the Transylvanian Party founded its local branches in all the re-annexed counties except for Maramures and Ugocsa counties. They were lead by a president, more vice-presidents and a secretary general. The county branches included town, district and village organizations. They all had a president, vicepresidents, secretary, cashier and controllers. (Egry 2008. 37-38.) First the Bihar county and 5
Oradea town party branch was founded. (Erdélyi szellem–magyar lélek 1943. 7.) Then on 2 February 1941 the most important local branch of the TP, also called central branch in Northern Transylvania, was founded in Cluj with Nyírő József as president. (A töretlen magyar egység jegyében. 1941. 1.) After that the county and town branches were one by one founded, in February 1941 in Carei, Satu Mare, Gheorgheni, Miercurea Ciuc, (A Székelyföldön vasárnap alakulnak meg az Erdélyi Párt tagozatai 1941. 4.) as well as the Maros-Torda (Zászlóbontó közgyűlést tartott az Erdélyi Párt Maros-Torda megyei tagozata 1941. 4.) and Háromszék counties, (Megalakult az Erdélyi Párt Háromszék megyei tagozata 1941. 4.), then in March Odorheiu Secuiesc, (Megalakult az Erdélyi Párt udvarhelyi városi tagozata is 1941. 4.) in April Udvarhely, (Udvarhelyszék is felsorakozott...1941. 2.) Csík, (Hatalmas székely tömegek az Erdélyi Párt zászlója alatt 1941. 3.) Kolozs (Harminchatezer tagja van Kolozs megyében az Erdélyi Pártnak 1941. 2.) and Szilágy counties, then the Zalau (Mire törekszik az erdélyi magyarság? 1941. 6.) and in May the Tirgu Mures (Tholdalagi Mihály elnök: Vezetőrétegünket és minden polgárunkat a népi szociális szellem hassa át! 1941. 2.) local branch was founded. It is no wonder that on 28 May on the founding congress in Cluj the delegates were reporting about 602 Northern Transylvanian local organizations. (Teleki Béla gróf lett az Erdélyi Párt országos elnöke. 1941. 1.) In the meantime the number of party members had also risen. In April 1941 the TP had about 20 000 members in Kolozs county, (Harminchatezer tagja van Kolozs megyében az Erdélyi Pártnak 1941. 2.) more than 16 000 in Cluj, 26 000 in Szilágy county, 10 000 in Szolnok-Doboka county, (Gróf Teleki Pál emlékének adózott az Erdélyi Párt Kolozs megyei alakuló gyűlése. 1941. 3.) 25 182 in Háromszék county. (Sepsiszentgyörgyön is megalakult az Erdélyi Párt megyei szervezete 1941. 8.) Due to technical problems during data gathering Udvarhely county branch had only 13 368 registered members in April (Közel húszezer az Erdélyi Párt taglétszáma Udvarhely megyében, 1941. 1.) but Csík county, where all the data was right, together with Gyergyó branches had 66 000 members. The Transylvanian Party – whose total number of members in May was of 200 000 people2 – had an obvious autocratic role in the counties re-annexed from Romania. In order to feel the proportions it is enough to mention that in Csík county, which was the main base for the TP, the Arrow Cross Party had 27 registered 2
This is the total number of members that was stated at the founding congress of the Transylvanian Party in Cluj on 28 May 1941. More detailed: Teleki Béla gróf lett az Erdélyi Párt országos elnöke. 1941. 1.
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members and 12 registered members in Gyergyó county in this period. (Dr. Páll 1941. 11.) This way the attempt to break in and spread of the extreme right parties on Transylvanian territories, especially in Szeklerland was a disaster from the start. The gathered data shows that the total number of members had its maximum in January 1942 when it was about 250 000 people. The Party by then had 700 local branches and 243 500 active members. (Egry 2008. 44.) On the basis of the 1941 census we can state that every third Northern Transylvanian adult Hungarian was a member of the TP. (Ablonczy 2011. 110.) The advancement of the war, the more frequent call-ups and the growing number of those killed in war had a negative effect on the number of members of the Transylvanian Party. Nevertheless, the number of members did not decrease considerably after the terrible defeat at Don, having a huge number of human sacrifices in January 1943. 1943. In December 1943 the Transylvanian Party still had 231 181 total number of members. (MOL. P 2256 Teleki Béla iratai 1942–1944. 1. cs. 1. t. Jelentés az EP taglétszámáról a párt országos elnöke, Teleki Béla számára. 1943 dec.) We can conclude that in spite of all Hungarian party organisations and the call of the slowly growing Communist Party in 1944 with the frontlines getting closer, the Transylvanian Party could keep most of its members, and its total number was still over 200 000 before the passing of the frontlines in spring.
The Programme of the Transylvanian Party
At the time of the party foundation at the end of 1940, the Transylvanian Party had triple objectives. The elementary reasons for establishing and the main programme points concluded by Teleki Béla later president of the party were the following: 1.) „To preserve the political, economic and cultural unity of the Hungarians in Transylvania 2.) To rebuild Transylvania in co-operation with the Government and connect it to the single national circulation
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3.) To serve Hungary’s inner change and strengthening with Transylvanian mentality.” (Magyar reformot! 1943. 16.)
