Adji Krisbandono. Abstrak. (tiga) tujuan, yaitu: (1) mengurangi 50% emisi CO 2

Kerjasama Pemerintah dan Swasta dalam Upaya Mitigasi Perubahan Iklim: Pengalaman Kota Rotterdam

Then, when these conducive and supportive conditions of development for women, justify the products of development such as indicators, is it still fair to underestimate then? Unfortunately, yes. As Young argued that to re-allocate the development discourses to be accessible to women is not a simple task, but it needs the reconstruction of old structures of thought and practice through social change.131 The benefits of social change are not only merely for women interests but also for the whole society, since women are one of the social resources, their advantages are social advantages as well.132 On the other hand, development institutions are full of policymakers and bureaucrats with various levels of understanding of women and gender. The expectation of social change would not be adequate if it relied on the bureaucracies and public policies, because they cannot trigger political and social change, due to high risk of depoliticization.133 Moreover, what is lacking is bringing together the theoretical insight of gender and development with an equally sophisticated analysis of institutional roles and functions and how they are linked to or disconnected from the possibilities for change.134

3. Re-defined ‘development and human rights’ for Women

Adji Krisbandono

a. Rethinking Development and (Women’s) Human Rights Abstrak Berangkat dari semakin luasnya fenomena pemanasan global dan perubahan iklim, tulisan ini hendak menengok best practice upaya-upaya mitigasi dan adaptasi yang dilakukan oleh negara lain. Ilustrasi success story Pemerintah Kota Rotterdam yang mengeluarkan beberapa terobosan dalam memitigasi perubahan iklim sekaligus meningkatkan kualitas sosial ekonomi warganya akan diulas lebih mendalam sehingga diharapkan dapat menginspirasi para decision makers di tingkat lokal dalam merumuskan kebijakan yang tepat untuk mengatasi dampak perubahan iklim.

(tiga) tujuan, yaitu: (1) mengurangi 50% emisi CO2 pada tahun 2025 dibandingkan tahun 1990; (2) mewujudkan kota yang 100% climate proof pada tahun 2025; yang disertai dengan (3) perkuatan ekonomi kota. Sebagai lessons learned, pengalaman Rotterdam dapat dicontoh bahwa komitmen yang kuat dari seluruh stakeholder, baik pemerintah maupun swasta dan masyarakat merupakan faktor utama penentu keberhasilan inisiatif mitigasi dan adaptasi. Kata kunci: kerjasama, pemerintah, swasta, Rotterdam, mitigasi, perubahan iklim. Abstract

Rotterdam yang dikenal sebagai pintu gerbang transportasi logistik di kawasaan Eropa, juga mengalami dampak dan konsekuensi dari perubahan iklim. Pesatnya pertumbuhan industri di Rotterdam menjadikan isu energi sebagai isu yang tak terelakkan. Dengan dikeluarkannya Rotterdam Climate Initiative (RCI) pada tahun 2007, beberapa program diluncurkan dengan 3

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The emerging issues of global climate change inspires this paper to take a closer look at how other countries/ cities carry out mitigation and adaptation programmes. Rotterdam success story that launched a number of initiatives and programmes in climate change mitigation will further be explored to inspire decision makers,

Women choose human rights as their entry point to development, because human rights provide a universal paradigm that can be implement locally. Most of women’s disadvantages created by unfavourable social conditions that undermine the need for equal conditions between men and women, not only for the interest of the women or men themselves, but also for the interest of the whole society. These unfavourable social conditions can be addressed through ‘human rights paradigm’,135 which employ the universal principles of 131 Kate Young, ‘Planning from a Gender Perspective: Making a World of Difference’ in Nalini Visvanathan, et al (eds) The Women, Gender and Development Reader (Zed Books, 1997) 366, 366. 132 Ibid. 133 Hilary Standing, Gender, Myth and Fable: The Perils of Mainstreaming in Sector Bureaucracies in Andrea Cornwall, Elizabeth Harrison and Ann Whitehead (eds) Feminisms in Development: Contradictions, Contestations and Challenges (Zed Books, 2007) 101, 104. 134 Ibid. 135 Abdullahi A. An-Na’im and Jeffrey Hammond, ‘Cultural Transformation and Human Rights in African Society’ in Abdullahi A. An-Na’im (ed) Cultural Transformation and Human Rights in Africa (Zed

human rights to be adapted by local condition, without necessarily argues the origin of those principles.136 Having awareness and consciousness of the actual advantages of what universal human rights offer, give sufficient latitude to employ those principles into local and cultural contexts, which would have more benefits for the whole society including women.137 Moreover, human rights offer possibility that is more concrete for women for expecting ‘cultural transformation’ from cultural boundaries that impede women’s progresses.138 Rights also establish legitimacy for women not only for their intervention but also for their roles.139 Nevertheless, women still need to be alerted about what the actual female position in the international human rights. As stressed by Otto, ‘[t]he international struggle for the full inclusion of women in the paradigm of universal human rights has reached a point where it needs reinvention’.140 According to that, decision to engage with international human rights require to be equipped with a reinvention strategy that help women to reinvent the principle notion of international human rights that take sides on what women perceive as their rights in relation with universal human rights. This idea is supported by Lacey that analyse many fundamental deliberations about gender and human rights.141 First, women need to be aware on the potency as well as the limitations of human rights framework in order to protect ‘justice, autonomy, or equality for women’.142 Second, engaging gender with human rights means continuous re-questioning or re-defining the rights, Feminists’ critiques about rights and how to conduct the re-questioning and re-define that can satisfy women.143 Third, in order to understand the both questions before, women need to have complete picture about the multidimensional factors that shape rights Books, 2002) 13, 15. 136 Ibid 14-17. 137 An-Na’im and Hammond, above; Sally Engle Merry, ‘Rights Talk and the Experience of Law: Implementing Women’s Human Rights to Protection from Violence’ (2003) 25 Human Rights Quarterly 343, 379-381. 138 A. An-Na’im and Hammond, above. 139 Andrea Cornwall and Maxine Molyneux, ‘The Politics of Rights – Dilemmas for Feminist Praxis: an Introduction’ (2006) 27 Third World Quarterly 1175, 1179. 140 Dianne Otto, ‘Disconcerting ‘Masculinities’: Reinventing the Gendered Subject(s) of International Human Rights Law’ in Doris Buss and Ambreena Manji (eds) International Law: Modern Feminist Approaches (Hart Publishing, 2005) 105, 128. 141 Nicola Lacey, ‘Feminist Legal Theory and the Rights of Women’ in Karen Knop (ed) Gender and Human Rights (Oxford University Press, 2004) 13, 38-53. 142 Ibid 55. 143 Ibid 53.


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arises, where indicators are able to fit in within these different approaches. Skeptically, how can a high sense of scientific and economic tool accommodate these tensions? The formulation of women’s indicators should not intervene by particular actors whom claim themselves as the authority of indicators making. These claims will not facilitate the interpretation of women’s rights into a technocratic approach which involve bureaucrats and Feminists, because of high sense of standardization and control of knowledge that will disturb the appropriate processes of indicators making. The tendency of having the authority of knowledge is mostly over-control, because the high usages of rationalization, scientific methodologies and expertise’s superiority.122 This paper suggest that standardization and simplification of development through indicator may not necessary reject as the only choice that women have, but indicators are women’s entry point into development where they can produce womenconcerned ideology, knowledge and paradigm which adequately represent women in the ideas, processes and outcomes of development.123 This is because the usage of indicators is the legitimate pathway in development planning. Chatterjee has argued that India regain its own concept and legitimation of development from development paradigm and hegemony, through ‘development ideology and the bureaucratic mechanism of development planning.124 Indicators may be treated not as economical, scientific or even numerical tool of development, but as a facilitator and collaborator for women values and issues. With the involvement of reliable and authorized source of women in formulating indicators, whether they are Feminists, women activists or even bureaucrats, women have opportunities to intervene the production processes of development programs and activities, with their methodologies and approaches. With this intervention, those indicators may be the collaborative product because of theoretical and practical conversations without necessary existence of any dominance, which cover progressive and prevention implementation. 122

Parpart, above n 221. Merry, ‘Measuring the World: Indicators, Human Rights, and Global Governance’, above n 88; Anne Galagher, ‘Ending Marginalisation: Strategies for Incorporating Women into the UN Human Rights Systems’ (1997) 19 Human Rights Quarterly 283, 327. 124 Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Oxford University Press, 1995) 15. 123

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b. Measurement through Development (Gender) Planning

especially at local level to formulate the most appropriate policy in tackling the impacts of climate change.

Measuring women’s rights in development planning matters because it legitimates development for women by using indicators as the collaborative production between women and the development institutions. Indicators need to manifest not as simplification of the various experiences of women and expected multiple choices for women. Rather it is as entry point for women to concretize all the conceptual approaches of feminist legacies to employ conditional acceptances of impartial structures of development for defending continuous questions that women inquire.

Rotterdam, as the main gate of transport and logistic across Europe also face the consequences and impacts of climate change. Industrial growth has made energy efficiency to become its priority issue. Launched in 2007, Rotterdam Climate Initiative (RCI) aims at (1) reducing 50% CO2 emission in 2025 compared than in 1990; (2) becoming a climate proof city in 2025; and (3) improving economic development. The experience of Rotterdam proves that strong commitment among stakeholders, from the government, private, and local community would be the primary success factor in implementing mitigation and adaptation programmes.

Parallel discourse occurs in gender planning. Gender planning allows women to be specifically addressed in their exclusivity, multiple roles, and needs without necessarily ignore their relationship with men and other social and cultural factors.125 Reducing gender planning to be purely about socio-economic matters will eliminate female contents.126 Gender planning provides many choices for women, from addressing their gender to strategic and practical gender needs through various policy approaches such as welfare, equity, anti-poverty, efficiency, and empowerment.127 These choices let women intervene in the production of development.128 Nevertheless, the notion of gender itself as the main feature of gender planning gives alertness. Gender term remains in debates. Deploying gender as the approach for public policy has tendencies of being mainstreamed and depoliticised, which attained advantages and disadvantages.129 Then, the division of sex and gender is not merely positive; it also has some potencies and weaknesses.130 125

Moser, above n 1802. 126 Saskia E. Wieringa, ‘Rethinking Gender Planning: A Critical Discussion of the Use of the Concept of Gender’ (1998) 2 Gender, Technology and Development 349, 349. 127 Moser, above n 1799-1825. 128 Ibid 1817. 129 Sally Baden and Anne Marie Goetz, ‘Who Needs [Sex] When You Can Have [Gender]? Conflicting Discourses on Gender at Beijing’, in Cecile Jackson & Ruth Pearson (eds) Feminist Visions of Development: Gender Analysis and Policy (Routledge, 1998) 19-37; Dianne Otto, ‘Lost in Translation: Re-scripting the Sexed Subjects of International Human Rights Law’ in Anne Orford (ed) International Law and Its Others (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2006) 318, 347; Joan Wallace Scott, ‘Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis’ (1986) 1 American Historical Review 1053, 1066-1070; Hilary Charlesworth, ‘Not Waving but Drowning: Gender Mainstreaming and Human Rights in the United Nations’ (2005) 18 Harvard Human Rights Journal 1, 11-16. 130 Margaret Davies, ‘Taking the Inside Out: Sex and Gender in the Legal Subject’ in Ngaire Naffine and Rosemary J Owens (eds) Sexing the Subject of Law (LBC Information Services, 1997) 25-46.

Keywords: partnership, government, private, Rotterdam, mitigation, climate change. Pendahuluan Melihat semakin meluasnya fenomena pemanasan global dan perubahan iklim, tidak ada salahnya jika kita menengok best practice upaya-upaya mitigasi dan adaptasi yang dilakukan oleh negara lain. Bagaimana mereka merumuskan langkah strategis nan efisien dan efektif untuk mengantisipasi/mengurangi dampak perubahan iklim, prasyarat kelembagaan apa saja yang mereka inisiasi, serta upaya apa yang mereka ambil untuk menjamin keberlanjutan inisiatif tersebut, perlu kita pahami sehingga diharapkan dapat menginspirasi para decision makers di tingkat lokal dalam merumuskan kebijakan yang tepat untuk mengatasi dampak perubahan iklim. Tulisan ini hendak mengilustrasikan success story pemerintah kota Rotterdam yang mengeluarkan beberapa terobosan dalam rangka mitigasi perubahan iklim sekaligus meningkatkan kualitas sosial ekonomi warganya. Rotterdam dikenal sebagai salah satu kota yang cukup penting dalam tatanan perkotaan, tidak hanya dalam lingkup Belanda, tetapi juga di Eropa. Beberapa keunggulan yang dimilikinya antara lain keberadaan pelabuhan internasional (Port of Rotterdam) yang menjadikan kota ini sebagai pintu gerbang serta pusat transportasi logistik dan kawasan industri. Dalam lingkup strategis regional, Rotterdam juga termasuk salah satu dari konstelasi empat kota besar di Belanda yang biasa disebut Ranstad Region. Menurut Rencana Tata Ruang Wilayah 2040 Ranstad Holland atau Ranstad Region, wilayah ini merupakan salah satu dari beberapa kota metropolis yang cukup memegang peranan

penting dalam pengembangan spasial dan ekonomi kota di Belanda. Aliansi yang terdiri atas empat kota besar yakni Amsterdam, The Hague, Rotterdam, dan Utrecht ini telah ditetapkan sebagai “Dutch Metropolis” sejak 1966. Menjadi salah satu kota berpredikat internasional tidak lantas membuat Rotterdam “lupa diri”. Berbagai dampak, tuntutan, dan konsekuensi akan selalu melekat, tak terkecuali dampak dari perubahan iklim. Mengingat pesatnya pertumbuhan industri di Rotterdam, maka konsumsi energi merupakan isu yang tak terelakkan. Hasil studi menyebutkan bahwa Uni Eropa (UE) berkontribusi atas 15% – 20% emisi gas rumah kaca dunia (Victor, 2006; RCI, 2007). Oleh karena itu seluruh negara anggota Uni Eropa telah bersepakat akan mengambil bagian dalam aksi kolektif ini dengan menetapkan target pengurangan emisi CO2 sebesar 20%. Pemerintah nasional Belanda sendiri mentargetkan reduksi CO2 sebesar 30% dibandingkan dengan tahun 1990. Jadi setidaknya, ada tiga tantangan yang harus dijawab oleh pemerintah kota Rotterdam saat ini dan di masa depan, yaitu bagaimana mewujudkan kesinambungan perkembangan ekonomi kota, meningkatkan kualitas lingkungan perkotaan dan hidup warga kota, serta menjawab tantangan mantan presiden Amerika Serikat Bill Clinton1 untuk mewujudkan Rotterdam yang lebih bersih di masa depan. Rotterdam Climate Initiative (RCI): Keberlanjutan Ekonomi dan Lingkungan Kota Sebulan setelah kunjungan Bill Clinton ke Belanda2, tepatnya pada bulan Januari 2007, pemerintah kota Rotterdam resmi berkolaborasi dengan beberapa pihak swasta guna melawan dampak perubahan iklim dalam wadah Rotterdam Climate Initiative (RCI). Adalah Port of Rotterdam, Deltalings dan DCMR (Environmental Protection Agency Rijnmond) sebagai tiga stakeholders utama selain pemerintah kota Rotterdam yang menggawangi program ini. Deltalings merupakan konsorsium/aliansi yang beranggotakan lebih dari 600 perusahaan dan asosiasi yang khusus bergerak di bidang logistik dan perusahaan industri. Sebagai salah satu partner strategis pemerintah, organisasi ini juga 1 Pada bulan Desember 2006, Bill Clinton datang ke Belanda untuk mengkampanyekan Clinton Climate Initiative, sebuah program yang menyerukan kota‐kota besar di seluruh dunia untuk menginternalisasikan dan menerapkan praktik‐praktik mitigasi dan adaptasi perubahan iklim dalam implementasi kebijakan kota mereka. 2


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cukup berpengaruh baik di tingkat regional maupun di Uni Eropa. Sedangkan DCMR adalah salah satu lembaga regional yang bertanggungjawab meningkatkan kualitas lingkungan hidup dalam lingkup Rijnmond area. Mengingat banyaknya kawasan industri di wilayah ini (seperti pengolahan minyak, tempat pembuangan akhir sampah, pabrik pengolahan bahan kimia, metalurgi, pengolahan makanan, insinerator sampah, dsb.), maka dapat dipastikan bahwa tugas DCMR adalah menyusun regulasi serta memonitor kinerja sektor industri tersebut agar tetap bekerja menurut standar dan kriteria baku mutu lingkungan. Tujuan utama dari inisiatif ini adalah untuk mengkombinasikan tiga fungsi kota sekaligus, yaitu memperkuat perkembangan ekonomi, mewujudkan kota yang atraktif sebagai tempat tinggal warganya, serta menjadikan Rotterdam sebagai kota yang lebih “hijau” seiring berkurangnya emisi gas rumah kaca. Berikut penulis ilustrasikan tujuan dan komitmen dari program RCI tersebut yang kemudian diwujudkan dalam beberapa program riil di lapangan: 1)

-

Mengurangi 50% emisi CO2 pada tahun 2025 dibandingkan tahun 1990;

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Mewujudkan kota yang 100% climate proof pada tahun 2025; yang disertai dengan Perkuatan ekonomi kota

-

-

Green roofs (atap hijau); upaya ini telah diaplikasikan di atap perpustakaan kota. Tujuannya selain memperpanjang umur atap, atap hijau juga dibangun untuk mengurangi panas mengingat konstruksinya telah dilengkapi dengan



Deltalings Energy Forum; forum ini dibentuk untuk mendukung upaya konservasi energi di sektor industri. Beberapa isu yang didiskusikan antara lain carbon footprint dalam proses produksi, konservasi energi, pendekatan‐ pendekatan baru dari aspek teknologis, dll. CO2 Capture and Storage (CCS); baru‐baru ini pemerintah kota Rotterdam tengah mengkampanyekan proyek CCS sebagai salah satu upaya mitigasi CO2 yang diproduksi oleh sektor industri dan pembangkit energi. Masifnya aliran kapital dan kepastian pasar kredit karbon (carbon market), khususnya di Eropa menjadi salah satu pemicu para pengusaha untuk membenamkan investasi dan teknologi CCS di Rotterdam. Bahkan pada tahun 2010, Deltalings telah menerima grant dari the Global Carbon Capture Storage Institute (Global CCS Institute) sejumlah 1,5 juta Euro untuk ekspansi dan pengembangan instalasi CCS.

-

Instalasi energi angin; pada tahun 2008, di beberapa titik area pelabuhan telah dibangun kincir angin berkapasitas total 151 MW. Rencana perluasan kapasitas sebesar 108 MW akan dilakukan di tahun‐tahun berikutnya.

-

Program hemat energi di bangunan gedung pemerintah; ratusan bangunan gedung milik pemerintah kota Rotterdam, baik yang lama maupun baru telah didesain agar lebih hemat energi.

Komitmen dan partisipasi para stakeholders dalam program mitigasi: Program yang terbilang cukup ambisius ini tidak akan pernah bisa terlaksana kecuali para stakeholders yang terlibat didalamnya berkomitmen penuh untuk memberikan kontribusi peran selama implementasi program. Seiring dengan semakin tingginya tuntutan serta tekanan internal dan eksternal, maka semakin kuat pula komitmen para stakeholders dalam menjalankan program RCI ini. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari beberapa program yang telah berjalan dalam rangka mitigasi perubahan iklim:

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-

Tujuan program:

2)

sistem drainase, tanah, dan tanaman (rumput). Mekanisme insulasi bangunan juga berfungsi optimal sehingga upaya konservasi energi dapat berjalan. Selain itu, beberapa partikulat udara yang merupakan komponen gas rumah kaca juga dapat disaring sehingga menghasilkan udara yang lebih bersih.

Implikasi bagi Upaya Mitigasi Perubahan Iklim Kotakota di Indonesia Belajar dari pengalaman Rotterdam dalam menghambat laju dampak perubahan iklim tersebut, kita dapat menarik beberapa poin penting. Menurut teori Underdal (Victor, 2006), rendahnya komitmen ditengarai sebagai faktor penghambat utama berhasilnya upaya‐upaya

of this measurement ability to accommodate or at least to reflect women’s interests and needs. There are some areas that women gain advantages through the deployment of indicators. Indicators are able to track social institutions that impede women.109 Women also acquire benefits of the global trends on gender-disaggregate data and growing international sources of women. Even so, the benefits are still limited and problematic and women still need to engage with indicators in order to maintain their theme in the global agenda.110 However, women are highly influenced by the trends of the indicator itself. Since most of the users of indicators are development practitioners and institutions, indicators are highly used for merely economical purposes.111 The quantification of social and human development is simply for the interest of tracking the progresses of market and welfare. The similar situation happened to women. There are abundant sources of economical dimension of women that global and national governances provide. Although these governances try to provide indicators that capture civil and political rights of women, they are simply about the number of laws that being enacted or the number of women that being in the decision-making level.112 Unfortunately, these indicators insufficiently represent the dimensions of female’s experiences in relation to their empowerment and rights violations. As Rustagi concluded that the multidimensional status of women cannot be quantified.113 The idea of equality that women pursue will not be effective if the response of development continuously ignoring the measurement of outcomes of substantive equality.114 Failure to measure the actual role of women in the development,115 as beneficiaries as well as participants 109 Christian Morrisson and Johannes P. Jutting, ‘Women’s Discrimination in Developing Countries: A New Data Set for Better Policies’ (2005) 33 World Development 1065-1081. 110 Mona Danner, Lucia Fort and Gay Young, ‘International Data on Women and Gender: Resources, Issues, Critical Use’ (1999) 22 Women’s Studies International Forum 249-259; Clair Apodaca, ‘Measuring Women’s Economic and Social Rights Achievement’ (1998) 20 Human Rights Quarterly 139-172. 111 Merry, ‘Measuring the World: Indicators, Human Rights, and Global Governance’, above 83 and 89; Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 474-475. 112 Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 475-478. 113 Rustagi, above n 328. 114 Kerry Rittich, ‘Engendering Development/Marketing Equality’ (2003-2004) 67 Albany Law Review 575, 582. 115 Eva M. Rathgeber, ‘Gender and Development in Action’ in Marianne H. Marchand and Jane L. Parpart (eds) Feminism/ Postmodernism/Development (Routledge, 1995) 204, 219-220.

and combined with failure to employ multidisciplinary analysis and approach will result in the production of indicators that simplify women issues into welfare issues.116 Moreover, gender-disaggregate data has not been a culture of policy-making in the Third World countries, which classically because of the limitation of sources and budget. But, it is actually more than that. There are less attention and awareness of the development planners regarding the importance to make different data about men and women. This is again due to the social construction of women as secondary importance than men.117 Among so many contestations toward indicators, one particular observation is directed to the disagreement of the roles of the actors behind those indicators.118 Indicators can be made both by policy makers and academics or activists, in conjunction or separately. However, regardless of the mechanisms of the making of those indicators, whether it’s collaboratively or competitively, those two actors have different approach when they are making indicators.119 Policy makers approach indicators to facilitate them in conducting intervention to social policies, by producing standardization and quantification.120 On the other hand, academics, with respect also to Feminists, approach indicators in order to reflect their diverse experiences and envisioned changes that often are not necessarily ought to conform to certain kind of standards or qualifications.121 Situating it concretely, when policy makers define protectionism policies as their priority to reduce violence and discrimination against women, in a form of legislation and legal enforcement, Feminists may look at it as another form of limitation toward women, because Feminists perceive despite of the protection intensity for women, if women remain not sufficiently expert to access that protection, those policies are pointless. Then, question 116 Joycelin Massiah, ‘Indicators for Women in Caribbean Development’ in Joycelin Massiah (ed) Women in Developing Economies: Making Visible the Invisible (Berg Publishers, 1993) 11-134; Ruth Gordon and Jon Sylvester, ‘Deconstructing Development’ (2004) 22 Wisconsin International Law Journal 1, 29-44; Ester Boserup, Women’s Role in Economic Development (Earthscan, 2007) 53-65; Lourdes Benaria and Gita Sen, ‘Accumulation, Reproduction and Women’s Role in Economic Development: Boserup Revisited’ (1991) 7 Signs 279, 284-290. 117 Charlton, above n 39-40. 118 Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 480; Merry, ‘Measuring the World: Indicators, Human Rights, and Global Governance’, above n 84. 119 Ineke van Halsema, ‘Feminist Methodology and Gender Planning Tools: Divergences and Meeting Points’ (2003) 7 Gender, Technology and Development 75. 120 Ibid. 121 Ibid.


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that standpoint, it is reasonable to say that almost the entire of wide-published international statistic and data, which based on these international instruments are directed to measure the achievement of states parties in implementing their obligations. At the time women decided to enter the realm of development, quantification or measurement is inevitable. Because of the development is matter of science, assumptions and economic exercises of Western ideology with its high sense of patriarchal contents.92 Moreover, development will gain its legitimacy from the transfer of knowledge from Western expertise.93 In addition, this transferred-paradigm of development perceives Third World women as a scientific object whom require scientific solution and unable to become a subject of development discourse.94 Within this kind of development discourse, some questions are urgent to be answered. The extent of indicators is able to reflect specific rights and rights intersections.95 In order to be applicable, indicator, specifically human rights indicators need to be attached to specific field of human rights and to their holders and duty bearers.96 For example, the relations between women’s rights and Indonesia government as a state party of CEDAW. The possibility of indicator to be able to measure the progress that leads to the goal of gender equality and justice.97 The purposes of indicator are also important; either can be as a means and end or partially.98 The word ‘indicator’ itself has not yet any agreed definition among human rights scholars.99 However, there are references of the usage of indicators as Green elaborated; they could be referred to statistical information, thematic approach, benchmarks and comparative indices.100 One of the critical point of indicators is the outcomes of the measurement. There are many factors that related to the measurement of human rights compliances by states, enjoyment by 92

Parpart, above n 221. Ibid. 94 Ibid 229. 95 Otto, ‘Shaping Women’s Property Rights through Indicators: a Human Rights Approach’, above n 40. 96 Maria Green, ‘What We Talk About When We Talk About Indicators: Current Approaches to Human Rights Measurement’ (2001) 23 Human Rights Quarterly 1062, 1066. 97 Otto, ‘Shaping Women’s Property Rights through Indicators: a Human Rights Approach’, above n 41. 98 Ibid 41-42. 99 Green, above n 1065. 100 Ibid 1077-1084. 93

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citizens and their impacts,101 which could be hard to identify precisely.102 That is why the contemporary discourses of development and human rights still cannot come up with agreed-distinction between human rights indicators and development indicators, because they are used interchangeably.103 However, they do have tendencies to be used in particular settings; such human rights indicators usually address legal matters and development indicators become references for decision-making processes.104 In addition to that, human rights indicators could effectively be used for measuring the degree of human rights violation,105 because they provide types of measurement which allow the users to engage with the various experiences of the rights exercises, such as events, standards, survey based and; socio-economic and administrative statistics.106 Therefore, these facts lead to the preliminary conclusion that human rights indicators use more in measuring civil and political rights, while development indicators deal more with quantification of economic, social and cultural rights.107 Nevertheless, relying development indicators to measure economic, social and cultural rights is vulnerable to narrow interpretation of welfare approach as a summary of the three rights enjoyment instead of their ‘amount of inequality’.108 2. The Complexities of Indonesian Women versus The Simplification of MDGs Indicators a. Criticising the Measurement/Quantification of Women’s Rights through Indicators Compared to other social groups, women and development indicators have a kind of peculiar relationship. They strongly need each other, but their characteristics are contradictory. First concern is the possibility of measuring women’s rights by development indicators. Second, if there is a measurement, the extent 101

AnnJanette Rosga and Margaret L. Satterthwaite, ‘The Trust in Indicators: Measuring Human Rights’ (2009) 27 Berkeley Journal of International Law 253, 256-257. 102 Green, above n 1085-1088; 103 Ibid 1089-1091. 104 Sakiko Fukuda-Parr, ‘The Metrics of Human Rights: Complementarities of the Human Development and Capabilities Approach’ (2011) 12 Journal of Human Development and Capabilities 73, 74. 105 Todd Landman, ‘Measuring Human Rights: Principle, Practice and Policy’ (2004) 26 Human Rights Quarterly 906, 909-910. 106 Todd Landman and Edzia Carvalho, Measuring Human Rights (Routledge, 2010) 130-131. 107 Landman, above n 924-926. 108 Shareen Hertel, ‘Why Bother? Measuring Economic Rights: The Research Agenda’ (2006) 7 International Studies Perspectives 215, 219.

mitigasi dan adaptasi perubahan iklim global. Adalah upaya yang tidak mudah untuk mengajak seluruh stakeholder termasuk warga kota untuk berpartisipasi dalam aksi perubahan iklim mengingat beragamnya kepentingan. Oleh karena itu, pertama, kerangka acuan yang solid harus disiapkan untuk menggabungkan seluruh potensi yang dimiliki stakeholders; mulai dari kelembagaan pada berbagai level pemerintahan hingga masyarakat, sumber dana, serta kejelasan peran dan tanggungjawab sebelum mulai menyusun program dan strategi pengurangan dampak perubahan iklim. Pemerintah daerah, sebagai motor utama upaya mitigasi dan adaptasi di wilayahnya, bersama‐sama dengan pemerintah pusat (kementerian dan lembaga terkait termasuk Dewan Nasional Perubahan Iklim – DNPI), pusat‐pusat penelitian, serta sektor swasta dan industri harus memobilisasi segenap sumberdaya yang dimiliki berbekal Rencana Aksi Nasional Perubahan Iklim (RAN-PI) dan Rencana Aksi Nasional Pengurangan Emisi (RAN-PE) yang telah disusun. DNPI sebagai wakil dari pemerintah pusat yang bertanggungjawab mengkoordinasikan upaya‐upaya ini juga harus terus mendorong pemerintah daerah untuk memunculkan inisiatif‐inisiatif serupa RCI, sebagaimana yang telah diinisiasi oleh Pemda DKI Jakarta yang bekerjasama dengan pemerintah kota Rotterdam membentuk sebuah Joint Forces in Climate Adaptation. Kedua, partisipasi stakeholders harus diupayakan secara terus‐menerus. Komitmen para stakeholders dalam program RCI patut dijadikan contoh karena dengan berbekal komitmen inilah keberlanjutan program dapat terwujud. Mekanisme‐mekanisme insentif dan disinsentif dapat digunakan untuk mendorong proses partisipatif ini. Ketiga, inovasi adalah salah satu dari faktor kunci yang membawa keberhasilan program RCI. Pemerintah kota Rotterdam tidak segan‐segan menginvestasikan kapitalnya dalam jumlah besar dalam rangka pengembangan teknologi guna memajukan ilmu pengetahuan terkini dalam konteks perubahan iklim. Dengan demikian, sudah selayaknya seluruh pusatpusat penelitian yang melekat pada kementerian/ lembaga pemerintah maupun non-pemerintah untuk terus mengupayakan invensi teknologi tepat guna yang ramah iklim serta mengkampanyekannya agar dapat dimanfaatkan oleh publik.

kerjasama internasional juga penting sebagai sarana berbagi/bertukar pengetahuan serta pengalaman. Dalam konteks nasional, Netherlands Water Partnership (NWP) telah memperkuat jaringan baik internal maupun eksternal guna mendorong kerjasama dan sinkronisasi program bersama seluruh stakeholder yang diwujudkan melalui proyek bersama, bantuan darurat bencana, penyelenggaraan konferensi ilmiah, dan lain sebagainya. Dan pemerintah Indonesia dapat melakukan hal yang serupa dengan terus membangun dan memperkuat jaringan guna mendukung fungsi‐fungsi tersebut. Kelima, kota-kota di Indonesia mungkin belum memiliki kapasitas dan kemampuan finansial yang besar untuk menghimbau para pelaku industri dalam rangka mengurangi emisi CO2 melalui pembangunan CCS yang cukup menyedot investasi mahal. Tetapi upaya‐upaya lain seperti green roof, program hemat energi untuk bangunan gedung pemerintah, serta efisiensi energi di sektor lain (transportasi, sumberdaya air, dll) dapat digalakkan dengan berbekal komitmen dan kesadaran yang tinggi. Penutup Sebagai penutup, sebagaimana disampaikan oleh Bill Clinton bahwa “jika mulai bertindak saat ini kita akan memetik manfaatnya di masa depan”, maka komitmen antar stakeholder memegang peran sentral guna memerangi dampak perubahan iklim. Komitmen yang kemudian dituangkan menjadi berbagai inisiatif dan kolaborasi program antara pemerintah, swasta, hingga skala komunitas merupakan prasyarat terwujudnya keberhasilan dan keberlanjutan upaya mitigasi. Puslitbang Sosial Ekonomi dan Lingkungan (Puslitbang Sosekling) pun demikian. Sebagai salah satu unit litbang dibawah Balitbang PU yang disebut-sebut sebagai “Pusat Sustainability” oleh Dirjen Penataan Ruang saat diselenggarakannya Kolokium Puslitbang Sosekling beberapa waktu lalu, telah berkomitmen untuk menyediakan instrumen-instrumen guna menghitung yang intangible menjadi tangible dalam mendukung program mitigasi dan adaptasi perubahan iklim, khususnya dalam penyelenggaraan infrastruktur PU dan Permukiman. Lantas, jika Rotterdam mampu melakukannya, mengapa kita tidak?

Keempat, kerjasama antar pemerintah daerah dan


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Referensi Adger, W.N., et.al., 2003, Adaptation to Climate Change in the Developing World, Progress in Development Studies, 3 pp. 179–195. Krisbandono, A. 2010, Pendekatan Partisipatif Menuju Kota Berkelanjutan, http://www.mediaindonesia. com/webtorial/klh/index.php?ar_id=Njk0MQ== Morlot, J.C., et.al., 2009, Cities, Climate Change and Multilevel Governance, OECD Environmental Working Papers No. 14, 2009, OECD publishing, Paris. O’Riordan, T & Jordan, A., 1999, Institutions, Climate Change and Cultural Theory: Towards a Common

Analytical Framework, k Global Environmental Change 9 pp. 81‐93. Rotterdam Climate Initiative, 2007, The New Rotterdam: 50% Reduction of CO2 Emission, 100% Climate Proof, Rotterdam Climate Initiative, Rotterdam. Thomson, A., 2006, Economy, Politics and Institutions: From Adaptation to Adaptive Management in Climate Change, Guest Editorial, Climate Change Vol. 78 pp. 1‐5. Victor, D. G., 2006. Towards Effective International Cooperation on Climate Change: Numbers, Interests, and Institutions, Global Environmental Politics, MIT Press, Massachusetts.

that quantification is able to represent the progress and changes of “rights, freedoms, choices, dignity, diversity, justice” and other yet be calculated.77 Moreover, MDGs implementation is remote from the character of human rights based-approach.78 It does mean that human rights based-approach can measure all of the immeasurable dimensions of equality and justice, but at any rate human rights based-approach can track the root of the causes of the unachievable equality and justice.79 Besides that, this approach will provide balance environment between the rights holders and rights providers.80

V. MEASURING WOMEN RIGHTS 1. The Characters of Indicators as Tools for Measurement a. Indicators as Social-based Tools The key discussion of this paper regarding indicator is whether indicator is sufficient to capture the social values and issues, as values and issues that women’s experienced, into quantitative method which mostly development planning employ nowadays. For that, it is essential to look at what is actually the intendedpurpose of the creation and usage of indicator in the context of development planning, which inevitably closely attached with the global governance used for measuring the outcomes of power realization into decision and policy-making. Indicator represents contemporary global governance as an indication of the exercises of knowledge and power.81 However, as stressed by Davis, Kingsbury and Merry in their article, the agreed-definition of indicator remains unsolved, which open the opportunities to 77

Ibid. Dianne Otto, ‘Shaping Women’s Property Rights through Indicators: a Human Rights Approach’ (2006) 71 Development Bulletin 40, 42; Dorsey et al, above n 516; Barton, ‘Women Debate the MDGs’, above n 103; Barton, ‘Where to for Women’s Movements and the MDGs?’, above n 29; Hayes, above n 69; Caren Grown, ‘Answering the Skeptics: Achieving Gender Equality and the Millennium Development Goals’ (2005) 48 Development 82, 83. 79 Dorsey et al, above n 518; Uvin, above n 602-603. 80 Uvin, above n 602-603. 81 Oded Lowenheim, ‘Examining the State: a Foucauldian Perspective on International ‘Governance Indicators’’(2008) 29 Third World Quarterly 255, 259-265; Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 466; Sally Engle Merry, ‘Measuring the World: Indicators, Human Rights, and Global Governance’ (2011) 52 Current Anthropology 83, 84; Kevin E. Davis, Benedict Kingsbury and Sally Engle Merry, ‘Indicators as a Technology of Global Governance’ (2012) 46 Law and Society Review 71, 72. 78