The first point is in fact the thought of Transylvanian Hungarian unity survival overcoming social differences, forming a unified minority group during the Romanian reign between the two world wars. The second basic principle meant the economic and social rise of Transylvania with the help of the Hungarian government and the demand to join forces with the other Hungarian regions. The third principle wanted to carry out the inner, first of all social reform of the Hungarian state based on the idea of Transylvanian Hungarian unity expressed in the ideas of Transilvanism. These principles became the basic motifs of the ten-point party programme (Gergely et al. 2003. 463.) unanimously accepted by the constitutionally elected and commissioned delegates of the founding congress of the re-annexed territories in Cluj on 28 May 1941. The programme valid throughout the whole activation of the TP was very colourful. At some points showing to the future including thoughts valid even today, at other points reflected the nationalism of the period which sound anachronistic today. We can find one of the negative features which has many times been criticised in the introductory part, which stated that the party „is open to every Christian citizen (sic!) of the reannexed eastern and Transylvanian territories who […] identifies himself with it.” (Az Erdélyi Párt programja 1942. 1.) Which means that it excluded the numerous, assimilated Northern Transylvanian, mainly having Hungarian identity Jewish population3 among its members. It is a positive feature the upholding for a strong and independent Hungary stated in the I. point of the party programme, with the hope of a total territory revision - which had already been unrealistic by then. (Az Erdélyi Párt programja 1942. 1.) Egry Gábor correctly states that the leaders of the Transylvanian Party based on their `organic nation conception` linked the nation state with the `Hungarian life` in the 2nd point of the party programme. (Egry 2008. 83.) The thought that the Hungarian living space extends over the whole Carpathian Basin reflects the vision based on national supremacy of the party. This attitude is easy to understand in the case of a part of a nation which became a majority from the 3
There lived 165 000 Jews in Northern Transylvania in this period, which meant 7,5% of the population. More detailed: Lőwy 1998. 68.
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oppressed minority on the same territory. In such an extraordinary situation which the Hungarians of Northern Transylvania found themselves in autumn 1940, it had been a natural reaction on their side the wish to restore the integral historic Hungary and to hold together all the Hungarian forces in Transylvania in order to avoid a possible minority state in the future. This is also obvious in the idea of `new conquest`, the `brotherly affection` towards the Hungarians living in South Transylvania,4 the promise to take care of the ones fleeing to Northern Transylvania, and the repatriation of the `Szekler-Hungarians` from Bukovina first of all (sic!) and the of the others living on the other side of the Carpathians, expressed in the same paragraph. (Az Erdélyi Párt programja 1942. 2.) The following three programme points are detailed descriptions of the last of the previously mention three main objectives, namely the reform of Hungary from Transylvanian point of view. These parts representing the biggest percent of the party programme include the steps necessary to form a new social order pictured by the leaders of the Transylvanian Party. Among the demands most of them timely even today, we can find the elimination of bureaucracy, the enforcement of professional responsibility, the cessation of influence, simplification of social and office life forms meaning the transformation of public administration into one with social mentality (III. programme point), effective family protection measures, institutional sanitary regulations valid to everyone, introduction of fair and simple tax system and faster administration of justice and making it cheaper (IV. programme point). (Az Erdélyi Párt programja 1942. 2-3.) Similarly, the fifth programme point included `modern` demands concerning the problem of land, more important than nowadays, the safeguarding of the working class and the employment of intellectuals. It requested the prevention of small estates getting broken into even smaller pieces, the enlargement of agricultural education of people, the fair regulation of working time and salary, the cessation of unemployment, the efficient protection of the `Hungarian smaller industry and small trade`, the employment of young intellectuals, the
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There lived 473 551 Hungarians in South Transylvania, which stayed with Romania according to the 1930 Romanian census, meaning 15% of the whole population, while in the April 1941. census their number decreased to 363 000, meaning 11% of the whole population of South Transylvania. More detailed: L. Balogh–Bárdi 2008. 162, 167.