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define the meaning of indicator contextually.82 For the purpose of this paper inquiry, indicator is define as the tool which actors who involve in development planning used to articulate abstract ideas and values into concrete measurement of programs and activities achievement. The discourses about technological and numerical of the indicator are outside the discussion of this paper. Firstly, indicators are useful to compile or to aggregate data from sources.83 Second, various forms of social phenomenon can translate into various presentations as well through indicators.84 Third, analysis and evaluative functions that have correlation with data comparison and reconciliation are better assisted with using indicators, because the functions mentioned above. 85 In general, the practices of indicators are for problemsolving and decision-making processes,86 but the origin of the indicators is mostly associated with economic, finance and business fields.87 b. Human Rights Indicators Major international instruments with regard to women’s rights require state parties to respond appropriately to ensure the full and equal enjoyment of human rights, such Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural rights, and Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. Based on the substantial points from the UDHR Preamble, those measures imply several principles. First, the realization of women’s rights importantly needs a precondition of ‘social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom’.88 Second, ‘a common understanding’89 that signified by UDHR as ‘a common standard of achievement’90 which is interpreted as state’s obligations to act appropriately. Third, those measures need to be ‘progressive’91. From 82

Davis, Kingsbury and Merry, above n 73-74. Merry, ‘Measuring the World: Indicators, Human Rights, and Global Governance’, above n 86; Davis, Kingsbury and Merry, above n 74. 84 Davis, Kingsbury and Merry, above n 74-75. 85 Ibid. 86 Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 467-474; Merry, ‘Measuring the World: Indicators, Human Rights, and Global Governance’, above n 85. 87 Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 474-475; Merry, ‘Measuring the World: Indicators, Human Rights, and Global Governance’, above n 83 and 89. 88 UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948. 89 Ibid. 90 Ibid. 91 Ibid. 83


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The targets and indicators, which are defined in the plans, are pointed toward the MDGs targets. Moreover, specific legal framework in level presidential instruction is also promulgated to accelerate the national achievement of these goals.66 Indonesia Report on MDGs wrote about positive changes and achievements. Indonesia also accentuated their accomplishments on gender mainstreaming, gender budgeting and Gender Analysis Pathway (GAP).67 Those products are implemented nationally and locally in the level of policy formulation and decision-making processes. In relation with MDGs, Indonesian Report on CEDAW implementation only mentioned the progressive role of women ministry in defending affirmative action and the positive initiatives on the collection on gender statistics.68 However, The United Nations Commission on the Status of Women in its report explicitly raises strong criticism.69 Despite its outstanding and noble intention in continuously affirming the inseparable linkages between Beijing Platform of Action and MDGs achievements, this commission specifically expressed great concerns and deplores on how those two global commitments on women yet harmonious.70 The crucial aspects in Beijing Platform of Action, as stated above, remain fewer representations in the goals and indicators of MDGs, where Indonesia also took part in this report session.71

Number 5 Year 2010 on Middle Term National Development Plan of Indonesia, ;< http://www.bappenas.go.id/node/42/> . 66 Presidential Instruction Number 3 Year 2010 on Equitable Development Plan, <www.bappenas.go.id/get-file-server/node/9274/ >. 67 Ministry of National Development Planning/National Development Planning Agency (BAPPENAS), ‘Report on the Achievement of the Millennium Development Goals in Indonesia 2010’, September 2010, . 68 Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, ‘Combined sixth and seventh periodic reports of the Republic of Indonesia on the implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women in the State party during 2004–2009’ 7 January 2011, . 69 15-year review of the implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995) and the outcomes of the twenty-third special session of the General Assembly (2000), . 70 The United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, ‘Report on the fifty-fourth session (13 March and 14 October 2009 and 1-12 March 2010)’, 43-46, November 2010, . 71 Ibid.

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3. MDGs for Women: Another Formality Development and Human Rights?

of

As the platform that tried to be established by Declaration of the Right to Development in 1986,72 regrettably this declaration not meet the expectation of self-defined development by people or groups or Third World states that are constantly being more disadvantaged and marginalized by development, where women are included.73 The values of having rights to self-define and self-determinate are too vulnerable to simplification or even relegation to be incorporated into regimes that quantify everything with indexes and numbers. That is why not only the incorporation of development and human rights is already a paradox, but also inserting women and their rights into development is gradually eroding the dynamics and multidimensionality of women itself. However, further attempts to incorporate these two regimes are becoming enthusiastic or even possessive global projects. That is because despite the critics and weaknesses of that incorporation, international and national governances and resources keep doing this kind of latest projects. So does MDGs included in these trends. MDGs seems further confirmed that including human rights into development is just formality to mute demands, claims and tensions of human rights impasses. As argued by Otto, as women continuously emphasized the urgency of their rights to be taken into account by human rights agendas, at that time women’s movements become vulnerable of formalisation or cooptation by global projects.74 In addition to that, although MDGs try to convince the world that the goals are deeply committed to promote human rights through referring to UDHR and CEDAW,75 their implementation remains to indicate progress and changes through the terms of “increase and decrease” of percentages, numbers and indexes.76 Those indications are not explicitly addressing the extent of 72 Declaration on the Right to Development, UN Doc. A/ Res/41/128, 4 December 1986, 73 Peter Uvin, ‘From the Right to Development to the RightsBased Approach: How “Human Rights” entered Development’ (2007) 17 Development in Practice 597, 598-599; Charlesworth and Chinkin, above n 204-208; Rhoda Howard, ‘Women’s Rights and the Right to Development’ in Julie Peters and Andrea Wolper (eds) Women’s Rights Human Rights: International Feminist Perspectives (Routledge, 1995) 301, 303-305. 74 Otto, ‘A Post-Beijing Reflection on the Limitations and Potential of Human Rights Discourse for Women’, above n 133. 75 Robinson, above n 41. 76 United Nations, ‘The Millennium Development Goals Report 2012’ New York 2012,

Measuring Women’s Rights in Development: Indonesia and MDGS Maya Grandty*)

Abstract Millennium Development Goals or MDGs have challenged the objectives of women’s movements. MDGs accentuate the collection of concrete benchmarks and indicators, which need to be achieved by committed countries by the year of 2015. This paper critically analyses the aspects of MDGs that intersect with conceptual ideas of development and human rights in relation to the tendencies of measuring women’s rights, in the context of women’s movements in Indonesia. The question is whether MDGs indicators are capable to reflect the dynamics and aspirations of women’s movements in Indonesia. This paper suggests that global indicators as the product of development and human rights projects simplify the diversities and experiences of women. MDGs indicators are not addressing the roots of the problems of women in Indonesia where despite the significance of women involvement in the Indonesian development that leads to gender equality, violation against women are still regarded as private issues. Moreover, the current women involvement and empowerment in development are a matter of formality rather than substance. This analysis presents thoughts for understanding why some women’s groups in Indonesia remain reluctant to the formulation of indicators in the development planning.

I. Introduction Millennium Development Goals or MDGs have challenged the objectives of women’s movements. As global agenda, MDGs focus on the basic needs of human beings that remain a fundamental issue of development. It covers broad beneficiaries; human in general, women and children in particular. MDGs accentuate the collection of concrete benchmarks and indicators, which need to be achieved by committed countries by the year of 2015. This paper critically analyses the aspects of MDGs that intersect with conceptual ideas of development and human rights in relation to the tendencies of measuring women’s rights, in the context of women’s movements in Indonesia. The question is whether MDGs indicators are capable to reflect the dynamics and aspirations of women’s movements in Indonesia. This paper suggests that global indicators as the product of development and human rights projects simplify the diversities and experiences of women. MDGs indicators are not addressing the roots of the problems of women in Indonesia where despite the significance of women involvement in the Indonesian development that leads to gender equality, violation against women are still regarded as private issues. Moreover, the current women involvement and empowerment in development


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are a matter of formality rather than substance. This analysis presents thoughts for understanding why some women’s groups in Indonesia remain reluctant to the formulation of indicators in the development planning. The first chapter of this paper engages with the perspectives of Postcolonial feminism that provides pertinent ideas in relation to women, their rights and development. This part tries to deliver some contextual point of view of women from Third World countries and their relationship with the ideas of development and human rights that brought them to their previous and contemporary movements. The second chapter provides contextual analysis of Indonesia and its women movement. The third part explores MDGs and criticisms toward it. The fourth chapter offers a critical assessment of how the idea of measuring women rights through indicators that represent by MDGs is so problematic for women and particularly why it is problematic for women’s movements in Indonesia.

II.

POSTCOLONIAL FEMINISM AND INTERNATIONAL WOMEN’S MOVEMENTS

1.

Postcolonial Feminism

Among many Feminists’ movements and ideologies, the salient feature of Feminist ideology for the purpose of this paper is the Postcolonial (or Third World) Feminists. The perspectives of Postcolonial Feminists provide critique when all the background experiences as the bases of women’s movements are all similar, while the facts are not.1 Women do share common concerns about the expectation of social changes, but the background stories behind those concerns are not comparable.2 Women face different experiences because of historical realities, ideological manifestations, political systems, social structures, economical demands and cultural engagements. When western women are no longer 1 * Maya Grandty, staff of Law and Human Rights Directorate, Deputy of Politics, Law, Defence and Security, Bappenas Chandra Talpade Mohanty, ‘Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses’ in Reina Lewis and Sara Mills (eds) Feminist Postcolonial Theory: A Reader (Edinburgh University Press, 2003) 49-74; Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin, The Boundaries of International Law: A Feminist Analysis (Manchester University Press, 2000) 46-48; Chandra Talpade Mohanty, ‘Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses’ in Nalini Visvanathan, et al (eds) The Women, Gender and Development Reader (Zed Books, 1997) 79, 79; Chandra Talpade Mohanty, ‘Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses’ (1988) 30 Feminist Review 61, 61. 2 Mohanty, ‘Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses’ above.

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questioning their access to education and health care, Third World women remain struggling for those accesses. When women in developed countries are considered as modern women because they have more opportunities both in public and private spheres, women in less developing countries are not having any idea about modernity because the only visible future for them is being a wife and a mother. Postcolonial Feminists strongly address that their historical identities, as Postcolonial women are continuously imperializing, impeding, and even worse simplifying the many dimensions of women.3 This critical perspective will be the basic deliberation in investigating whether the imperial and colonial characters and products of development and human rights are able to articulate their multiple stories. Some women, particularly Third World women, face difficulties to engage with the development discourse, because women are only seen as the recipient of development project.4 The only visible way for women to have a different role in the development discourse is by reconstructing the development theories and practices that undermine female expressions,5 instead of totally reject all the global notions of development. In this reconstructing moment, women have opportunities to tell different stories about themselves and development, which allows and affirms the active roles of women in within this process. However, Feminists need to be aware that their mission of integrating women into development project means that women challenge political and social structures. Ironically, these structures are the same structure that shapes them. This ironic reality need to be understood by women,6 and surely by the state as well. Regarding the various concerns and issues of women, women reject the equated definitions of their disadvantages and paradigms; women actually need recognition for their internal and external diversity through choices, not merely through protection or partiality. Moreover, the significant demand of the women is substantive involvement, particularly in 3 Mohanty, ‘Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses’ in Reina Lewis and Sara Mills above. 4 Jane L. Parpart, ‘Deconstructing the Development “Expert”: Gender, Development and the “Vulnerable Groups”’ in Marianne H. Marchand and Jane L. Parpart (eds) Feminism/Postmodernism/ Development (Routledge, 1995) 221, 227. 5 Ibid. 6 Sue Ellen M. Charlton, Women in Third World Development (Westview Press, 1984) 210-211.

that agenda into global and national priorities.46 MDGs are regarded as another chance for women to elevate their movements into practical and technical strategies in order to secure the implementation of gender mainstreaming and the achievement of gender substantive equality.47 On one side, these goals provide concrete, targeted and common index of progresses, in order to claim government commitment.48 On another side, women are challenged to engage more in intergovernmental processes.49 Within these progresses, the availability of sex and gender disaggregate data is essential, so women can get benefits from that.50 Gender equality is seen as influential factor to the accomplishment of other goals.51 On the other hand, the major weakness of MDGs is the indicators, particularly those related with women. Even though it has been claimed that almost all the goals of MDGs contribute to the realization of gender equality,52 apparently the indicators are less sensitive to gender and not indicate the systemic barriers of gender equality.53 MDGs indicators on women are not addressing comprehensively the root of the problems of gender inequality.54 Moreover, those indicators are relegating the representation of gender equality in a form of narrow indicators of education, employment and political participation.55 Relegating the achievement of gender equality through education, employment and political participation is not pointing clearly women practical needs,56 but lead to double burden to women.57 46

Ibid 103 and 105; Noeleen Heyzer, ’Making the Links: Women’s Rights and Empowerment are Key to Achieving the Millennium Development Goals 1’ (2005) 13 Gender and Development 9, 11. 48 Heyzer, above n 10; Barton, above n 102; 49 Carol Barton, ‘Where to for Women’s Movements and the MDGs?’ (2005) 13 Gender and Development 25, 30. 50 Heyzer, above n 10. 51 Ceri Hayes, ‘Out of the Margins: The MDGs through a CEDAW Lens’ (2005) 13 Gender and Development 67, 68. 52 Barton, ‘Women Debate the MDGs’, above n 103. 53 Jagriti Shankar, ‘MDGs Analysis and Operational Indicators for Gender Mainstreaming and Equality’ (2010) 14 Gender Technology and Development 117, 117 and 119; Heyzer, above n 10; Hayes, above n 68; Robert Johnson, ‘Not a Sufficient Condition: The Limited Relevance of the Gender MDG to Women’s Progress’ (2005) 13 Gender and Development 56, 64. 54 Barton, ‘Women Debate the MDGs’, above n 102; Heyzer, above n 10. 55 Shankar, above n 119; Naila Kabeer, ‘Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment: A Critical Analysis of the Third Millennium Development Goal 1’ (2005) 13 Gender and Development 13, 13; Barton, ‘Where to for Women’s Movements and the MDGs?’, above n 25; Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 478. 56 Shankar, above n 119. 57 Shankar, above n 119. 47

If those indicators are not met, women could be blamed for incapability among opportunities. Crucially, MDGs are not well representing women major issues such as violence against women, discrimination, women labour and reproductive rights.58 The most concerning weak point of MDGs is that they show how this global and ambitious project simplifies and relegates the long struggles of women’s movements that have been achieved painstakingly through CEDAW and Beijing Platform of Action.59 MDGs are not as comprehensive and accommodative to crucial issues of women as CEDAW and Beijing Platform of Action present.60 It shows how once more women’s movements and global and national approaches move into different directions. The pursuit of gender equality loose it grips when it is implemented without addressing its multidimensionality.61 Global burden of the failures of economic development is charged to only developing countries where most of the failures occurred.62 MDGs are greatly relying on governance or technocratic processes, which more pressure to articulate it into national and local agendas.63 These processes are clearly top-down mechanisms with limited space of civil society or even women participations.64 In this kind of debates, do women’s movements still can built upon these goals. However, the comparison between the negative and the positive is too imbalance. 2. MDGs for Indonesian Women As the previous contexts of Indonesia, the responses to MDGs are almost entirely positive. The goals of MDGs are addressing most of the major low pace of Indonesian development. It can be seen on how the Indonesian government responded it promptly and strategically. Almost all MDGs goals became part of national development plans, in the long, middle and year terms.65 58 Shankar, above n 118-119; Heyzer, above n 10; Barton, ‘Where to for Women’s Movements and the MDGs?’, above n 25 and 29. 59 Barton, ‘Women Debate the MDGs’ above n 102; Hayes, above n 67. 60 Barton, ‘Women Debate the MDGs’ above n 103; Heyzer, above n 19. 61 Kaber, above n 23. 62 Barton, ‘Women Debate the MDGs’ above n 103. 63 Barton, ‘Where to for Women’s Movements and the MDGs?’, above n 29; Hayes, above n 69. 64 Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 466; Robinson, above n 41; Barton, ‘Where to for Women’s Movements and the MDGs?’, above n 29; Hayes, above n 69. 65 Law Number 17 Year 2005 on Long Term National Development Plan of Indonesia, 21 December 2010, ; Presidential Decree


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of victim’s wounds and accuse the government as the main actor. On the other hand, Indonesia government seemingly circumvent having appropriate human and women’s rights discourses and policies because of lack of political will and avoiding more tensions. Human or even women’s rights that have bad memories tendencies are not government priority. Moreover, in Indonesia, bluntly spoken, recognition of women’s rights does not necessarily mean its implementation, which essentially make the recognition is pointless.34 Insufficient understanding about human rights, which can be a framework for problem solving and social change, will only result in limited perspectives of legal protection and enforcement.35

IV. THE DEBATES OF MDGS36 MDGs intersect and incorporate global contemporary discourses of development. MDGs appear among so many creations of development instruments. They also emerged in the tensional approaches of development, between economic and market based versus the human and social based.37 These global goals exist in the middle of dynamics of development and human rights incorporation. Moreover, this multinational and intergovernmental commitment offers a middle way between gaps of inspirational or conceptual and practical aspects of development and human rights.38 Most of the goals try to address the most urgent global issues.39 Among eight major goals, two of the goals have direct and slightly indirect connections with women.40 The direct ones are Goal 3, promoting gender equality and empowering women and Goal 5, improving 34

Ibid 59. Sally Engle Merry, ‘Women, Violence, Human Rights’ in Marjorie Agosin (ed) Women, Gender, and Human Rights (Rutgers University Press, 2001) 83, 94; Temma Kaplan, ‘Women’s Rights as Human Rights: Women as Agents of Social Change’ in Marjorie Agosin (ed) Women, Gender, and Human Rights (Rutgers University Press, 2001) 191-204. 36 United Nations, Millennium Development Goals, . 37 Kerry Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’ in Helene Ruiz, Rudiger Wolfrum and Jana Gogolin (eds) Select Proceedings of the European Society of International Law Volume II 2008 (Hart Publishing, 2010) 463, 465- 471. 38 Mary Robinson, ‘What Rights Can Add to Good Development Practice’ in Philip Alston and Mary Robinson (eds) Human Rights and Development: Towards Mutual Reinforcement (Oxford University Press, 2005) 25, 40-41. 39 Ellen Dorsey et al, ‘Falling Short of Our Goals: Transforming the Millennium Development Goals into Millennium Development Rights’ (2010) 28 Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 516, 516. 40 Kinnear, above n 12-13.

maternal health. While, eradicating extreme poverty and hunger (Goal 1), reducing child mortality (Goal 2), combating HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases (Goal 7) and; developing a global partnership for development (Goal 8) indirectly connected to women. In relation to that, those goals are interconnected one to another, when one goal achieves its target it opens way to the achievement of another goal.41 The most important one, all goals have influential roles in establishing gender equality around the world.42 Therefore, the discussion needs to engage fairly between the potencies and drawbacks of what these goals imply for women. From the general perspective, like other products of development and human rights, MDGs are full of optimisms and pessimisms. Regrettably, MDGs receive more scepticism rather than support,43 because MDGs seems like another ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach.44 This is contradicting among its plentiful predominance from the lens of economic development, because from the perspectives of human rights or human development activists, particularly women’s rights activists, MDGs just another affirmation of the development alignment to economic, market and growth. MDGs goals and benchmarks show how the elements of human development are not seen entirely for the benefits of well-being. It is true that MDGs confirm that human development is influential for the achievement of economic development and poverty eradication, but the realization of MDGs is more about how human development can give to a greater extent contribution to growth, not main contribution to the development of human itself. Disappointingly, that is identical with the scepticism for the perspectives of women’s movement. 1. Pros and Cons of MDGs

35

46



Positive support for MDGs is that MDGs consider as another global commitment of integrative and measurable approach of development and human rights.45 Fair to say that MDGs mark the success and the advancement of global women’s movements on the struggles of achieving gender equality and ensure 41

Ibid. Ibid. 43 James D. Wolfensohn, ‘Some Reflections on Human Rights and Development’ in Philip Alston and Mary Robinson (eds) Human Rights and Development: Towards Mutual Reinforcement (Oxford University Press, 2005) 19, 20. 44 Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 464 and 482-484; Robinson, above. 45 Carol Barton, ‘Women Debate the MDGs’ (2005) 48 Development 101, 102. 42

development, where they are free to actualize their concerns and issues and formulate their own solutions.7 2. International Women’s Movements Some claimed that the existence of women’s movements in the global and political forums is a strategy of utilizing the international discourses to incorporate women’s excluded rights to be part of human rights discourses.8 This strategy is identical with the strategy that claims that the term “development” does not merely involve economic development, but it is prior to people as well-being.9 The contest of this strategy has been continuously regarded as discouragement towards the impasses of women’s movements in the past few decades, such as concerns of culture and countered voices from Third World women toward globalisation and liberalisation.10 Since so many criticized that alteration, question appeared on the fundamental reason for entering their movements into what seems to be a contradictory sphere of human rights.11 Concerns emerged on their inclusivity that clearly opposite with political, public, liberal and universal natures of human rights.12 Moreover, the global discourses and forums of human rights have been criticized on excluding the discourses of women’s rights since the emergence of human rights. 7 Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom (Oxford University Press, 1999) 36. 8 Charlesworth and Chinkin, above n 218-222; Maila Stivens, ‘Introduction: Gender Politics and the Reimagining of Human Rights in the Asia-Pacific’ in Anne-Maria Hilsdon, et al (eds) Human Rights and Gender Politics: Asia-Pacific Perspectives (Routledge, 2000) 1-36; Charlotte Bunch, ‘Transforming Human Rights from Feminist Perspective’ in Julie Peters and Andrea Wolper (eds) Women’s Rights Human Rights: International Feminist Perspectives (Routledge, 1995) 11-17; Hilary Charlesworth, ‘Feminist Methods in International Law’ (1999) 93 American Journal of International Law 379, 386-388; Andrew Byrnes, ‘Women, Feminism, and International Human Rights Law – Methodological Myopia, Fundamental Flaws or Meaningful Marginalisation’ (1992) 12 Australian Year Book of International Law 205, 207-225. 9 Margaret Snyder, ‘Unlikely Godmother: The UN and the Global Women’s Movement’, in Myra Marx Ferree and Aili Mari Tripp (eds) Global Feminism: Transnational Women’s Activism, Organising, and Human Rights (New York University Press, 2006) 24, 48; Pieter de Vries, ‘Don’t Compromise Your Desire for Development! A Lacanian/ Deleuzian Rethinking of the Anti-politics Machine’ (2007) 28 Third World Quarterly 25-43. 10 Stivens, above. 11 Stivens, above; Katarina Tomasevski, Women and Human Rights (Zed Books, 1993). 12 Stivens, above; Rebecca J. Cook, ‘Women’s International Human Rights Law: The Way Forward’ in Rebecca J. Cook (ed) Human Rights of Women: National and International Perspectives (University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994) 3-36.

However, the global and political forums of human rights clearly took into account the women’s movements in several significant international instruments and institutions. The United Nations Commission on the Status of Women 1946 (CSW 1946) is one of the strategic leverages of women’s movements that succeeded in influencing the drafting process of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948 (UDHR 1948).13 The paramount achievement of this leverage was the enactment of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women 1979 (CEDAW 1979), which raised women’s issues and struggles to be concerns of global and political forums of human rights.14 As suggested by Stivens, this tendency is described as a strategic movement to set up ‘a powerful political platform’ for women’s rights to be taken into account in the inevitable international discourses.15 The affirmation of this commitment is manifested in global events that generate a global political platform for women’s movements. World conferences on women and human rights (Mexico City in 1975, Copenhagen in 1980, Nairobi in 1985 and Beijing in 1995; and Vienna, 1993) facilitated the emergence of the Beijing Platform for Action (1995).16 The latest development of those commitments is the establishment of institutions to ensure that the positive implementations of CEDAW and Beijing Platform for Action have impacts on women, internationally and nationally. From the establishment of United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women or UN Women (2010) that brings together previous attempts to generate greater impact,17 Beijing Platform for Action is also continuously followed-up through five-year review and appraisal mechanisms (2000, 2005 and 2010).18 In the last review (2010), the report repeatedly addressed the importance of indicators in every sector that related to women, as a tool to measure progresses and impacts and to generate 13 Dianne Otto, ‘Lost in Translation: Re-scripting the Sexed Subjects of International Human Rights Law’ in Anne Orford (ed) International Law and Its Others (Cambridge University Press, 2006) 318, 329-337; Stivens, above n 1, 5; Arvonne Fraser, ‘Becoming Human: The Origins and Development of Women’s Human Rights’ (1999) 21 Human Rights Quarterly 853, 888-889. 14 Fraser, above n 853, 889-894; Stivens, above. 15 Fraser, above n 853, 895-899; Stivens, above n 24. 16 Stivens, above n 6. 17 The United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women, . 18 The United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women, Beijing and Its Follow Up, .


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collaborative coordination among stakeholders, specifically in relation to the MDGs achievements for 2015.19

III. FOCUS ON INDONESIA 1. The Way in which Indonesia Understand Its Human Rights Human rights in Indonesia are constitutional rights; the Indonesian Constitution (Undang-Undang Dasar 1945) has undergone four rounds of amendments to accommodate the dynamics of Indonesian society and to reflect the way Indonesians understand ‘their’ human rights.20 In the constitution, the ‘protection, advancement, upholding and fulfilment’ of broad civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights are the state’s obligation.21 Indonesia expresses its human rights into international and national commitments. Internationally, Indonesia is a state party to main international human rights instruments.22 Domestically, Indonesia has government and non-government institutions and national and local legislation to support the implementation of state obligations. In general, human rights practices in Indonesia are remain depending on the formal institutions and legislation, which are highly influenced by rigidity of political exercises.23 On the other hand, the diversity and dynamics of Indonesian society to some extent are not necessarily compatible to that inflexibility. The national principles and politics have great influences on how Indonesian perceive human rights, which give different experiences toward the development of human rights in this multicultural society. The most contested principle of human rights not only in international forums, but also in Indonesia, is related with the distinction of Western and Asian (Eastern) perceptions on human rights, where the first 19 The United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women, Fifteen year Review and Appraisal, . 20 Lindsey, above; Andrew Ellis, ‘The Indonesia Constitutional Transition: Conservatism or Fundamental Change? (2002) 6 Singapore Journal of International and Comparative Law 116. 21 The 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, As amended by the First Amendment of 1999, the Second Amendment of 2000, the Third Amendment of 2001 and the Fourth Amendment of 2002 22 Hikmahanto Juwana, ‘Human Rights in Indonesia in Randall Peerenboom,’ in Carole J. Petersen and Albert H.Y. Chen (eds) Human Rights in Asia: A Comparative Legal Study of Twelve Asian Jurisdiction, France and the USA (Routledge, 2006) 364-383. 23 Ibid 379.

44



one respect more personal or individual rights whereas the second one respect collective or communities rights over individual rights.24 While, as suggested by Sen, women have more than one role in the community, it is not easy to locate in which community and in which collective rights that needs to be defined and ensured the position of women’s rights.25 ‘New-Order’ leader tried to legitimate state actions and policies that violate human rights on behalf of national interests somehow has used this Asian perception.26 It is easier to introduce human rights discourses that discuss how human rights have a role in supporting welfare rather than the abandoned discussion on human rights violations by the state on the past. Most of the government discourses seem to avoid intentionally the discussion on how Indonesian can treat the past violations of human rights differently, because of some political issues and bad memories. However, this ‘goodlooking’ signal hampers the women’s movements that are mostly based on the past violations of human rights that had severe implications on women. At the same time, it is a common trend that the growing number of human rights institutions is due to the protest of state violations of human rights. 2. Development in Indonesia As a political manifesto, Indonesian development covers broad and various public and private spheres. Development is understood as multidimensional and continuous processes of society in achieving better standard of living.27 State is the main actor of the development and economic development remains perceive as an impetus of all spheres of development, such as human and social development. Indonesia recognizes that human development and social development are highly dependent on the achievement of economic development. If people are still struggling to get higher income for themselves, their accesses to have adequate basic needs are obviously limited. In this kind of high sense of economical perspective, the major challenge is how to synchronize and harmonize women’s claims and aspirations into national development framework. 24

Khrisna Sen, ‘The Human Rights of Gendered Citizens: Notes from Indonesia’ in Anne-Maria Hilsdon, et al (eds) Human Rights and Gender Politics: Asia-Pacific Perspectives (Routledge, 2000) 107, 108. 25 Ibid. 26 Ibid. 27 Diane Elson, ‘Theories of Development in Janice Peterson and Margaret Lewis’ (eds) The Elgar Companion to Feminist Economics (Edward Elgar, 1999) 95-107.

In the long and middle terms Indonesian Development Plan, the main issue of women is the paradox between lack of access to welfare and high levels of violence and discrimination. Because of that, the main mission of Indonesian development related to women is on one hand increase women welfare and on the other hand reduce violence and discrimination against them. With better welfare, the quality of women’s life will be improved. With more protection, the level of violence and discrimination will be decreased. The achievement of those targets needs to be facilitated through empowerment. Moreover, empowerment could also be leverage for one to another. Through empowerment, women participation and equality are possible to achieve.

3. Women’s Movements in Indonesia The dimension of women from South Asian perspectives provides description on how geopolitical backgrounds have tremendous effects on the women’s movements. South Asian countries, which typically share similar history of post-colonization and unavoidably globalization, struggle to survive from the robust influences of structural transformation and uneven development.28 Those conditions create resistances and demand changes for women issues, because the group of society that is affected greatly by the negative impacts of those conditions is women. The awareness of resistances and changes emphasizes on the demand for acknowledgement of their shared-diversity that is based on sovereign nations, socio-cultural and ethnic population, and range of religious faiths, legal systems and economic and political structures. Beside geopolitics, ‘gender ideologies’ in South Asia also becomes the main factor that compounds the incorporation of women into development.29 This gender ideology refers to ‘strong patriarchal ideology’ as a result from religious and cultural practices, which does not acknowledge the equal opportunities between men and women in many social spheres. The role of Indonesian women has been traditionally emphasized as a wife, a housewife and a homemaker.30 In those roles, women’s rights and obligations are closely connected to matters of 28

Karen L. Kinnear, Women in Developing Countries (ABC-CLIO,

2011). 29 Preet Rustagi, ‘Dimensions of Gender Development in South Asia Based on Human Development Indicators’ in Manjeet Bhatia, Deepali Bhanot and Nirmalya Samanta (eds) Gender Concerns in South Asia: Some Perspectives (Rawat Publications, 2008) 301, 303. 30 Aida Vitayala S. Hubeis, Pemberdayaan Perempuan dari Masa ke Masa (IPB Press, 2010) 91.

reproductive, management, educator and caregiver functions. These kinds of roles are characterized Third World women or “the triple role” of women.31 Kartini, as the initiator of women’s rights in Indonesia put the highlight on great expectation of indiscriminative societal condition of Indonesia in Dutch imperialism era.32 At that time, women were treated discriminatively by the society in relation to their educational rights and freedom from seclusion and polygamy practices. These discriminations were intolerable if human rights were to be perceived properly, because through education, women are being valued equally with human rights and education is a precondition for their rights’ progress and application.33 Kartini’s thoughts inspired national and international Historians, Nationalists and academics that concern about the realization of women’s rights in Indonesia, which undoubtedly remain influential on women’s movements up until now. However, political turmoil that occurred in the ‘Fall of Suharto’ era or in 1998, gave different feature on women’s movement in Indonesia. The impacts of Indonesian riots in 1998 accompanied by big number of rapes were intolerable not only from women’s perspectives but also from humanity perspective. Those bad memories spawned more number of women’s movements in Indonesia that strongly accused the ignorance and inability of government to tackle human rights abuses and violence’s against women. Since then, the characters of women’s movements change become strongly protest and counter the Indonesian government and not place priority to work with government. National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan) is one of the women’s organisations, which formed based on civil society demands that continuously promote its mission which claim for government responsibility of human rights violation, particularly on violence against women that resulted from government exercises. Taking the historical milestones of women’s rights as described above, those descriptions are able to represent the Indonesian perception on their human rights. In Indonesian context, human rights, particularly women’s rights are often associated with bad memories 31 Caroline E. Moser, ‘Gender Planning in the Third World: Meeting Practical and Strategical Gender Needs’ (1989) 17 World Development 1799-1825. 32 Imron Rosyadi, R.A. Kartini: Biografi Singkat, 1879-1904 (arRuzz Media Group, 2010). 33 Arvonne S. Fraser, ‘Becoming Human: The Origins and Development of Women’s Human Rights’ in Marjorie Agosin (ed) Women, Gender, and Human Rights (Rutgers University Press, 2001) 15, 17.


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collaborative coordination among stakeholders, specifically in relation to the MDGs achievements for 2015.19

III. FOCUS ON INDONESIA 1. The Way in which Indonesia Understand Its Human Rights Human rights in Indonesia are constitutional rights; the Indonesian Constitution (Undang-Undang Dasar 1945) has undergone four rounds of amendments to accommodate the dynamics of Indonesian society and to reflect the way Indonesians understand ‘their’ human rights.20 In the constitution, the ‘protection, advancement, upholding and fulfilment’ of broad civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights are the state’s obligation.21 Indonesia expresses its human rights into international and national commitments. Internationally, Indonesia is a state party to main international human rights instruments.22 Domestically, Indonesia has government and non-government institutions and national and local legislation to support the implementation of state obligations. In general, human rights practices in Indonesia are remain depending on the formal institutions and legislation, which are highly influenced by rigidity of political exercises.23 On the other hand, the diversity and dynamics of Indonesian society to some extent are not necessarily compatible to that inflexibility. The national principles and politics have great influences on how Indonesian perceive human rights, which give different experiences toward the development of human rights in this multicultural society. The most contested principle of human rights not only in international forums, but also in Indonesia, is related with the distinction of Western and Asian (Eastern) perceptions on human rights, where the first 19 The United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women, Fifteen year Review and Appraisal, . 20 Lindsey, above; Andrew Ellis, ‘The Indonesia Constitutional Transition: Conservatism or Fundamental Change? (2002) 6 Singapore Journal of International and Comparative Law 116. 21 The 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, As amended by the First Amendment of 1999, the Second Amendment of 2000, the Third Amendment of 2001 and the Fourth Amendment of 2002 22 Hikmahanto Juwana, ‘Human Rights in Indonesia in Randall Peerenboom,’ in Carole J. Petersen and Albert H.Y. Chen (eds) Human Rights in Asia: A Comparative Legal Study of Twelve Asian Jurisdiction, France and the USA (Routledge, 2006) 364-383. 23 Ibid 379.

44



one respect more personal or individual rights whereas the second one respect collective or communities rights over individual rights.24 While, as suggested by Sen, women have more than one role in the community, it is not easy to locate in which community and in which collective rights that needs to be defined and ensured the position of women’s rights.25 ‘New-Order’ leader tried to legitimate state actions and policies that violate human rights on behalf of national interests somehow has used this Asian perception.26 It is easier to introduce human rights discourses that discuss how human rights have a role in supporting welfare rather than the abandoned discussion on human rights violations by the state on the past. Most of the government discourses seem to avoid intentionally the discussion on how Indonesian can treat the past violations of human rights differently, because of some political issues and bad memories. However, this ‘goodlooking’ signal hampers the women’s movements that are mostly based on the past violations of human rights that had severe implications on women. At the same time, it is a common trend that the growing number of human rights institutions is due to the protest of state violations of human rights. 2. Development in Indonesia As a political manifesto, Indonesian development covers broad and various public and private spheres. Development is understood as multidimensional and continuous processes of society in achieving better standard of living.27 State is the main actor of the development and economic development remains perceive as an impetus of all spheres of development, such as human and social development. Indonesia recognizes that human development and social development are highly dependent on the achievement of economic development. If people are still struggling to get higher income for themselves, their accesses to have adequate basic needs are obviously limited. In this kind of high sense of economical perspective, the major challenge is how to synchronize and harmonize women’s claims and aspirations into national development framework. 24

Khrisna Sen, ‘The Human Rights of Gendered Citizens: Notes from Indonesia’ in Anne-Maria Hilsdon, et al (eds) Human Rights and Gender Politics: Asia-Pacific Perspectives (Routledge, 2000) 107, 108. 25 Ibid. 26 Ibid. 27 Diane Elson, ‘Theories of Development in Janice Peterson and Margaret Lewis’ (eds) The Elgar Companion to Feminist Economics (Edward Elgar, 1999) 95-107.

In the long and middle terms Indonesian Development Plan, the main issue of women is the paradox between lack of access to welfare and high levels of violence and discrimination. Because of that, the main mission of Indonesian development related to women is on one hand increase women welfare and on the other hand reduce violence and discrimination against them. With better welfare, the quality of women’s life will be improved. With more protection, the level of violence and discrimination will be decreased. The achievement of those targets needs to be facilitated through empowerment. Moreover, empowerment could also be leverage for one to another. Through empowerment, women participation and equality are possible to achieve.