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cessation of workplace accumulation, the creation of material and professional preconditions for scientific research. (Az Erdélyi Párt programja 1942. 4.) Besides these, there were some demands typical for that period which are outworn, even seem a bit funny today. We mention among others the abolition of `sickness of titles` meaning to stop the use of obligatory titles which were compulsory in social interactions then (III. programme point), and the foundation of working class welfare and health institutions (V. programme point). (Az Erdélyi Párt programja 1942. 2, 4.) The next paragraph dealing with education policy reflects the teachings of the Transylvanian Hungarians life as a minority between the two world wars. This programme point urges on formation of Hungarian cultural policy that had been made impossible between 1918 and 1940 for 22 years. It asked for the introduction of national education and the foundation of state schools, as well as the institutionalized and permanent support of denominational schools which helped to survive as a minority. (Az Erdélyi Párt programja 1942. 5-6.) If some of the demands listed until now are timely also nowadays, the following 7th and 8th paragraphs are not. These contain the point of view of the party leadership concerning one of the most determinant problems of the period, namely the Jewish issue. Even if the deportation of Jews and the `final solution` being only a plan in 1941 are not mentioned in the party programme, but the civil disability of Jews is included. Bearing into mind the year of origin of the party programme we can also state that it could have entered the official text as a demanded, `compulsory` statement required by power. Anyhow it later damaged the judgement of the Transylvanian Party, and after 1945 it became the source of denouncing it as a fascist political formation. In this respect we can state in favour of the Transylvanian Party that it was asking for the illegal, severely discriminative measures only for a specific part of the Jewish population, not for the whole. The 8th paragraph of the programme says: „The Jewish population voluntarily broke away from the Transylvanian Hungarians (sic!) during the Romanian regime, that is why we agree and urge every legal and governmental measure that excludes the Jews from the fields of education, public opinion formation and jurisdiction until the issue being solved on European level, and we offers a quick method for the Hungarian professionals to take over their place in
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economic life. As we view productive capital as a national property, the control of capital and production cannot stay under Jewish control.” (Az Erdélyi Párt programja 1942. 6.) The 9th programme point deals with the other Northern Transylvanian nationalities of the re-annexed territories, stating the official views of the TP on Germans and Romanians. According to it, it respects the autonomy of the well-organized, unified Saxon and Swabian minority also supported by the Nazi Germany, but it accepts some of the discriminative measures against the Romanians, just like in some cases of the Jewish population. This is implicitly stated as follows: „we wish to assure the use of the Romanian language in education, administration and jurisdiction, the appraisal of their churches, the freedom of work, the protection of its national feelings, political legal practice for the Romanians accepting the Hungarian conception of the state [meaning a small number of the Northern Transylvanian Romanians–MJK] t”. (Az Erdélyi Párt programja 1942. 7.) All these minority rights, viewed today as normal, were ensured by the Transylvanian Party only by the extent to „which the Hungarians from Romania are provided with these rights”. (Az Erdélyi Párt programja 1942. 6.) It is well-known that the Hungarians lived in an even bigger oppression during the Antonescu-reign. (L. Balogh–Bárdi 2008. 162–167.) After the dark side of the party programme, mainly due to the context of the period which are totally unacceptable today, the 10th point is searching for solution to three specific Transylvanian problems timely even today. Besides the infrastructural (rails, roads, conveying by water, airports) and economic (electrification, industrialization) development of Szeklerland, it is urging the strengthening of the Transylvanian Hungarian diaspora with Szekler population surplus, as well as to support and make the activation of the Transylvanian Hungarian economic, social and cultural organization (EME, EMKE, EMGE, EKE etc.) easier. (Az Erdélyi Párt programja 1942. 7-8.) Finally, in a total contradiction to the ideas stated in points 8 and 9, the closing of the Transylvanian Party programme seems quite modern, we can say fits the 21st century, when talks about the vocation that „the Transylvanian Party completely feels the responsibility that it is indebted on the one hand to Transylvania and Hungary, on the other hand to Europe. Equally obliges it the Hungarian nationality clarified during the period of minority, as well as the historic Transylvanian spirit which represented in a Hungarian way and spread throughout 11
south-eastern Europe the eternal values of the European spirit. […] We feel that these spiritual and social changes prepared and made the Hungarians of Transylvania adequate to proceed along with the best people of the nation on the way that leads to the establishment of a Hungary that can fulfil its strong, independent and eternal historic task in a new Europe. The Transylvanian Party wishes to put the spirit, intellectual and moral strength of the Transylvanian Hungarians hardened in trials to serve these objectives.” (Az Erdélyi Párt programja 1942. 8.) The vision of a new Europe of the Transylvanian Party did not mean the nowadays existing continental unity of the European Union, but it definitely pointed beyond the fascism and national-socialism of the age, and showed the Europe thought leading to the EU.