3. Women’s Movements in Indonesia The dimension of women from South Asian perspectives provides description on how geopolitical backgrounds have tremendous effects on the women’s movements. South Asian countries, which typically share similar history of post-colonization and unavoidably globalization, struggle to survive from the robust influences of structural transformation and uneven development.28 Those conditions create resistances and demand changes for women issues, because the group of society that is affected greatly by the negative impacts of those conditions is women. The awareness of resistances and changes emphasizes on the demand for acknowledgement of their shared-diversity that is based on sovereign nations, socio-cultural and ethnic population, and range of religious faiths, legal systems and economic and political structures. Beside geopolitics, ‘gender ideologies’ in South Asia also becomes the main factor that compounds the incorporation of women into development.29 This gender ideology refers to ‘strong patriarchal ideology’ as a result from religious and cultural practices, which does not acknowledge the equal opportunities between men and women in many social spheres. The role of Indonesian women has been traditionally emphasized as a wife, a housewife and a homemaker.30 In those roles, women’s rights and obligations are closely connected to matters of 28

Karen L. Kinnear, Women in Developing Countries (ABC-CLIO,

2011). 29 Preet Rustagi, ‘Dimensions of Gender Development in South Asia Based on Human Development Indicators’ in Manjeet Bhatia, Deepali Bhanot and Nirmalya Samanta (eds) Gender Concerns in South Asia: Some Perspectives (Rawat Publications, 2008) 301, 303. 30 Aida Vitayala S. Hubeis, Pemberdayaan Perempuan dari Masa ke Masa (IPB Press, 2010) 91.

reproductive, management, educator and caregiver functions. These kinds of roles are characterized Third World women or “the triple role” of women.31 Kartini, as the initiator of women’s rights in Indonesia put the highlight on great expectation of indiscriminative societal condition of Indonesia in Dutch imperialism era.32 At that time, women were treated discriminatively by the society in relation to their educational rights and freedom from seclusion and polygamy practices. These discriminations were intolerable if human rights were to be perceived properly, because through education, women are being valued equally with human rights and education is a precondition for their rights’ progress and application.33 Kartini’s thoughts inspired national and international Historians, Nationalists and academics that concern about the realization of women’s rights in Indonesia, which undoubtedly remain influential on women’s movements up until now. However, political turmoil that occurred in the ‘Fall of Suharto’ era or in 1998, gave different feature on women’s movement in Indonesia. The impacts of Indonesian riots in 1998 accompanied by big number of rapes were intolerable not only from women’s perspectives but also from humanity perspective. Those bad memories spawned more number of women’s movements in Indonesia that strongly accused the ignorance and inability of government to tackle human rights abuses and violence’s against women. Since then, the characters of women’s movements change become strongly protest and counter the Indonesian government and not place priority to work with government. National Commission on Violence against Women (Komnas Perempuan) is one of the women’s organisations, which formed based on civil society demands that continuously promote its mission which claim for government responsibility of human rights violation, particularly on violence against women that resulted from government exercises. Taking the historical milestones of women’s rights as described above, those descriptions are able to represent the Indonesian perception on their human rights. In Indonesian context, human rights, particularly women’s rights are often associated with bad memories 31 Caroline E. Moser, ‘Gender Planning in the Third World: Meeting Practical and Strategical Gender Needs’ (1989) 17 World Development 1799-1825. 32 Imron Rosyadi, R.A. Kartini: Biografi Singkat, 1879-1904 (arRuzz Media Group, 2010). 33 Arvonne S. Fraser, ‘Becoming Human: The Origins and Development of Women’s Human Rights’ in Marjorie Agosin (ed) Women, Gender, and Human Rights (Rutgers University Press, 2001) 15, 17.


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of victim’s wounds and accuse the government as the main actor. On the other hand, Indonesia government seemingly circumvent having appropriate human and women’s rights discourses and policies because of lack of political will and avoiding more tensions. Human or even women’s rights that have bad memories tendencies are not government priority. Moreover, in Indonesia, bluntly spoken, recognition of women’s rights does not necessarily mean its implementation, which essentially make the recognition is pointless.34 Insufficient understanding about human rights, which can be a framework for problem solving and social change, will only result in limited perspectives of legal protection and enforcement.35

IV. THE DEBATES OF MDGS36 MDGs intersect and incorporate global contemporary discourses of development. MDGs appear among so many creations of development instruments. They also emerged in the tensional approaches of development, between economic and market based versus the human and social based.37 These global goals exist in the middle of dynamics of development and human rights incorporation. Moreover, this multinational and intergovernmental commitment offers a middle way between gaps of inspirational or conceptual and practical aspects of development and human rights.38 Most of the goals try to address the most urgent global issues.39 Among eight major goals, two of the goals have direct and slightly indirect connections with women.40 The direct ones are Goal 3, promoting gender equality and empowering women and Goal 5, improving 34

Ibid 59. Sally Engle Merry, ‘Women, Violence, Human Rights’ in Marjorie Agosin (ed) Women, Gender, and Human Rights (Rutgers University Press, 2001) 83, 94; Temma Kaplan, ‘Women’s Rights as Human Rights: Women as Agents of Social Change’ in Marjorie Agosin (ed) Women, Gender, and Human Rights (Rutgers University Press, 2001) 191-204. 36 United Nations, Millennium Development Goals, . 37 Kerry Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’ in Helene Ruiz, Rudiger Wolfrum and Jana Gogolin (eds) Select Proceedings of the European Society of International Law Volume II 2008 (Hart Publishing, 2010) 463, 465- 471. 38 Mary Robinson, ‘What Rights Can Add to Good Development Practice’ in Philip Alston and Mary Robinson (eds) Human Rights and Development: Towards Mutual Reinforcement (Oxford University Press, 2005) 25, 40-41. 39 Ellen Dorsey et al, ‘Falling Short of Our Goals: Transforming the Millennium Development Goals into Millennium Development Rights’ (2010) 28 Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 516, 516. 40 Kinnear, above n 12-13.

maternal health. While, eradicating extreme poverty and hunger (Goal 1), reducing child mortality (Goal 2), combating HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases (Goal 7) and; developing a global partnership for development (Goal 8) indirectly connected to women. In relation to that, those goals are interconnected one to another, when one goal achieves its target it opens way to the achievement of another goal.41 The most important one, all goals have influential roles in establishing gender equality around the world.42 Therefore, the discussion needs to engage fairly between the potencies and drawbacks of what these goals imply for women. From the general perspective, like other products of development and human rights, MDGs are full of optimisms and pessimisms. Regrettably, MDGs receive more scepticism rather than support,43 because MDGs seems like another ‘one-size-fits-all’ approach.44 This is contradicting among its plentiful predominance from the lens of economic development, because from the perspectives of human rights or human development activists, particularly women’s rights activists, MDGs just another affirmation of the development alignment to economic, market and growth. MDGs goals and benchmarks show how the elements of human development are not seen entirely for the benefits of well-being. It is true that MDGs confirm that human development is influential for the achievement of economic development and poverty eradication, but the realization of MDGs is more about how human development can give to a greater extent contribution to growth, not main contribution to the development of human itself. Disappointingly, that is identical with the scepticism for the perspectives of women’s movement. 1. Pros and Cons of MDGs

35

46



Positive support for MDGs is that MDGs consider as another global commitment of integrative and measurable approach of development and human rights.45 Fair to say that MDGs mark the success and the advancement of global women’s movements on the struggles of achieving gender equality and ensure 41

Ibid. Ibid. 43 James D. Wolfensohn, ‘Some Reflections on Human Rights and Development’ in Philip Alston and Mary Robinson (eds) Human Rights and Development: Towards Mutual Reinforcement (Oxford University Press, 2005) 19, 20. 44 Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 464 and 482-484; Robinson, above. 45 Carol Barton, ‘Women Debate the MDGs’ (2005) 48 Development 101, 102. 42

development, where they are free to actualize their concerns and issues and formulate their own solutions.7 2. International Women’s Movements Some claimed that the existence of women’s movements in the global and political forums is a strategy of utilizing the international discourses to incorporate women’s excluded rights to be part of human rights discourses.8 This strategy is identical with the strategy that claims that the term “development” does not merely involve economic development, but it is prior to people as well-being.9 The contest of this strategy has been continuously regarded as discouragement towards the impasses of women’s movements in the past few decades, such as concerns of culture and countered voices from Third World women toward globalisation and liberalisation.10 Since so many criticized that alteration, question appeared on the fundamental reason for entering their movements into what seems to be a contradictory sphere of human rights.11 Concerns emerged on their inclusivity that clearly opposite with political, public, liberal and universal natures of human rights.12 Moreover, the global discourses and forums of human rights have been criticized on excluding the discourses of women’s rights since the emergence of human rights. 7 Amartya Sen, Development as Freedom (Oxford University Press, 1999) 36. 8 Charlesworth and Chinkin, above n 218-222; Maila Stivens, ‘Introduction: Gender Politics and the Reimagining of Human Rights in the Asia-Pacific’ in Anne-Maria Hilsdon, et al (eds) Human Rights and Gender Politics: Asia-Pacific Perspectives (Routledge, 2000) 1-36; Charlotte Bunch, ‘Transforming Human Rights from Feminist Perspective’ in Julie Peters and Andrea Wolper (eds) Women’s Rights Human Rights: International Feminist Perspectives (Routledge, 1995) 11-17; Hilary Charlesworth, ‘Feminist Methods in International Law’ (1999) 93 American Journal of International Law 379, 386-388; Andrew Byrnes, ‘Women, Feminism, and International Human Rights Law – Methodological Myopia, Fundamental Flaws or Meaningful Marginalisation’ (1992) 12 Australian Year Book of International Law 205, 207-225. 9 Margaret Snyder, ‘Unlikely Godmother: The UN and the Global Women’s Movement’, in Myra Marx Ferree and Aili Mari Tripp (eds) Global Feminism: Transnational Women’s Activism, Organising, and Human Rights (New York University Press, 2006) 24, 48; Pieter de Vries, ‘Don’t Compromise Your Desire for Development! A Lacanian/ Deleuzian Rethinking of the Anti-politics Machine’ (2007) 28 Third World Quarterly 25-43. 10 Stivens, above. 11 Stivens, above; Katarina Tomasevski, Women and Human Rights (Zed Books, 1993). 12 Stivens, above; Rebecca J. Cook, ‘Women’s International Human Rights Law: The Way Forward’ in Rebecca J. Cook (ed) Human Rights of Women: National and International Perspectives (University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994) 3-36.

However, the global and political forums of human rights clearly took into account the women’s movements in several significant international instruments and institutions. The United Nations Commission on the Status of Women 1946 (CSW 1946) is one of the strategic leverages of women’s movements that succeeded in influencing the drafting process of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948 (UDHR 1948).13 The paramount achievement of this leverage was the enactment of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women 1979 (CEDAW 1979), which raised women’s issues and struggles to be concerns of global and political forums of human rights.14 As suggested by Stivens, this tendency is described as a strategic movement to set up ‘a powerful political platform’ for women’s rights to be taken into account in the inevitable international discourses.15 The affirmation of this commitment is manifested in global events that generate a global political platform for women’s movements. World conferences on women and human rights (Mexico City in 1975, Copenhagen in 1980, Nairobi in 1985 and Beijing in 1995; and Vienna, 1993) facilitated the emergence of the Beijing Platform for Action (1995).16 The latest development of those commitments is the establishment of institutions to ensure that the positive implementations of CEDAW and Beijing Platform for Action have impacts on women, internationally and nationally. From the establishment of United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women or UN Women (2010) that brings together previous attempts to generate greater impact,17 Beijing Platform for Action is also continuously followed-up through five-year review and appraisal mechanisms (2000, 2005 and 2010).18 In the last review (2010), the report repeatedly addressed the importance of indicators in every sector that related to women, as a tool to measure progresses and impacts and to generate 13 Dianne Otto, ‘Lost in Translation: Re-scripting the Sexed Subjects of International Human Rights Law’ in Anne Orford (ed) International Law and Its Others (Cambridge University Press, 2006) 318, 329-337; Stivens, above n 1, 5; Arvonne Fraser, ‘Becoming Human: The Origins and Development of Women’s Human Rights’ (1999) 21 Human Rights Quarterly 853, 888-889. 14 Fraser, above n 853, 889-894; Stivens, above. 15 Fraser, above n 853, 895-899; Stivens, above n 24. 16 Stivens, above n 6. 17 The United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women, . 18 The United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women, Beijing and Its Follow Up, .


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are a matter of formality rather than substance. This analysis presents thoughts for understanding why some women’s groups in Indonesia remain reluctant to the formulation of indicators in the development planning. The first chapter of this paper engages with the perspectives of Postcolonial feminism that provides pertinent ideas in relation to women, their rights and development. This part tries to deliver some contextual point of view of women from Third World countries and their relationship with the ideas of development and human rights that brought them to their previous and contemporary movements. The second chapter provides contextual analysis of Indonesia and its women movement. The third part explores MDGs and criticisms toward it. The fourth chapter offers a critical assessment of how the idea of measuring women rights through indicators that represent by MDGs is so problematic for women and particularly why it is problematic for women’s movements in Indonesia.

II.

POSTCOLONIAL FEMINISM AND INTERNATIONAL WOMEN’S MOVEMENTS

1.

Postcolonial Feminism

Among many Feminists’ movements and ideologies, the salient feature of Feminist ideology for the purpose of this paper is the Postcolonial (or Third World) Feminists. The perspectives of Postcolonial Feminists provide critique when all the background experiences as the bases of women’s movements are all similar, while the facts are not.1 Women do share common concerns about the expectation of social changes, but the background stories behind those concerns are not comparable.2 Women face different experiences because of historical realities, ideological manifestations, political systems, social structures, economical demands and cultural engagements. When western women are no longer 1 * Maya Grandty, staff of Law and Human Rights Directorate, Deputy of Politics, Law, Defence and Security, Bappenas Chandra Talpade Mohanty, ‘Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses’ in Reina Lewis and Sara Mills (eds) Feminist Postcolonial Theory: A Reader (Edinburgh University Press, 2003) 49-74; Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin, The Boundaries of International Law: A Feminist Analysis (Manchester University Press, 2000) 46-48; Chandra Talpade Mohanty, ‘Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses’ in Nalini Visvanathan, et al (eds) The Women, Gender and Development Reader (Zed Books, 1997) 79, 79; Chandra Talpade Mohanty, ‘Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses’ (1988) 30 Feminist Review 61, 61. 2 Mohanty, ‘Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses’ above.

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questioning their access to education and health care, Third World women remain struggling for those accesses. When women in developed countries are considered as modern women because they have more opportunities both in public and private spheres, women in less developing countries are not having any idea about modernity because the only visible future for them is being a wife and a mother. Postcolonial Feminists strongly address that their historical identities, as Postcolonial women are continuously imperializing, impeding, and even worse simplifying the many dimensions of women.3 This critical perspective will be the basic deliberation in investigating whether the imperial and colonial characters and products of development and human rights are able to articulate their multiple stories. Some women, particularly Third World women, face difficulties to engage with the development discourse, because women are only seen as the recipient of development project.4 The only visible way for women to have a different role in the development discourse is by reconstructing the development theories and practices that undermine female expressions,5 instead of totally reject all the global notions of development. In this reconstructing moment, women have opportunities to tell different stories about themselves and development, which allows and affirms the active roles of women in within this process. However, Feminists need to be aware that their mission of integrating women into development project means that women challenge political and social structures. Ironically, these structures are the same structure that shapes them. This ironic reality need to be understood by women,6 and surely by the state as well. Regarding the various concerns and issues of women, women reject the equated definitions of their disadvantages and paradigms; women actually need recognition for their internal and external diversity through choices, not merely through protection or partiality. Moreover, the significant demand of the women is substantive involvement, particularly in 3 Mohanty, ‘Under Western Eyes: Feminist Scholarship and Colonial Discourses’ in Reina Lewis and Sara Mills above. 4 Jane L. Parpart, ‘Deconstructing the Development “Expert”: Gender, Development and the “Vulnerable Groups”’ in Marianne H. Marchand and Jane L. Parpart (eds) Feminism/Postmodernism/ Development (Routledge, 1995) 221, 227. 5 Ibid. 6 Sue Ellen M. Charlton, Women in Third World Development (Westview Press, 1984) 210-211.

that agenda into global and national priorities.46 MDGs are regarded as another chance for women to elevate their movements into practical and technical strategies in order to secure the implementation of gender mainstreaming and the achievement of gender substantive equality.47 On one side, these goals provide concrete, targeted and common index of progresses, in order to claim government commitment.48 On another side, women are challenged to engage more in intergovernmental processes.49 Within these progresses, the availability of sex and gender disaggregate data is essential, so women can get benefits from that.50 Gender equality is seen as influential factor to the accomplishment of other goals.51 On the other hand, the major weakness of MDGs is the indicators, particularly those related with women. Even though it has been claimed that almost all the goals of MDGs contribute to the realization of gender equality,52 apparently the indicators are less sensitive to gender and not indicate the systemic barriers of gender equality.53 MDGs indicators on women are not addressing comprehensively the root of the problems of gender inequality.54 Moreover, those indicators are relegating the representation of gender equality in a form of narrow indicators of education, employment and political participation.55 Relegating the achievement of gender equality through education, employment and political participation is not pointing clearly women practical needs,56 but lead to double burden to women.57 46

Ibid 103 and 105; Noeleen Heyzer, ’Making the Links: Women’s Rights and Empowerment are Key to Achieving the Millennium Development Goals 1’ (2005) 13 Gender and Development 9, 11. 48 Heyzer, above n 10; Barton, above n 102; 49 Carol Barton, ‘Where to for Women’s Movements and the MDGs?’ (2005) 13 Gender and Development 25, 30. 50 Heyzer, above n 10. 51 Ceri Hayes, ‘Out of the Margins: The MDGs through a CEDAW Lens’ (2005) 13 Gender and Development 67, 68. 52 Barton, ‘Women Debate the MDGs’, above n 103. 53 Jagriti Shankar, ‘MDGs Analysis and Operational Indicators for Gender Mainstreaming and Equality’ (2010) 14 Gender Technology and Development 117, 117 and 119; Heyzer, above n 10; Hayes, above n 68; Robert Johnson, ‘Not a Sufficient Condition: The Limited Relevance of the Gender MDG to Women’s Progress’ (2005) 13 Gender and Development 56, 64. 54 Barton, ‘Women Debate the MDGs’, above n 102; Heyzer, above n 10. 55 Shankar, above n 119; Naila Kabeer, ‘Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment: A Critical Analysis of the Third Millennium Development Goal 1’ (2005) 13 Gender and Development 13, 13; Barton, ‘Where to for Women’s Movements and the MDGs?’, above n 25; Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 478. 56 Shankar, above n 119. 57 Shankar, above n 119. 47

If those indicators are not met, women could be blamed for incapability among opportunities. Crucially, MDGs are not well representing women major issues such as violence against women, discrimination, women labour and reproductive rights.58 The most concerning weak point of MDGs is that they show how this global and ambitious project simplifies and relegates the long struggles of women’s movements that have been achieved painstakingly through CEDAW and Beijing Platform of Action.59 MDGs are not as comprehensive and accommodative to crucial issues of women as CEDAW and Beijing Platform of Action present.60 It shows how once more women’s movements and global and national approaches move into different directions. The pursuit of gender equality loose it grips when it is implemented without addressing its multidimensionality.61 Global burden of the failures of economic development is charged to only developing countries where most of the failures occurred.62 MDGs are greatly relying on governance or technocratic processes, which more pressure to articulate it into national and local agendas.63 These processes are clearly top-down mechanisms with limited space of civil society or even women participations.64 In this kind of debates, do women’s movements still can built upon these goals. However, the comparison between the negative and the positive is too imbalance. 2. MDGs for Indonesian Women As the previous contexts of Indonesia, the responses to MDGs are almost entirely positive. The goals of MDGs are addressing most of the major low pace of Indonesian development. It can be seen on how the Indonesian government responded it promptly and strategically. Almost all MDGs goals became part of national development plans, in the long, middle and year terms.65 58 Shankar, above n 118-119; Heyzer, above n 10; Barton, ‘Where to for Women’s Movements and the MDGs?’, above n 25 and 29. 59 Barton, ‘Women Debate the MDGs’ above n 102; Hayes, above n 67. 60 Barton, ‘Women Debate the MDGs’ above n 103; Heyzer, above n 19. 61 Kaber, above n 23. 62 Barton, ‘Women Debate the MDGs’ above n 103. 63 Barton, ‘Where to for Women’s Movements and the MDGs?’, above n 29; Hayes, above n 69. 64 Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 466; Robinson, above n 41; Barton, ‘Where to for Women’s Movements and the MDGs?’, above n 29; Hayes, above n 69. 65 Law Number 17 Year 2005 on Long Term National Development Plan of Indonesia, 21 December 2010, ; Presidential Decree


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The targets and indicators, which are defined in the plans, are pointed toward the MDGs targets. Moreover, specific legal framework in level presidential instruction is also promulgated to accelerate the national achievement of these goals.66 Indonesia Report on MDGs wrote about positive changes and achievements. Indonesia also accentuated their accomplishments on gender mainstreaming, gender budgeting and Gender Analysis Pathway (GAP).67 Those products are implemented nationally and locally in the level of policy formulation and decision-making processes. In relation with MDGs, Indonesian Report on CEDAW implementation only mentioned the progressive role of women ministry in defending affirmative action and the positive initiatives on the collection on gender statistics.68 However, The United Nations Commission on the Status of Women in its report explicitly raises strong criticism.69 Despite its outstanding and noble intention in continuously affirming the inseparable linkages between Beijing Platform of Action and MDGs achievements, this commission specifically expressed great concerns and deplores on how those two global commitments on women yet harmonious.70 The crucial aspects in Beijing Platform of Action, as stated above, remain fewer representations in the goals and indicators of MDGs, where Indonesia also took part in this report session.71

Number 5 Year 2010 on Middle Term National Development Plan of Indonesia, ;< http://www.bappenas.go.id/node/42/> . 66 Presidential Instruction Number 3 Year 2010 on Equitable Development Plan, <www.bappenas.go.id/get-file-server/node/9274/ >. 67 Ministry of National Development Planning/National Development Planning Agency (BAPPENAS), ‘Report on the Achievement of the Millennium Development Goals in Indonesia 2010’, September 2010, . 68 Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, ‘Combined sixth and seventh periodic reports of the Republic of Indonesia on the implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women in the State party during 2004–2009’ 7 January 2011, . 69 15-year review of the implementation of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (1995) and the outcomes of the twenty-third special session of the General Assembly (2000), . 70 The United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, ‘Report on the fifty-fourth session (13 March and 14 October 2009 and 1-12 March 2010)’, 43-46, November 2010, . 71 Ibid.

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3. MDGs for Women: Another Formality Development and Human Rights?

of

As the platform that tried to be established by Declaration of the Right to Development in 1986,72 regrettably this declaration not meet the expectation of self-defined development by people or groups or Third World states that are constantly being more disadvantaged and marginalized by development, where women are included.73 The values of having rights to self-define and self-determinate are too vulnerable to simplification or even relegation to be incorporated into regimes that quantify everything with indexes and numbers. That is why not only the incorporation of development and human rights is already a paradox, but also inserting women and their rights into development is gradually eroding the dynamics and multidimensionality of women itself. However, further attempts to incorporate these two regimes are becoming enthusiastic or even possessive global projects. That is because despite the critics and weaknesses of that incorporation, international and national governances and resources keep doing this kind of latest projects. So does MDGs included in these trends. MDGs seems further confirmed that including human rights into development is just formality to mute demands, claims and tensions of human rights impasses. As argued by Otto, as women continuously emphasized the urgency of their rights to be taken into account by human rights agendas, at that time women’s movements become vulnerable of formalisation or cooptation by global projects.74 In addition to that, although MDGs try to convince the world that the goals are deeply committed to promote human rights through referring to UDHR and CEDAW,75 their implementation remains to indicate progress and changes through the terms of “increase and decrease” of percentages, numbers and indexes.76 Those indications are not explicitly addressing the extent of 72 Declaration on the Right to Development, UN Doc. A/ Res/41/128, 4 December 1986, 73 Peter Uvin, ‘From the Right to Development to the RightsBased Approach: How “Human Rights” entered Development’ (2007) 17 Development in Practice 597, 598-599; Charlesworth and Chinkin, above n 204-208; Rhoda Howard, ‘Women’s Rights and the Right to Development’ in Julie Peters and Andrea Wolper (eds) Women’s Rights Human Rights: International Feminist Perspectives (Routledge, 1995) 301, 303-305. 74 Otto, ‘A Post-Beijing Reflection on the Limitations and Potential of Human Rights Discourse for Women’, above n 133. 75 Robinson, above n 41. 76 United Nations, ‘The Millennium Development Goals Report 2012’ New York 2012,

Measuring Women’s Rights in Development: Indonesia and MDGS Maya Grandty*)

Abstract Millennium Development Goals or MDGs have challenged the objectives of women’s movements. MDGs accentuate the collection of concrete benchmarks and indicators, which need to be achieved by committed countries by the year of 2015. This paper critically analyses the aspects of MDGs that intersect with conceptual ideas of development and human rights in relation to the tendencies of measuring women’s rights, in the context of women’s movements in Indonesia. The question is whether MDGs indicators are capable to reflect the dynamics and aspirations of women’s movements in Indonesia. This paper suggests that global indicators as the product of development and human rights projects simplify the diversities and experiences of women. MDGs indicators are not addressing the roots of the problems of women in Indonesia where despite the significance of women involvement in the Indonesian development that leads to gender equality, violation against women are still regarded as private issues. Moreover, the current women involvement and empowerment in development are a matter of formality rather than substance. This analysis presents thoughts for understanding why some women’s groups in Indonesia remain reluctant to the formulation of indicators in the development planning.

I. Introduction Millennium Development Goals or MDGs have challenged the objectives of women’s movements. As global agenda, MDGs focus on the basic needs of human beings that remain a fundamental issue of development. It covers broad beneficiaries; human in general, women and children in particular. MDGs accentuate the collection of concrete benchmarks and indicators, which need to be achieved by committed countries by the year of 2015. This paper critically analyses the aspects of MDGs that intersect with conceptual ideas of development and human rights in relation to the tendencies of measuring women’s rights, in the context of women’s movements in Indonesia. The question is whether MDGs indicators are capable to reflect the dynamics and aspirations of women’s movements in Indonesia. This paper suggests that global indicators as the product of development and human rights projects simplify the diversities and experiences of women. MDGs indicators are not addressing the roots of the problems of women in Indonesia where despite the significance of women involvement in the Indonesian development that leads to gender equality, violation against women are still regarded as private issues. Moreover, the current women involvement and empowerment in development


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Referensi Adger, W.N., et.al., 2003, Adaptation to Climate Change in the Developing World, Progress in Development Studies, 3 pp. 179–195. Krisbandono, A. 2010, Pendekatan Partisipatif Menuju Kota Berkelanjutan, http://www.mediaindonesia. com/webtorial/klh/index.php?ar_id=Njk0MQ== Morlot, J.C., et.al., 2009, Cities, Climate Change and Multilevel Governance, OECD Environmental Working Papers No. 14, 2009, OECD publishing, Paris. O’Riordan, T & Jordan, A., 1999, Institutions, Climate Change and Cultural Theory: Towards a Common

Analytical Framework, k Global Environmental Change 9 pp. 81‐93. Rotterdam Climate Initiative, 2007, The New Rotterdam: 50% Reduction of CO2 Emission, 100% Climate Proof, Rotterdam Climate Initiative, Rotterdam. Thomson, A., 2006, Economy, Politics and Institutions: From Adaptation to Adaptive Management in Climate Change, Guest Editorial, Climate Change Vol. 78 pp. 1‐5. Victor, D. G., 2006. Towards Effective International Cooperation on Climate Change: Numbers, Interests, and Institutions, Global Environmental Politics, MIT Press, Massachusetts.

that quantification is able to represent the progress and changes of “rights, freedoms, choices, dignity, diversity, justice” and other yet be calculated.77 Moreover, MDGs implementation is remote from the character of human rights based-approach.78 It does mean that human rights based-approach can measure all of the immeasurable dimensions of equality and justice, but at any rate human rights based-approach can track the root of the causes of the unachievable equality and justice.79 Besides that, this approach will provide balance environment between the rights holders and rights providers.80

V. MEASURING WOMEN RIGHTS 1. The Characters of Indicators as Tools for Measurement a. Indicators as Social-based Tools The key discussion of this paper regarding indicator is whether indicator is sufficient to capture the social values and issues, as values and issues that women’s experienced, into quantitative method which mostly development planning employ nowadays. For that, it is essential to look at what is actually the intendedpurpose of the creation and usage of indicator in the context of development planning, which inevitably closely attached with the global governance used for measuring the outcomes of power realization into decision and policy-making. Indicator represents contemporary global governance as an indication of the exercises of knowledge and power.81 However, as stressed by Davis, Kingsbury and Merry in their article, the agreed-definition of indicator remains unsolved, which open the opportunities to 77

Ibid. Dianne Otto, ‘Shaping Women’s Property Rights through Indicators: a Human Rights Approach’ (2006) 71 Development Bulletin 40, 42; Dorsey et al, above n 516; Barton, ‘Women Debate the MDGs’, above n 103; Barton, ‘Where to for Women’s Movements and the MDGs?’, above n 29; Hayes, above n 69; Caren Grown, ‘Answering the Skeptics: Achieving Gender Equality and the Millennium Development Goals’ (2005) 48 Development 82, 83. 79 Dorsey et al, above n 518; Uvin, above n 602-603. 80 Uvin, above n 602-603. 81 Oded Lowenheim, ‘Examining the State: a Foucauldian Perspective on International ‘Governance Indicators’’(2008) 29 Third World Quarterly 255, 259-265; Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 466; Sally Engle Merry, ‘Measuring the World: Indicators, Human Rights, and Global Governance’ (2011) 52 Current Anthropology 83, 84; Kevin E. Davis, Benedict Kingsbury and Sally Engle Merry, ‘Indicators as a Technology of Global Governance’ (2012) 46 Law and Society Review 71, 72. 78

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define the meaning of indicator contextually.82 For the purpose of this paper inquiry, indicator is define as the tool which actors who involve in development planning used to articulate abstract ideas and values into concrete measurement of programs and activities achievement. The discourses about technological and numerical of the indicator are outside the discussion of this paper. Firstly, indicators are useful to compile or to aggregate data from sources.83 Second, various forms of social phenomenon can translate into various presentations as well through indicators.84 Third, analysis and evaluative functions that have correlation with data comparison and reconciliation are better assisted with using indicators, because the functions mentioned above. 85 In general, the practices of indicators are for problemsolving and decision-making processes,86 but the origin of the indicators is mostly associated with economic, finance and business fields.87 b. Human Rights Indicators Major international instruments with regard to women’s rights require state parties to respond appropriately to ensure the full and equal enjoyment of human rights, such Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural rights, and Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. Based on the substantial points from the UDHR Preamble, those measures imply several principles. First, the realization of women’s rights importantly needs a precondition of ‘social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom’.88 Second, ‘a common understanding’89 that signified by UDHR as ‘a common standard of achievement’90 which is interpreted as state’s obligations to act appropriately. Third, those measures need to be ‘progressive’91. From 82

Davis, Kingsbury and Merry, above n 73-74. Merry, ‘Measuring the World: Indicators, Human Rights, and Global Governance’, above n 86; Davis, Kingsbury and Merry, above n 74. 84 Davis, Kingsbury and Merry, above n 74-75. 85 Ibid. 86 Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 467-474; Merry, ‘Measuring the World: Indicators, Human Rights, and Global Governance’, above n 85. 87 Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 474-475; Merry, ‘Measuring the World: Indicators, Human Rights, and Global Governance’, above n 83 and 89. 88 UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948. 89 Ibid. 90 Ibid. 91 Ibid. 83


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that standpoint, it is reasonable to say that almost the entire of wide-published international statistic and data, which based on these international instruments are directed to measure the achievement of states parties in implementing their obligations. At the time women decided to enter the realm of development, quantification or measurement is inevitable. Because of the development is matter of science, assumptions and economic exercises of Western ideology with its high sense of patriarchal contents.92 Moreover, development will gain its legitimacy from the transfer of knowledge from Western expertise.93 In addition, this transferred-paradigm of development perceives Third World women as a scientific object whom require scientific solution and unable to become a subject of development discourse.94 Within this kind of development discourse, some questions are urgent to be answered. The extent of indicators is able to reflect specific rights and rights intersections.95 In order to be applicable, indicator, specifically human rights indicators need to be attached to specific field of human rights and to their holders and duty bearers.96 For example, the relations between women’s rights and Indonesia government as a state party of CEDAW. The possibility of indicator to be able to measure the progress that leads to the goal of gender equality and justice.97 The purposes of indicator are also important; either can be as a means and end or partially.98 The word ‘indicator’ itself has not yet any agreed definition among human rights scholars.99 However, there are references of the usage of indicators as Green elaborated; they could be referred to statistical information, thematic approach, benchmarks and comparative indices.100 One of the critical point of indicators is the outcomes of the measurement. There are many factors that related to the measurement of human rights compliances by states, enjoyment by 92

Parpart, above n 221. Ibid. 94 Ibid 229. 95 Otto, ‘Shaping Women’s Property Rights through Indicators: a Human Rights Approach’, above n 40. 96 Maria Green, ‘What We Talk About When We Talk About Indicators: Current Approaches to Human Rights Measurement’ (2001) 23 Human Rights Quarterly 1062, 1066. 97 Otto, ‘Shaping Women’s Property Rights through Indicators: a Human Rights Approach’, above n 41. 98 Ibid 41-42. 99 Green, above n 1065. 100 Ibid 1077-1084. 93

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citizens and their impacts,101 which could be hard to identify precisely.102 That is why the contemporary discourses of development and human rights still cannot come up with agreed-distinction between human rights indicators and development indicators, because they are used interchangeably.103 However, they do have tendencies to be used in particular settings; such human rights indicators usually address legal matters and development indicators become references for decision-making processes.104 In addition to that, human rights indicators could effectively be used for measuring the degree of human rights violation,105 because they provide types of measurement which allow the users to engage with the various experiences of the rights exercises, such as events, standards, survey based and; socio-economic and administrative statistics.106 Therefore, these facts lead to the preliminary conclusion that human rights indicators use more in measuring civil and political rights, while development indicators deal more with quantification of economic, social and cultural rights.107 Nevertheless, relying development indicators to measure economic, social and cultural rights is vulnerable to narrow interpretation of welfare approach as a summary of the three rights enjoyment instead of their ‘amount of inequality’.108 2. The Complexities of Indonesian Women versus The Simplification of MDGs Indicators a. Criticising the Measurement/Quantification of Women’s Rights through Indicators Compared to other social groups, women and development indicators have a kind of peculiar relationship. They strongly need each other, but their characteristics are contradictory. First concern is the possibility of measuring women’s rights by development indicators. Second, if there is a measurement, the extent 101

AnnJanette Rosga and Margaret L. Satterthwaite, ‘The Trust in Indicators: Measuring Human Rights’ (2009) 27 Berkeley Journal of International Law 253, 256-257. 102 Green, above n 1085-1088; 103 Ibid 1089-1091. 104 Sakiko Fukuda-Parr, ‘The Metrics of Human Rights: Complementarities of the Human Development and Capabilities Approach’ (2011) 12 Journal of Human Development and Capabilities 73, 74. 105 Todd Landman, ‘Measuring Human Rights: Principle, Practice and Policy’ (2004) 26 Human Rights Quarterly 906, 909-910. 106 Todd Landman and Edzia Carvalho, Measuring Human Rights (Routledge, 2010) 130-131. 107 Landman, above n 924-926. 108 Shareen Hertel, ‘Why Bother? Measuring Economic Rights: The Research Agenda’ (2006) 7 International Studies Perspectives 215, 219.