The Role and Activity of the Transylvanian Party
The deputies called into the Parliament in 1940 found themselves among very clear power relations. The Chamber of Deputies had 260 members after the 1939 elections. (Balázs 2004. 101.) The governing party had - as for many years - an absolute 71% majority in the Parliament. Besides the 181 mandates of MÉP, the extreme right also gathered significant power. With the 29 deputies of the Arrow Cross Party (Balázs 2004. 102.), 25 mandates of the Party of Hungarian Renewal lead by Imrédy Béla, 13 mandates of the dissident members of the Arrow Cross forming the Hungarian National-Socialist Party lead by Baky László were the active right opposition. (Balázs 2003. 422.) On the other hand, the proportions of left-wing parties due to the loss of the parliamentary elections held only a few months after the First Vienna Arbitration decreased a lot. Independent Smallholders Party forming the backbone of the left-wing had only 14 instead of the previous 22 mandates. The number of Social Democratic Party deputies also decreased from 11 to 5 (Romsics 2003. 227.), the liberals were present with 5 deputies instead of the previous 7. (Romsics 2005. 402.) The 50 deputies invited in the Chamber of Deputies - not elected - after the Second Vienna Arbitration had quite a big importance besides the huge governing party, the small parties and 15 independent deputies. It is true that 7 among them entered the MÉP, 5 remained independent, one of them became right-winged (MMP), and another one entered the left (Independent Smallholders Party) opposition, but the remaining 36 deputies, the founders of the 12
Transylvanian Party, were forming the second strongest parliamentary group with their new political formation. (Ablonczy 2011. 110-111.) It was of a great importance which side the Transylvanian Party was joining with 13,84% of the total mandates, the governing parties or the opposition. The question was very quickly decided. According to their original objectives, the deputies of the Transylvanian Parties were basically representing standpoints supporting the government. The managing board of the TP decided this way expressing their gratitude for the partial Transylvanian revision carried out as a consequence of the foreign affairs policy of the government and the hard situation of the country staying at the edge of war. The same policy was valid for one of the main objectives included in the party programme, namely the plan of economic, social and cultural rise of Northern Transylvania and especially Szeklerland, which could only be realized on long-term with the huge amounts of money allocated by the government. If we take into account the demand to re-annex South Transylvania also, which the Transylvanian Party had many times urged, then it becomes clear the path the deputies of the Transylvanian Party `were forced to take` - which they had undertaken with great pleasure - on the side of the governing party. Keeping in mind all these actions we can state that the Transylvanian Party, in spite of the favourable power relations could not turn the scales for the governing party in the Hungarian Parliament, its scope for action was very limited. Many of the deputies of the Transylvanian Party could not accept it, so they decide to leave the party. The departure of dr. Kövér Gusztáv on 18 June 1941 who was the vice-president in the provisional management of the Transylvanian Party between December 1940 and May 1941, was hotly discussed. (Egry 2008. 78.) Only a half year after this event, Angi István who had been known as an Arrow Cross sympathizer, also left the TP in February 1942, then was waiting for the right political moment and in May 1943 entered the Independent Smallholders Party. (MOL. P 2256 Teleki Béla iratai 1942–1944. 1. cs. 1. t. Bizalmas tájékoztatás az Erdélyi Párt összes törvényhozó tagjai, vármegyei és thj. városi elnökei, járási elnökei és összes titkárai részére. 2.) The biggest concern for the Transylvania Party was caused by dr. Pál Gábor`s standing out. The OMP politician had been known as an active fighter for the Transylvanian Hungarians rights in the minority period, and stood out of the party already at its foundation in 1940. (Tibori Szabó 1993. 14-15.) 13
The Transylvanian Party, in spite of its government supporting policy, found itself in a very difficult situation on national level. It is well-known that the grouping of the Transylvanian deputies into an independent party was pressed by Prime Minister Teleki Pál, it is not accidental that the party programme was reflecting his views, especially in social issues. After Teleki`s sudden death, the new Prime Minister Bárdossy László was planning the liquidation of the Transylvanian Party, viewed as unmanageable, and the fusion of its deputies and local organizations with the MÉP. During the 11 month as a prime minister he could not succeed in doing it. His successor, Kállay Miklós set himself the same task but was not successful either. (Balázs 2003. 95.) „The fact that they did not succeed – recalls Teleki Béla president of the party –, was due to the solidarity of the Transylvanians, but cost a lot of work, effort and annoyance for the management of the Transylvanian Party.” (Tibori Szabó 1993. 16.) Finally, even if there was no fusion, at the initiative of Bárdossy they contracted an alliance with the MÉP on 3 February 1942. This was also renewed by the new Prime Minister Kállay Miklós and stayed valid for the whole period of the TP activation. According to the agreement, the Transylvanian Party accepted the party leadership of Prime Minister Bárdossy László and supported the views of the MÉP in legislation. In exchange, the leader of the governing party promised that the Transylvanian Party would stay an independent political formation, the party block would not touch the name, the programme, the organizational statute, the emblem and the whole organizational independence (central and regional organizations, its centre in Cluj and the office in Budapest) of the TP. Besides these, the MÉP guaranteed that they would not set up branches on the re-annexed territories in Transylvania and Partium. (MOL. P 2256 Teleki Béla iratai 1942–1944. 1. cs. 1. t. Állásfoglalás. Kolozsvár, 1942. febr. 3. 1.) The latter was only partly kept by the MÉP, and later set up quite powerful branches in Satu Mare and some other places. Being the weaker party in a party block is not easy to any political party; paradoxically it caused no problem for the Transylvanian Party. It was protected to some extent from the extreme right attacks due to the governing party, it could clearly define itself from its aggressive politics and unconditioned German brotherhood, and its Northern Transylvanian regional organizations were less threatened by the gaining ground of MMP and Arrow Cross Party. At the same time the party block was also good ground for the MÉP as it could keep its parliamentary majority 14
against the ever growing stir created by Nazi sympathizer extremists, and could soften the German influence on Hungarian legislation until the 19 March 1944 occupation. Besides its parliamentary work, the Transylvanian Party played an important role in safeguarding Transylvanian interests. It transmitted the demands and requests of the Transylvanian Hungarians towards the government and its ministers through the office in Budapest. This activity aimed to achieve one of its objectives, the economic, social and cultural prosperity of `Hungarian Transylvania`. The intervention of the leading personalities of the party in small matters or unique cases gained a hearing, but many times when discussing serious matters they could not favourably influence the government officials towards Transylvanian expectations. Teleki Béla also mentions in his memories that the TP had almost no influence on administrative issues, the over-centralized system original from the `20, irrespective from party demands, kept on functioning unchanged. (Tibori Szabó 1993. 15.) Apart from this the TP was widely known in most of the country, especially in Northern Transylvania. It could not get measured at the elections, due to their absence, that is why we can not exactly know the extent of its support. It is true that the Transylvanian Hungarians could identify themselves with it and remained loyal to it to the end. It was mainly due to the fact that the Transylvanian Party had built out a strong relation with its members and future `voters` since the beginning. It was carried out by the well-known representatives and leading personalities of the party taking part in national festivals and programmes aiming to strengthen national feelings, for example the so-called `national flag initiations` (József 2006.), as well as the so-called `reporting tours` made in Transylvanian villages. The latter one had been organized since 19415 the start of the party activity until 1944 continually and serially organized. Even if most of these reporting tours were frequented by Hungarian peasants, members of the party, there had been occasions when the TP leaders were talking to non party members of national minorities. One of this rare occasions was when on 13 October 1943 dr. Mikó Imre, political general secretary made its report in Hungarian, then in German (!) in Homoróddaróc, Udvarhely county, where he asked the majority Saxon people to harmonize their feelings towards the German popular with the
5
Among others similar tours were made by deputy dr. Tusa Gábor in 1941, accompanied by central general secretary dr. Páll György and branch general secretary of Cluj Botos János to the villages of Kalotaszeg on 12 October 1941. More details: Nagysikerű beszámolókat rendezett vasárnap az Erdélyi Párt 1941. 6.