mitigasi dan adaptasi perubahan iklim global. Adalah upaya yang tidak mudah untuk mengajak seluruh stakeholder termasuk warga kota untuk berpartisipasi dalam aksi perubahan iklim mengingat beragamnya kepentingan. Oleh karena itu, pertama, kerangka acuan yang solid harus disiapkan untuk menggabungkan seluruh potensi yang dimiliki stakeholders; mulai dari kelembagaan pada berbagai level pemerintahan hingga masyarakat, sumber dana, serta kejelasan peran dan tanggungjawab sebelum mulai menyusun program dan strategi pengurangan dampak perubahan iklim. Pemerintah daerah, sebagai motor utama upaya mitigasi dan adaptasi di wilayahnya, bersama‐sama dengan pemerintah pusat (kementerian dan lembaga terkait termasuk Dewan Nasional Perubahan Iklim – DNPI), pusat‐pusat penelitian, serta sektor swasta dan industri harus memobilisasi segenap sumberdaya yang dimiliki berbekal Rencana Aksi Nasional Perubahan Iklim (RAN-PI) dan Rencana Aksi Nasional Pengurangan Emisi (RAN-PE) yang telah disusun. DNPI sebagai wakil dari pemerintah pusat yang bertanggungjawab mengkoordinasikan upaya‐upaya ini juga harus terus mendorong pemerintah daerah untuk memunculkan inisiatif‐inisiatif serupa RCI, sebagaimana yang telah diinisiasi oleh Pemda DKI Jakarta yang bekerjasama dengan pemerintah kota Rotterdam membentuk sebuah Joint Forces in Climate Adaptation. Kedua, partisipasi stakeholders harus diupayakan secara terus‐menerus. Komitmen para stakeholders dalam program RCI patut dijadikan contoh karena dengan berbekal komitmen inilah keberlanjutan program dapat terwujud. Mekanisme‐mekanisme insentif dan disinsentif dapat digunakan untuk mendorong proses partisipatif ini. Ketiga, inovasi adalah salah satu dari faktor kunci yang membawa keberhasilan program RCI. Pemerintah kota Rotterdam tidak segan‐segan menginvestasikan kapitalnya dalam jumlah besar dalam rangka pengembangan teknologi guna memajukan ilmu pengetahuan terkini dalam konteks perubahan iklim. Dengan demikian, sudah selayaknya seluruh pusatpusat penelitian yang melekat pada kementerian/ lembaga pemerintah maupun non-pemerintah untuk terus mengupayakan invensi teknologi tepat guna yang ramah iklim serta mengkampanyekannya agar dapat dimanfaatkan oleh publik.

kerjasama internasional juga penting sebagai sarana berbagi/bertukar pengetahuan serta pengalaman. Dalam konteks nasional, Netherlands Water Partnership (NWP) telah memperkuat jaringan baik internal maupun eksternal guna mendorong kerjasama dan sinkronisasi program bersama seluruh stakeholder yang diwujudkan melalui proyek bersama, bantuan darurat bencana, penyelenggaraan konferensi ilmiah, dan lain sebagainya. Dan pemerintah Indonesia dapat melakukan hal yang serupa dengan terus membangun dan memperkuat jaringan guna mendukung fungsi‐fungsi tersebut. Kelima, kota-kota di Indonesia mungkin belum memiliki kapasitas dan kemampuan finansial yang besar untuk menghimbau para pelaku industri dalam rangka mengurangi emisi CO2 melalui pembangunan CCS yang cukup menyedot investasi mahal. Tetapi upaya‐upaya lain seperti green roof, program hemat energi untuk bangunan gedung pemerintah, serta efisiensi energi di sektor lain (transportasi, sumberdaya air, dll) dapat digalakkan dengan berbekal komitmen dan kesadaran yang tinggi. Penutup Sebagai penutup, sebagaimana disampaikan oleh Bill Clinton bahwa “jika mulai bertindak saat ini kita akan memetik manfaatnya di masa depan”, maka komitmen antar stakeholder memegang peran sentral guna memerangi dampak perubahan iklim. Komitmen yang kemudian dituangkan menjadi berbagai inisiatif dan kolaborasi program antara pemerintah, swasta, hingga skala komunitas merupakan prasyarat terwujudnya keberhasilan dan keberlanjutan upaya mitigasi. Puslitbang Sosial Ekonomi dan Lingkungan (Puslitbang Sosekling) pun demikian. Sebagai salah satu unit litbang dibawah Balitbang PU yang disebut-sebut sebagai “Pusat Sustainability” oleh Dirjen Penataan Ruang saat diselenggarakannya Kolokium Puslitbang Sosekling beberapa waktu lalu, telah berkomitmen untuk menyediakan instrumen-instrumen guna menghitung yang intangible menjadi tangible dalam mendukung program mitigasi dan adaptasi perubahan iklim, khususnya dalam penyelenggaraan infrastruktur PU dan Permukiman. Lantas, jika Rotterdam mampu melakukannya, mengapa kita tidak?

Keempat, kerjasama antar pemerintah daerah dan


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cukup berpengaruh baik di tingkat regional maupun di Uni Eropa. Sedangkan DCMR adalah salah satu lembaga regional yang bertanggungjawab meningkatkan kualitas lingkungan hidup dalam lingkup Rijnmond area. Mengingat banyaknya kawasan industri di wilayah ini (seperti pengolahan minyak, tempat pembuangan akhir sampah, pabrik pengolahan bahan kimia, metalurgi, pengolahan makanan, insinerator sampah, dsb.), maka dapat dipastikan bahwa tugas DCMR adalah menyusun regulasi serta memonitor kinerja sektor industri tersebut agar tetap bekerja menurut standar dan kriteria baku mutu lingkungan. Tujuan utama dari inisiatif ini adalah untuk mengkombinasikan tiga fungsi kota sekaligus, yaitu memperkuat perkembangan ekonomi, mewujudkan kota yang atraktif sebagai tempat tinggal warganya, serta menjadikan Rotterdam sebagai kota yang lebih “hijau” seiring berkurangnya emisi gas rumah kaca. Berikut penulis ilustrasikan tujuan dan komitmen dari program RCI tersebut yang kemudian diwujudkan dalam beberapa program riil di lapangan: 1)

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Mengurangi 50% emisi CO2 pada tahun 2025 dibandingkan tahun 1990;

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Mewujudkan kota yang 100% climate proof pada tahun 2025; yang disertai dengan Perkuatan ekonomi kota

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Green roofs (atap hijau); upaya ini telah diaplikasikan di atap perpustakaan kota. Tujuannya selain memperpanjang umur atap, atap hijau juga dibangun untuk mengurangi panas mengingat konstruksinya telah dilengkapi dengan



Deltalings Energy Forum; forum ini dibentuk untuk mendukung upaya konservasi energi di sektor industri. Beberapa isu yang didiskusikan antara lain carbon footprint dalam proses produksi, konservasi energi, pendekatan‐ pendekatan baru dari aspek teknologis, dll. CO2 Capture and Storage (CCS); baru‐baru ini pemerintah kota Rotterdam tengah mengkampanyekan proyek CCS sebagai salah satu upaya mitigasi CO2 yang diproduksi oleh sektor industri dan pembangkit energi. Masifnya aliran kapital dan kepastian pasar kredit karbon (carbon market), khususnya di Eropa menjadi salah satu pemicu para pengusaha untuk membenamkan investasi dan teknologi CCS di Rotterdam. Bahkan pada tahun 2010, Deltalings telah menerima grant dari the Global Carbon Capture Storage Institute (Global CCS Institute) sejumlah 1,5 juta Euro untuk ekspansi dan pengembangan instalasi CCS.

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Instalasi energi angin; pada tahun 2008, di beberapa titik area pelabuhan telah dibangun kincir angin berkapasitas total 151 MW. Rencana perluasan kapasitas sebesar 108 MW akan dilakukan di tahun‐tahun berikutnya.

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Program hemat energi di bangunan gedung pemerintah; ratusan bangunan gedung milik pemerintah kota Rotterdam, baik yang lama maupun baru telah didesain agar lebih hemat energi.

Komitmen dan partisipasi para stakeholders dalam program mitigasi: Program yang terbilang cukup ambisius ini tidak akan pernah bisa terlaksana kecuali para stakeholders yang terlibat didalamnya berkomitmen penuh untuk memberikan kontribusi peran selama implementasi program. Seiring dengan semakin tingginya tuntutan serta tekanan internal dan eksternal, maka semakin kuat pula komitmen para stakeholders dalam menjalankan program RCI ini. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari beberapa program yang telah berjalan dalam rangka mitigasi perubahan iklim:

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Tujuan program:

2)

sistem drainase, tanah, dan tanaman (rumput). Mekanisme insulasi bangunan juga berfungsi optimal sehingga upaya konservasi energi dapat berjalan. Selain itu, beberapa partikulat udara yang merupakan komponen gas rumah kaca juga dapat disaring sehingga menghasilkan udara yang lebih bersih.

Implikasi bagi Upaya Mitigasi Perubahan Iklim Kotakota di Indonesia Belajar dari pengalaman Rotterdam dalam menghambat laju dampak perubahan iklim tersebut, kita dapat menarik beberapa poin penting. Menurut teori Underdal (Victor, 2006), rendahnya komitmen ditengarai sebagai faktor penghambat utama berhasilnya upaya‐upaya

of this measurement ability to accommodate or at least to reflect women’s interests and needs. There are some areas that women gain advantages through the deployment of indicators. Indicators are able to track social institutions that impede women.109 Women also acquire benefits of the global trends on gender-disaggregate data and growing international sources of women. Even so, the benefits are still limited and problematic and women still need to engage with indicators in order to maintain their theme in the global agenda.110 However, women are highly influenced by the trends of the indicator itself. Since most of the users of indicators are development practitioners and institutions, indicators are highly used for merely economical purposes.111 The quantification of social and human development is simply for the interest of tracking the progresses of market and welfare. The similar situation happened to women. There are abundant sources of economical dimension of women that global and national governances provide. Although these governances try to provide indicators that capture civil and political rights of women, they are simply about the number of laws that being enacted or the number of women that being in the decision-making level.112 Unfortunately, these indicators insufficiently represent the dimensions of female’s experiences in relation to their empowerment and rights violations. As Rustagi concluded that the multidimensional status of women cannot be quantified.113 The idea of equality that women pursue will not be effective if the response of development continuously ignoring the measurement of outcomes of substantive equality.114 Failure to measure the actual role of women in the development,115 as beneficiaries as well as participants 109 Christian Morrisson and Johannes P. Jutting, ‘Women’s Discrimination in Developing Countries: A New Data Set for Better Policies’ (2005) 33 World Development 1065-1081. 110 Mona Danner, Lucia Fort and Gay Young, ‘International Data on Women and Gender: Resources, Issues, Critical Use’ (1999) 22 Women’s Studies International Forum 249-259; Clair Apodaca, ‘Measuring Women’s Economic and Social Rights Achievement’ (1998) 20 Human Rights Quarterly 139-172. 111 Merry, ‘Measuring the World: Indicators, Human Rights, and Global Governance’, above 83 and 89; Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 474-475. 112 Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 475-478. 113 Rustagi, above n 328. 114 Kerry Rittich, ‘Engendering Development/Marketing Equality’ (2003-2004) 67 Albany Law Review 575, 582. 115 Eva M. Rathgeber, ‘Gender and Development in Action’ in Marianne H. Marchand and Jane L. Parpart (eds) Feminism/ Postmodernism/Development (Routledge, 1995) 204, 219-220.

and combined with failure to employ multidisciplinary analysis and approach will result in the production of indicators that simplify women issues into welfare issues.116 Moreover, gender-disaggregate data has not been a culture of policy-making in the Third World countries, which classically because of the limitation of sources and budget. But, it is actually more than that. There are less attention and awareness of the development planners regarding the importance to make different data about men and women. This is again due to the social construction of women as secondary importance than men.117 Among so many contestations toward indicators, one particular observation is directed to the disagreement of the roles of the actors behind those indicators.118 Indicators can be made both by policy makers and academics or activists, in conjunction or separately. However, regardless of the mechanisms of the making of those indicators, whether it’s collaboratively or competitively, those two actors have different approach when they are making indicators.119 Policy makers approach indicators to facilitate them in conducting intervention to social policies, by producing standardization and quantification.120 On the other hand, academics, with respect also to Feminists, approach indicators in order to reflect their diverse experiences and envisioned changes that often are not necessarily ought to conform to certain kind of standards or qualifications.121 Situating it concretely, when policy makers define protectionism policies as their priority to reduce violence and discrimination against women, in a form of legislation and legal enforcement, Feminists may look at it as another form of limitation toward women, because Feminists perceive despite of the protection intensity for women, if women remain not sufficiently expert to access that protection, those policies are pointless. Then, question 116 Joycelin Massiah, ‘Indicators for Women in Caribbean Development’ in Joycelin Massiah (ed) Women in Developing Economies: Making Visible the Invisible (Berg Publishers, 1993) 11-134; Ruth Gordon and Jon Sylvester, ‘Deconstructing Development’ (2004) 22 Wisconsin International Law Journal 1, 29-44; Ester Boserup, Women’s Role in Economic Development (Earthscan, 2007) 53-65; Lourdes Benaria and Gita Sen, ‘Accumulation, Reproduction and Women’s Role in Economic Development: Boserup Revisited’ (1991) 7 Signs 279, 284-290. 117 Charlton, above n 39-40. 118 Rittich, ‘Governing by Measuring: The Millenium Development Goals in Global Governance’, above n 480; Merry, ‘Measuring the World: Indicators, Human Rights, and Global Governance’, above n 84. 119 Ineke van Halsema, ‘Feminist Methodology and Gender Planning Tools: Divergences and Meeting Points’ (2003) 7 Gender, Technology and Development 75. 120 Ibid. 121 Ibid.


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arises, where indicators are able to fit in within these different approaches. Skeptically, how can a high sense of scientific and economic tool accommodate these tensions? The formulation of women’s indicators should not intervene by particular actors whom claim themselves as the authority of indicators making. These claims will not facilitate the interpretation of women’s rights into a technocratic approach which involve bureaucrats and Feminists, because of high sense of standardization and control of knowledge that will disturb the appropriate processes of indicators making. The tendency of having the authority of knowledge is mostly over-control, because the high usages of rationalization, scientific methodologies and expertise’s superiority.122 This paper suggest that standardization and simplification of development through indicator may not necessary reject as the only choice that women have, but indicators are women’s entry point into development where they can produce womenconcerned ideology, knowledge and paradigm which adequately represent women in the ideas, processes and outcomes of development.123 This is because the usage of indicators is the legitimate pathway in development planning. Chatterjee has argued that India regain its own concept and legitimation of development from development paradigm and hegemony, through ‘development ideology and the bureaucratic mechanism of development planning.124 Indicators may be treated not as economical, scientific or even numerical tool of development, but as a facilitator and collaborator for women values and issues. With the involvement of reliable and authorized source of women in formulating indicators, whether they are Feminists, women activists or even bureaucrats, women have opportunities to intervene the production processes of development programs and activities, with their methodologies and approaches. With this intervention, those indicators may be the collaborative product because of theoretical and practical conversations without necessary existence of any dominance, which cover progressive and prevention implementation. 122

Parpart, above n 221. Merry, ‘Measuring the World: Indicators, Human Rights, and Global Governance’, above n 88; Anne Galagher, ‘Ending Marginalisation: Strategies for Incorporating Women into the UN Human Rights Systems’ (1997) 19 Human Rights Quarterly 283, 327. 124 Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Oxford University Press, 1995) 15. 123

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b. Measurement through Development (Gender) Planning

especially at local level to formulate the most appropriate policy in tackling the impacts of climate change.

Measuring women’s rights in development planning matters because it legitimates development for women by using indicators as the collaborative production between women and the development institutions. Indicators need to manifest not as simplification of the various experiences of women and expected multiple choices for women. Rather it is as entry point for women to concretize all the conceptual approaches of feminist legacies to employ conditional acceptances of impartial structures of development for defending continuous questions that women inquire.

Rotterdam, as the main gate of transport and logistic across Europe also face the consequences and impacts of climate change. Industrial growth has made energy efficiency to become its priority issue. Launched in 2007, Rotterdam Climate Initiative (RCI) aims at (1) reducing 50% CO2 emission in 2025 compared than in 1990; (2) becoming a climate proof city in 2025; and (3) improving economic development. The experience of Rotterdam proves that strong commitment among stakeholders, from the government, private, and local community would be the primary success factor in implementing mitigation and adaptation programmes.

Parallel discourse occurs in gender planning. Gender planning allows women to be specifically addressed in their exclusivity, multiple roles, and needs without necessarily ignore their relationship with men and other social and cultural factors.125 Reducing gender planning to be purely about socio-economic matters will eliminate female contents.126 Gender planning provides many choices for women, from addressing their gender to strategic and practical gender needs through various policy approaches such as welfare, equity, anti-poverty, efficiency, and empowerment.127 These choices let women intervene in the production of development.128 Nevertheless, the notion of gender itself as the main feature of gender planning gives alertness. Gender term remains in debates. Deploying gender as the approach for public policy has tendencies of being mainstreamed and depoliticised, which attained advantages and disadvantages.129 Then, the division of sex and gender is not merely positive; it also has some potencies and weaknesses.130 125

Moser, above n 1802. 126 Saskia E. Wieringa, ‘Rethinking Gender Planning: A Critical Discussion of the Use of the Concept of Gender’ (1998) 2 Gender, Technology and Development 349, 349. 127 Moser, above n 1799-1825. 128 Ibid 1817. 129 Sally Baden and Anne Marie Goetz, ‘Who Needs [Sex] When You Can Have [Gender]? Conflicting Discourses on Gender at Beijing’, in Cecile Jackson & Ruth Pearson (eds) Feminist Visions of Development: Gender Analysis and Policy (Routledge, 1998) 19-37; Dianne Otto, ‘Lost in Translation: Re-scripting the Sexed Subjects of International Human Rights Law’ in Anne Orford (ed) International Law and Its Others (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2006) 318, 347; Joan Wallace Scott, ‘Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis’ (1986) 1 American Historical Review 1053, 1066-1070; Hilary Charlesworth, ‘Not Waving but Drowning: Gender Mainstreaming and Human Rights in the United Nations’ (2005) 18 Harvard Human Rights Journal 1, 11-16. 130 Margaret Davies, ‘Taking the Inside Out: Sex and Gender in the Legal Subject’ in Ngaire Naffine and Rosemary J Owens (eds) Sexing the Subject of Law (LBC Information Services, 1997) 25-46.