15
loyalty towards the Hungarian state. (A magyarok és szászok sorsközösségéről mondott nagyjelentőségű beszédet Mikó Imre dr. országgyűlési képviselő Homoróddarócon 1943. 3.) It is obvious from the previously stated that the TP was a traditional political party and a safeguarding organization at the same time. The source of its inner dilemma was caused by the fact that it could not decide during its activity whether to be a simple party or a national political organization. All the social strata of the Hungarians of the region were represented in the Transylvanian Party, whose sometimes contrary interests had a disruptive force, and we could find among them sympathizers of other Hungarian parties. (Balázs 2003. 329-330) That is why they always had to make compromises in the TP, which hardened the activity of this political formation and contributed to the decrease of its flexibility. The party was held together by the regional identity, the solidarity of the Transylvanian Hungarians seasoned during minority existence, its Transylvanian view which is more sensible to social relationships and more tolerant to national minorities than the Hungarians, and last but not least the common demand to rebuild and flourish the Hungarian character of Transylvania.
The Cessation of the Transylvanian Party
The situation of the newly founded Transylvanian Party entering the political field in a country at war, using the words of judge Teleki Béla president of the party, until the German occupation „was hard, then hopelessly impossible”. (Tibori Szabó 1993. 16.) After losing the remaining sovereignty of Hungary due to the obvious German aggression on 19 March 1944, the fate of the country was in the hands of Sztójay Döme, former ambassador at Berlin, and his puppet government which was lead by Hitler management. (Romsics 2003. 262.) This situation put the government supporting Transylvanian Party into a very bad situation, and the completely changed surroundings forced the Transylvanians political formation to immediate reaction. The Transylvanian Party divided into two. After the new cabinet had taken up office, many politicians of the party, Vita Sándor then after a few months Teleki Béla president of the party stood aside and gave up parliamentary work. Other TP deputies lead by Albrecht Dezső carried on their work in the Parliament and supported the steps taken by the government. They were acting so in spite of the fact that the senior civil servants still in charge, especially the Lord 16
Lieutenants governing the counties of Northern Transylvania in close relationship to the Transylvanian Party were dismissed as directed by the German serving prime minister, and rightwing MMP sympathizers were appointed to those positions. (Ablonczy 2011. 114.) In the same time the Hungarian parties organizing activity in Transylvania increased. Firstly the Hungarian Renewal Party gained popularity, while the MÉP was partly kept back by its promise made at the party block in 1942 the extremity of the Arrow Cross Party could not gain popularity among people. The fast activation in Northern Transylvania of the MMP is also stated in a report made by the TP according to which by April 1944 the Hungarian right-wing had a leading position in Baia Mare. While the MMP had 2000 members, the Transylvanian Party only had 1400 active members. (MOL. P 2256 Teleki Béla iratai 1942–1944. 1. cs. 1. t. 518/1944. Dr. Páll György főtitkár jelentése Teleki Béla pártelnöknek. Kolozsvár, 1944. ápr. 18. 1.) Two months later village branch organizations left the TP and entered the MMP.6 The worsening situation of the Transylvanian Party was getting even harder after German occupation when dealing with such important questions as the deportation of Northern Transylvanian Jews. The party could not frame a common standpoint on this issue and raise his voice against the deportations as well as the mass extirpation of Transylvanian Jews, against the more than 90 000 innocent people.7 Only personal actions, for example the intervention of Vita Sándor could save some of them, especially the intellectuals. (Tibori Szabó 1993. 25.) It quite negatively influenced the posterior judgement of the party. In June the last phase of the Transylvanian Party disintegration started. It could not be stopped by the treaties started in Budapest at the initiative of Teleki Béla to organize a right centre party block. The plan of the TP president was to enlarge the more than two years old union between the Party of Hungarian Life and the Transylvanian Party to the Party of Hungarian Renewal and the Hungarian National Socialist Party in order to form a union against the ever growing Arrow Cross Party having bigger influence in the shade of the Germans. They could have formed a government supporting party block against the most extreme right-wing
6
For example at the end of June 1944 the village organization of Kispetri in Kolozs county was passed by local branch leader, Szabó Géza reformed priest into the hands of MMP. More detailed: MOL. P 2256 Teleki Béla iratai 1942–1944. 1. cs. 1. t. 765/1944. Jelentés Teleki Béla pártelnöknek. Kolozsvár, 1944. jún. 28. 1. 7 The latest researches of Randolph L. Braham, researcher of the Hungarian Holocaust, show that the number of deported Jews in 1944 was 131 639, while the survivals of the concentration camps were 35-40 000 people. According to it the number of victims exceeds 90 000. More detailed: Braham 2008. 33, 470.
17
political formation. The parties however wanted to gain hegemony instead of partnership in the forming union that is why the formation of a party block became impossible. (MOL. P 2256 Teleki Béla iratai 1942–1944, 1. cs. 1. t. Dr. Mikó Imre országgyűlési képviselő levele Teleki Béla pártelnöknek. Kolozsvár, 1944. máj. 17. 2.) Then, due to the worsening war situation, the Transylvanian Party initiated the Hungarian regional political union in Northern Transylvania. Among the leaders of the party first of all dr. Páll György general secretary, dr. Mikó Imre political secretary and Gallus Viktor branch president of Kolozs county supported the plan to end the struggle between the TP and the MMP and to form a common platform under the name of Transylvanian Hungarian Union. (MOL. P 2256 Teleki Béla iratai 1942–1944. 1. cs. 1. t. 600/1944. Dr. Páll György főtitkár levele Teleki Béla pártelnöknek. Kolozsvár, 1944. máj. 18. 1.) The agreement between the parties signed on 20 July 1944 (Egry 2008. 74.) was in fact enlarging the party block having been forming with MÉP since 1942 on Northern Transylvanian level. The union of the three parties could not stop the agony of the Transylvanian Party. The decree regarding the dissolution of political parties issued on 23 August 1944, the second day after the Romanians changing sides (Ablonczy 2011. 114.) had little influence on the TP. The party had already fallen apart. Many smaller groups resulted from the disintegrating TP politicians. One of these groupings formed by Albrecht Dezső and other TP deputies was urging the fleeing of the Transylvanian Hungarians and the evacuation of Northern Transylvania. Albrecht and his mates did not believe in German victory, but did believe in the conflict bursting out between the Soviet Union and the western Allies. (Balázs 2003. 340.) The other grouping was forming in Cluj around dr. Mikó Imre with the participation of count Teleki Béla former president of the party, Vita Sándor and others. They aimed the withdrawal of Hungary from the war, starting a relationship with the communists, and getting closer to the Soviet Union. (Balázs 2003. 338-340.) The „left wing” group of the party (Tibori Szabó 1993. 27.) and the left leading personalities, church prefects and different professionals joining them founded the Transylvanian Hungarian Council on 29 August 1944. This grouping put together a memorandum to the governor, which was taken to Horthy by Teleki Géza, son of former prime minister, university professor in Cluj. They were asking the governor to withdraw Hungary from war and to give up Transylvania. (Nagy–Vincze 2003. 117.) They could not have 18
their demands fulfilled, but Teleki Béla could manage for colonel Veress Lajos, commander of the 2nd Hungarian army to declare Cluj, the geostrategically unprotectable city, an open city and order the withdrawal of the troops. (Filep 2008. 161.) The Transylvanian Hungarian Council nevertheless went further. They got into contact with the so-called Peace party founded by Transylvanian communists, and tried to prepare the approaching change of power in such a way as to make it cause less destruction, blood sacrifice and sufferings. With the help of Mikó Lőrinc, president of the Court of Appeal, father of Dr. Mikó Imre (Ablonczy 2011. 115.) freed the Hungarian communist prisoners from the jail of the Cluj Court of Justice, and tried to maintain order in the capital of Transylvania until the entry of the Red Army. But it already points beyond the activity of the Transylvanian Party. The events of the changing of the war battle-line in 1944 swept away the only independent political formation of Northern Transylvanian Hungarians. The decree regarding the dissolution of political parties issued in August, the TP having recently been a popular party had unbelievably fast fallen to pieces. Its apocalyptic last moments seem as if they were anticipating the future of the country. In year 1945, known as a historic beginning of a new era, the so-called `0 year` for Transylvanian Hungarians marks the ending of the Transylvanian Party, a political formation activating in hard times and deserving a better future. Even if it had been active for a very small period and spread over only half of Transylvania, it could keep Hungarians together as no other political formation before or after. The Transylvanian Hungarian community living as a minority, ever faster decreasing in number has never been more in need for a similar, stepping over inner social conflict of interests, a real preserving political force. The future foundation of one of this kind hopefully will be guided by the gathering force of the Transylvanian Party.
BIBLIOGRAPHY Archive records 19
Magyar Országos Levéltár. P 2256 Teleki Béla iratai 1942–1944. 1. csomó. 1. tétel.
- Állásfoglalás. Kolozsvár, 1942. február 3.
- Bizalmas tájékoztatás az Erdélyi Párt összes törvényhozó tagjai, vármegyei és thj. városi elnökei, járási elnökei és összes titkárai részére. Kolozsvár, 1943. augusztus 24. - Dr. Mikó Imre országgyűlési képviselő levele Teleki Béla pártelnöknek. Kolozsvár, 1944. május 17. - Dr. Páll György főtitkár jelentése Teleki Béla pártelnöknek. Kolozsvár, 1944. április 18. - Dr. Páll György főtitkár levele Teleki Béla pártelnöknek. Kolozsvár, 1944. május 18.
- Jelentés az EP taglétszámáról a párt országos elnöke, Teleki Béla számára. 1943 december
- Jelentés Teleki Béla pártelnöknek. Kolozsvár, 1944. június 28.
Publications of the Transylvanian Party
XXX 1942 Az Erdélyi Párt programja. Marosvásárhely, az Erdélyi Párt kiadása.
XXX 1943 Erdélyi szellem–magyar lélek. Kolozsvár, az Erdélyi Párt kiadása.
XXX
20
1943 Magyar reformot! Gróf Teleki Béla beszéde az Erdélyi Párt kolozsvári és Kolozs vármegyei tagozatainak 1943. szeptember hó 12-én, Kolozsváron tartott nagyválasztmányi gyűlésén. Kolozsvár, az Erdélyi Párt kiadása.
Specialist books
ABLONCZY Balázs 2011 A visszatért Erdély 1940–1944. Budapest, Jaffa Kiadó.
BALÁZS Sándor 2003 Mikó Imre. Élet- és pályakép. Kéziratok, dokumentumok (1933–1968). Kolozsvár, Polis Könyvkiadó.
BÁRDI Nándor–FEDINEC Csilla–SZARKA László (szerk.) 2008 Kisebbségi magyar közösségek a 20. században. Budapest, Gondolat Kiadó – MTA Kisebbségkutató Intézet.
BRAHAM, Randolph L. (szerk.) 2008 Az észak-erdélyi Holokauszt földrajzi enciklopédiája. Budapest–Kolozsvár, Park Könyvkiadó–Koinónia.
EGRY Gábor 2008 Az erdélyiség „színeváltozása”. Kísérlet az Erdélyi Párt ideológiájának és identitáspolitikájának elemzésére 1940–1944. Budapest, Napvilág Kiadó. GERGELY Jenő–GLATZ Ferenc–PÖLÖSKEI Ferenc (szerk.) 2003 Magyarországi pártprogramok II. 1919–1944. Budapest, ELTE – Eötvös Kiadó.
JÓZSEF Álmos 2006 Országzászló-állítások Háromszéken. Sepsiszentgyörgy, T3 Kiadó. 21
L. BALOGH Béni 2002 A magyar–román kapcsolatok 1939–1940-ben és a második bécsi döntés. Csíkszereda, Múltunk Könyvek, Pro-Print Könyvkiadó. LŐWY Dániel 1998 A téglagyártól a tehervonatig. Kolozsvár zsidó lakosságának története. Kolozsvár, az Erdélyi Szépmíves Céh kiadása.
NAGY Mihály Zoltán–VINCZE Gábor (szerk.): 2003 Autonomisták és centralisták. Észak-Erdély a két bevonulás között (1944. szeptember–1945. március). Csíkszereda, EME, Pro-Print Könyvkiadó.
ROMSICS Ignác 2005 Bethlen István. Politikai életrajz. Budapest, Osiris Kiadó.
ROMSICS Ignác 2003 Magyarország története a XX. században. Budapest, Osiris Kiadó.
TIBORI SZABÓ Zoltán 1993 Teleki Béla erdélyisége. Embernek maradni embertelen időkben. Kolozsvár, Nis Kiadó.
Studies
BALÁZS Sándor 2004 László Dezső a magyar parlamentben. In: Cseke Péter (szerk.): László Dezső emlékezete 1904–2004. Kolozsvár, Polis Könyvkiadó, 99–122.
FILEP Tamás Gusztáv 22
2008 A „visszatért” magyarok és nem magyarok beilleszkedése, jogi helyzetük és magatartásuk. In: Bárdi Nándor–Fedinec Csilla–Szarka László (szerk.): Kisebbségi magyar közösségek a 20. században. Budapest, Gondolat Kiadó – MTA Kisebbségkutató Intézet, 154–161.
FOGARASI Zoltán 1944 A népesség anyanyelvi, nemzetiségi és vallási megoszlása törvényhatóságonkint 1941-ben. Budapest (Magyar Statisztikai Szemle, 1–3. sz.)
L. BALOGH Béni–BÁRDI Nándor 2008 A dél-erdélyi magyarság jogi és politikai helyzete a második bécsi döntést követően. In: Bárdi Nándor–Fedinec Csilla–Szarka László (szerk.): Kisebbségi magyar közösségek a 20. században. Budapest, Gondolat Kiadó – MTA Kisebbségkutató Intézet, 162–167.
THIRRING Lajos 1940 A visszacsatolt keleti terület. Terület és népesség. Budapest (Magyar Statisztikai Szemle, 8-9. sz.)
Press data, articles
XXX 1943 A magyarok és szászok sorsközösségéről mondott nagyjelentőségű beszédet Mikó Imre dr. országgyűlési képviselő Homoróddarócon, Hargita (Székelyudvarhely), október 16, 3. 42. 3.
XXX 1941 A Székelyföldön vasárnap alakulnak meg az Erdélyi Párt tagozatai, Kolozsvári Estilap (Kolozsvár), február 14, 9. 37. 4.
XXX 23
1941 A töretlen magyar egység jegyében. Megalakult az Erdélyi Párt kolozsvári tagozata, Kolozsvári Estilap (Kolozsvár), február 3, 9. 27. 1-2.
XXX 1941 Bejelentették a képviselőházban az Erdélyi Párt megalakulását, Kolozsvári Estilap (Kolozsvár), február 8, 9. 32. 3.
DR. MIKÓ Imre 1940 Zászlót bontott az Erdélyi Párt, Ellenzék (Kolozsvár), december 23, 61. 294. 1.
DR. PÁLL György 1941 Előre-Erdélyért!, Kolozsvári Estilap (Kolozsvár), április 12, 9. 84. 11.
XXX 1940 Erdélyi magyar szövetség alakítását kezdeményezik az erdélyi képviselők, Ellenzék (Kolozsvár), november 19, 61. 265. 8.
XXX 1941 Gróf Teleki Pál emlékének adózott az Erdélyi Párt Kolozs megyei alakuló gyűlése. Beszámoló a Párt munkásságáról – A tisztikar névsora, Kolozsvári Estilap (Kolozsvár), április 7, 9. 79. 3.
XXX 1941 Harminchatezer tagja van Kolozs megyében az Erdélyi Pártnak, Kolozsvári Estilap (Kolozsvár), április 3, 9. 76. 2.
XXX 1941 Hatalmas székely tömegek az Erdélyi Párt zászlója alatt: „Népi, szociális s a bürokrácia túlhajtásaitól mentes keresztény Magyarországot akarunk”, Kolozsvári Estilap (Kolozsvár), április 25, 9. 94. 3. 24
XXX 1940 Három napig tartó értekezleten határozták el az erdélyi képviselők az „Erdélyi Párt” megalakítását, Ellenzék (Kolozsvár), december 17, 61. 289. 8.
XXX 1941 Közel húszezer az Erdélyi Párt taglétszáma Udvarhely megyében, Hargita (Székelyudvarhely), november 7, 1. 10. 1.
XXX 1941 Megalakult az Erdélyi Párt Háromszék megyei tagozata, Kolozsvári Estilap (Kolozsvár), február 24, 9. 45. 4.
XXX 1941 Megalakult az Erdélyi Párt udvarhelyi városi tagozata is, Kolozsvári Estilap (Kolozsvár), március 3, 9. 51. 4.
XXX 1941 Megválasztották a párt országos vezetőségét, Kolozsvári Estilap (Kolozsvár), május 28, 9. 121. 6.
XXX 1941 Mire törekszik az erdélyi magyarság? „Történelmi jóvátételt akarunk”, Kolozsvári Estilap (Kolozsvár), április 21, 9. 90. 6.
XXX 1941 Nagysikerű beszámolókat rendezett vasárnap az Erdélyi Párt, Kolozsvári Estilap, (Kolozsvár) október 13, 9. 231. 6.
XXX 25
1940 Pártonkívüli parlamenti csoportot alakítottak az erdélyi képviselők, Ellenzék (Kolozsvár), november 14, 61. 261. 5.
SAS Péter 2011 Adalékok széki gróf Teleki Ernő (1902–1980) életéhez, Szabadság (Kolozsvár), november 7, 23. 259. 3.
XXX 1941 Sepsiszentgyörgyön is megalakult az Erdélyi Párt megyei szervezete, Kolozsvári Estilap, (Kolozsvár) április 26, 9. 95. 8.
XXX 1941 Teleki Béla gróf lett az Erdélyi Párt országos elnöke. Ötszáz tagozati vezető jelenlétében zajlott le a Redout falai között a történelmi jelentőségű űlés, Kolozsvári Estilap (Kolozsvár), május 28, 9. 121. 1–3.
XXX 1941 Tholdalagi Mihály elnök: Vezetőrétegünket és minden polgárunkat a népi szociális szellem hassa át!, Kolozsvári Estilap (Kolozsvár), május 5, 9. 102. 2.
XXX 1941 Udvarhelyszék is felsorakozott... A székely falvak népe kell biztosítsa a magyar értelmiség utánpótlását, Kolozsvári Estilap (Kolozsvár), április 23, 9. 92. 2.
VÉGH József 1941 „Mindent Erdélyért”. Vasárnap délelőtt tartotta meg első értekezletét az Erdélyi Párt, Kolozsvári Estilap (Kolozsvár), január 20, 9. 15. 1.
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