Keywords: partnership, government, private, Rotterdam, mitigation, climate change. Pendahuluan Melihat semakin meluasnya fenomena pemanasan global dan perubahan iklim, tidak ada salahnya jika kita menengok best practice upaya-upaya mitigasi dan adaptasi yang dilakukan oleh negara lain. Bagaimana mereka merumuskan langkah strategis nan efisien dan efektif untuk mengantisipasi/mengurangi dampak perubahan iklim, prasyarat kelembagaan apa saja yang mereka inisiasi, serta upaya apa yang mereka ambil untuk menjamin keberlanjutan inisiatif tersebut, perlu kita pahami sehingga diharapkan dapat menginspirasi para decision makers di tingkat lokal dalam merumuskan kebijakan yang tepat untuk mengatasi dampak perubahan iklim. Tulisan ini hendak mengilustrasikan success story pemerintah kota Rotterdam yang mengeluarkan beberapa terobosan dalam rangka mitigasi perubahan iklim sekaligus meningkatkan kualitas sosial ekonomi warganya. Rotterdam dikenal sebagai salah satu kota yang cukup penting dalam tatanan perkotaan, tidak hanya dalam lingkup Belanda, tetapi juga di Eropa. Beberapa keunggulan yang dimilikinya antara lain keberadaan pelabuhan internasional (Port of Rotterdam) yang menjadikan kota ini sebagai pintu gerbang serta pusat transportasi logistik dan kawasan industri. Dalam lingkup strategis regional, Rotterdam juga termasuk salah satu dari konstelasi empat kota besar di Belanda yang biasa disebut Ranstad Region. Menurut Rencana Tata Ruang Wilayah 2040 Ranstad Holland atau Ranstad Region, wilayah ini merupakan salah satu dari beberapa kota metropolis yang cukup memegang peranan

penting dalam pengembangan spasial dan ekonomi kota di Belanda. Aliansi yang terdiri atas empat kota besar yakni Amsterdam, The Hague, Rotterdam, dan Utrecht ini telah ditetapkan sebagai “Dutch Metropolis” sejak 1966. Menjadi salah satu kota berpredikat internasional tidak lantas membuat Rotterdam “lupa diri”. Berbagai dampak, tuntutan, dan konsekuensi akan selalu melekat, tak terkecuali dampak dari perubahan iklim. Mengingat pesatnya pertumbuhan industri di Rotterdam, maka konsumsi energi merupakan isu yang tak terelakkan. Hasil studi menyebutkan bahwa Uni Eropa (UE) berkontribusi atas 15% – 20% emisi gas rumah kaca dunia (Victor, 2006; RCI, 2007). Oleh karena itu seluruh negara anggota Uni Eropa telah bersepakat akan mengambil bagian dalam aksi kolektif ini dengan menetapkan target pengurangan emisi CO2 sebesar 20%. Pemerintah nasional Belanda sendiri mentargetkan reduksi CO2 sebesar 30% dibandingkan dengan tahun 1990. Jadi setidaknya, ada tiga tantangan yang harus dijawab oleh pemerintah kota Rotterdam saat ini dan di masa depan, yaitu bagaimana mewujudkan kesinambungan perkembangan ekonomi kota, meningkatkan kualitas lingkungan perkotaan dan hidup warga kota, serta menjawab tantangan mantan presiden Amerika Serikat Bill Clinton1 untuk mewujudkan Rotterdam yang lebih bersih di masa depan. Rotterdam Climate Initiative (RCI): Keberlanjutan Ekonomi dan Lingkungan Kota Sebulan setelah kunjungan Bill Clinton ke Belanda2, tepatnya pada bulan Januari 2007, pemerintah kota Rotterdam resmi berkolaborasi dengan beberapa pihak swasta guna melawan dampak perubahan iklim dalam wadah Rotterdam Climate Initiative (RCI). Adalah Port of Rotterdam, Deltalings dan DCMR (Environmental Protection Agency Rijnmond) sebagai tiga stakeholders utama selain pemerintah kota Rotterdam yang menggawangi program ini. Deltalings merupakan konsorsium/aliansi yang beranggotakan lebih dari 600 perusahaan dan asosiasi yang khusus bergerak di bidang logistik dan perusahaan industri. Sebagai salah satu partner strategis pemerintah, organisasi ini juga 1 Pada bulan Desember 2006, Bill Clinton datang ke Belanda untuk mengkampanyekan Clinton Climate Initiative, sebuah program yang menyerukan kota‐kota besar di seluruh dunia untuk menginternalisasikan dan menerapkan praktik‐praktik mitigasi dan adaptasi perubahan iklim dalam implementasi kebijakan kota mereka. 2


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Kerjasama Pemerintah dan Swasta dalam Upaya Mitigasi Perubahan Iklim: Pengalaman Kota Rotterdam

Then, when these conducive and supportive conditions of development for women, justify the products of development such as indicators, is it still fair to underestimate then? Unfortunately, yes. As Young argued that to re-allocate the development discourses to be accessible to women is not a simple task, but it needs the reconstruction of old structures of thought and practice through social change.131 The benefits of social change are not only merely for women interests but also for the whole society, since women are one of the social resources, their advantages are social advantages as well.132 On the other hand, development institutions are full of policymakers and bureaucrats with various levels of understanding of women and gender. The expectation of social change would not be adequate if it relied on the bureaucracies and public policies, because they cannot trigger political and social change, due to high risk of depoliticization.133 Moreover, what is lacking is bringing together the theoretical insight of gender and development with an equally sophisticated analysis of institutional roles and functions and how they are linked to or disconnected from the possibilities for change.134

3. Re-defined ‘development and human rights’ for Women

Adji Krisbandono

a. Rethinking Development and (Women’s) Human Rights Abstrak Berangkat dari semakin luasnya fenomena pemanasan global dan perubahan iklim, tulisan ini hendak menengok best practice upaya-upaya mitigasi dan adaptasi yang dilakukan oleh negara lain. Ilustrasi success story Pemerintah Kota Rotterdam yang mengeluarkan beberapa terobosan dalam memitigasi perubahan iklim sekaligus meningkatkan kualitas sosial ekonomi warganya akan diulas lebih mendalam sehingga diharapkan dapat menginspirasi para decision makers di tingkat lokal dalam merumuskan kebijakan yang tepat untuk mengatasi dampak perubahan iklim.

(tiga) tujuan, yaitu: (1) mengurangi 50% emisi CO2 pada tahun 2025 dibandingkan tahun 1990; (2) mewujudkan kota yang 100% climate proof pada tahun 2025; yang disertai dengan (3) perkuatan ekonomi kota. Sebagai lessons learned, pengalaman Rotterdam dapat dicontoh bahwa komitmen yang kuat dari seluruh stakeholder, baik pemerintah maupun swasta dan masyarakat merupakan faktor utama penentu keberhasilan inisiatif mitigasi dan adaptasi. Kata kunci: kerjasama, pemerintah, swasta, Rotterdam, mitigasi, perubahan iklim. Abstract

Rotterdam yang dikenal sebagai pintu gerbang transportasi logistik di kawasaan Eropa, juga mengalami dampak dan konsekuensi dari perubahan iklim. Pesatnya pertumbuhan industri di Rotterdam menjadikan isu energi sebagai isu yang tak terelakkan. Dengan dikeluarkannya Rotterdam Climate Initiative (RCI) pada tahun 2007, beberapa program diluncurkan dengan 3

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The emerging issues of global climate change inspires this paper to take a closer look at how other countries/ cities carry out mitigation and adaptation programmes. Rotterdam success story that launched a number of initiatives and programmes in climate change mitigation will further be explored to inspire decision makers,

Women choose human rights as their entry point to development, because human rights provide a universal paradigm that can be implement locally. Most of women’s disadvantages created by unfavourable social conditions that undermine the need for equal conditions between men and women, not only for the interest of the women or men themselves, but also for the interest of the whole society. These unfavourable social conditions can be addressed through ‘human rights paradigm’,135 which employ the universal principles of 131 Kate Young, ‘Planning from a Gender Perspective: Making a World of Difference’ in Nalini Visvanathan, et al (eds) The Women, Gender and Development Reader (Zed Books, 1997) 366, 366. 132 Ibid. 133 Hilary Standing, Gender, Myth and Fable: The Perils of Mainstreaming in Sector Bureaucracies in Andrea Cornwall, Elizabeth Harrison and Ann Whitehead (eds) Feminisms in Development: Contradictions, Contestations and Challenges (Zed Books, 2007) 101, 104. 134 Ibid. 135 Abdullahi A. An-Na’im and Jeffrey Hammond, ‘Cultural Transformation and Human Rights in African Society’ in Abdullahi A. An-Na’im (ed) Cultural Transformation and Human Rights in Africa (Zed

human rights to be adapted by local condition, without necessarily argues the origin of those principles.136 Having awareness and consciousness of the actual advantages of what universal human rights offer, give sufficient latitude to employ those principles into local and cultural contexts, which would have more benefits for the whole society including women.137 Moreover, human rights offer possibility that is more concrete for women for expecting ‘cultural transformation’ from cultural boundaries that impede women’s progresses.138 Rights also establish legitimacy for women not only for their intervention but also for their roles.139 Nevertheless, women still need to be alerted about what the actual female position in the international human rights. As stressed by Otto, ‘[t]he international struggle for the full inclusion of women in the paradigm of universal human rights has reached a point where it needs reinvention’.140 According to that, decision to engage with international human rights require to be equipped with a reinvention strategy that help women to reinvent the principle notion of international human rights that take sides on what women perceive as their rights in relation with universal human rights. This idea is supported by Lacey that analyse many fundamental deliberations about gender and human rights.141 First, women need to be aware on the potency as well as the limitations of human rights framework in order to protect ‘justice, autonomy, or equality for women’.142 Second, engaging gender with human rights means continuous re-questioning or re-defining the rights, Feminists’ critiques about rights and how to conduct the re-questioning and re-define that can satisfy women.143 Third, in order to understand the both questions before, women need to have complete picture about the multidimensional factors that shape rights Books, 2002) 13, 15. 136 Ibid 14-17. 137 An-Na’im and Hammond, above; Sally Engle Merry, ‘Rights Talk and the Experience of Law: Implementing Women’s Human Rights to Protection from Violence’ (2003) 25 Human Rights Quarterly 343, 379-381. 138 A. An-Na’im and Hammond, above. 139 Andrea Cornwall and Maxine Molyneux, ‘The Politics of Rights – Dilemmas for Feminist Praxis: an Introduction’ (2006) 27 Third World Quarterly 1175, 1179. 140 Dianne Otto, ‘Disconcerting ‘Masculinities’: Reinventing the Gendered Subject(s) of International Human Rights Law’ in Doris Buss and Ambreena Manji (eds) International Law: Modern Feminist Approaches (Hart Publishing, 2005) 105, 128. 141 Nicola Lacey, ‘Feminist Legal Theory and the Rights of Women’ in Karen Knop (ed) Gender and Human Rights (Oxford University Press, 2004) 13, 38-53. 142 Ibid 55. 143 Ibid 53.


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constructively and destructively in broad dimensions of society as well.144 b. Continuous Affirmation of Women’s Rights are Human Rights With respect to the international attempts to address women’s rights as equal as men or human rights, the notion of human rights itself is full of criticism. In some cases, human rights are narrowly seen as only a business of legal text, or a matter of protection through legislation. Regrettably, human rights are necessarily to be understood more than text or legislation, because human rights are political, social, economic and cultural texts.145 In that case, rights can empower for those who are able to mastering that broad realms of rights.146 Another critique is that the notion of multidimensional contents of human rights which maybe will not be adequately captured merely by legal dimension. As emphasized by Pahuja, bringing the implementation of human rights only into the institutionalization sphere or regulatory form will undermine its universality and the importance of political character of human rights.147 Adding the complexities, human rights are exceptionally dependent on political process that enables them to be defined and to be implemented.148 As a result of that, rights serve more senses of power and dependence.149 That is why for women rights are like an inescapably paradoxes that require disclosure of women desires and women miseries at the same time.150 Therefore, would women hold back or move forward toward those paradoxes? The justification is just starting from a simple claim. Women’s rights are human rights and that should be end of the debate. But, the extent of human rights regimes, internationally and nationally, locates women’s rights equally with other subjects within the regimes 144

Ibid 55. Balakrishnan Rajagopal, ‘Culture, Resistance, and the Problems of Translating Human Rights’ (2006) 41 Texas International Law Journal 419, 421. 146 Wendy Brown, ‘Suffering Rights as Paradoxes’ (2000) 7 Constellations 230, 232. 147 Sundhya Pahuja, ‘Rights as Regulation: The Integration of Human Rights and Development’ in Bronwen Morgan (ed), The Intersection of Rights and Regulation (Ashgate, 2007) 167-191. 148 Martti Koskenniemi, `The Future of Statehood’(1991) 32 Harvard International Law Journal 397, 399; Robinson, above 32-33; Anne Galagher, ‘Ending Marginalisation: Strategies for Incorporating Women into the UN Human Rights Systems’ (1997) 19 Human Rights Quarterly 283, 326-328. 149 Brown, above n 231. 150 Brown, above n 232 and 238. 145

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that should be where the discussion goes along.151 That woman is also the bearer of basic rights as other bearer of human rights.152 That women needs and rights as the same as men needs and rights.153 That regarding women’s rights as equal as human rights has a tendency of fall into limited approach of protection, instead of encouraging substantive equality through affirmative action.154 Moreover, the fundamental idea of human rights as the basic justification of the citizens against the abuse of state power is sometimes misrepresented.155 That women’s rights violation by non-state actors remain be seen as a matter of public and private matters.156 That the lacked sensitivity of public policies toward women’s needs are continuously not realize by state actors.157 That inflexible government and progressive non-government approaches to women’s rights occasionally perform in opposite way. That every stakeholder of women’s rights has responsibilities and roles in transforming the concepts of women’s rights into practical and multidisciplinary approaches.158 More importantly, that positive conception of women’s rights must be represented adequately in a practical implementation of states’ businesses, such as development and public policy.159 151 Charlesworth and Chinkin, above n 208-212; Radhika Coomaraswarmy, ‘Reinventing International Law: Women’s Rights as Human Rights in the International Community’ (1997) 23 Commonwealth Law Bulletin 1249-1262; Cook, above n 3-36; Merry, above n 379-381. 152 Alda Facio, ‘From Basic Needs to Basic Rights’ (1995) 3 Gender and Development 16-22; Joanna Kerr, ‘From Opposing to Proposing: Finding Proactive Global Strategies for Feminist Futures’ in Joanna Kerr, Ellen Sprenger and Alison Symington (eds) The Future of Women’s Rights: Global Visions and Strategies (Zed Books, 2004) 14, 25. 153 Otto, ‘A Post-Beijing Reflection on the Limitations and Potential of Human Rights Discourse for Women’, above n 115; Hayes, above n 70. 154 Otto, ‘Lost in Translation: Re-scripting the Sexed Subjects of International Human Rights Law’, above n 325-329, 337-344. 155 Karen Knop, ‘Why Rethinking the Sovereign State is Important for Women’s International Human Rights Law’ in Rebecca J. Cook (ed) Human Rights of Women: National and International Perspectives (University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994) 153-164. 156 Charlesworth and Chinkin, above n 56-59; Bunch, above n 11-17; Celina Romany, ‘State Responsibility Goes Private: A Feminist Critique of the Public/Private Distinction in International Human Rights Law’ in Rebecca J. Cook (ed) Human Rights of Women: National and International Perspectives (University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994) 85-115; Byrnes, above n 225-231. 157 Tomasevski, above. 158 Charlotte Bunch, ‘Women’s Rights as Human Rights: Toward a Re-vision of Human Rights’ (1990) 12 Human Rights Quarterly 486, 492-498. 159 Tovi Fenster, ‘Gender and Human Rights: Implications for Planning and Development’ in Tovi Fenster (ed) Gender, Planning and Human Rights (Routledge, 1999) 3-21; Tovi Fenster, ‘Gender, Planning and Human Rights: Practical Lesson’ in Tovi Fenster (ed) Gender, Planning and Human Rights (Routledge, 1999) 171-175.

Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun (Repelita) I Tahun 1967/68-1973/74)

Peraturan Pemerintah RI No. 26 Tahun 2008 Tentang Rencana Tata Ruang Wilayah Nasional

Mustopadidjaja AR, dkk,editor, “BAPPENAS, Dalam Sejarah Perencanaan Pembangunan Indonesia 1945 – 2025”, LP3ES, cetakan pertama, November 2012.

Peraturan Pemerintah No. 50 Tahun 2011 Tentang Rencana Induk Pembangunan Kepariwisataan Nasional Tahun 2010 - 2025

Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun (Repelita) II Tahun 1974/75-1978/79) Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun (Repelita) III Tahun 1979/80-1983/84) Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun (Repelita) IV Tahun 1984/85-1988/89) Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun (Repelita) V Tahun 1989/90-1990/94) Rencana Pembangunan Lima Tahun (Repelita) I Tahun 1967/68-1973/74) Undan-Undang RI No. 25 Tahun 2000 Tentang Program Pembangunan Nasional (PROPENAS) Tahun 2000 – 2004 Undang-Undang RI No. 10 Tahun 2009 Tentang Kepariwisataan

Peraturan Presiden No 7 Tahun 2005 Tentang Rencana Pembangunan Jangka Menengah Tahun 2004 – 2009 Peraturan Presiden No 5 Tahun 2010 Tentang Rencana Pembangunan Jangka Menengah Tahun 2010 – 2014 The Travel and Competitiveness Report (World Economic Forum Report 2011) Sekretariat Jenderal Dewan Pimpinan Pusat Golongan Karya, “Orde Baru Dalam Angka, Hasil-hasil Pembangunan Jangka Panjang Tahap Pertama”, Jakarta 1992. UN-WTO, 2007, “Tourism Highlight 2007 Edition, Fact & Figure www.wto.org/facts/eng/vision.htm


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hasil perwilayahan pembangunan kepariwisataan yang diwujudkan dalam bentuk DPN (ada 50 DPN) dan Kawasan Strategis Pariwisata Nasional yang selanjutnya disingkat KSPN (ada 88 KSPN). Disamping RIPPARNAS, pembangunan kepariwisataan juga harus tetap mempertimbangkan tata ruang nasional yang tertuang dalam Undang-undang RI No. 26 Tahun 2007 Tentang Penataan Ruang dan Peraturan Pemerintah RI No. 26 Tahun 2008 Tentang Rencana Tata Ruang Wilayah Nasional. Pengembangan ke 50 DPN tersebut tidak mungkin dilakukan secara bersamaan melainkan dilakukan secara bertahap dan terfokus selama 15 tahun sehingga pemanfaatan dana pembangunan baik yang bersumber dari Pemerintah maupun Swasta dapat optimal. Dalam periode 5 (lima) tahun kedua pelaksanaan RIPPARNAS, pembangunan kepariwisataan diprioritaskan pada (i) mengembangkan DPN yang berpotensi untuk menjadi titik tolak penyebaran wisatawan ke daerah lain dan mampu menciptkan multiplier effect perekonomian bagi daerah lain di Indonesia; (ii) mengembangkan destinasi wisata lainnya yang merupakan rangkaian dari destinasi yang telah dikembangkan pada tahun-tahun sebelumnya (i); (iii) Destinasi yang terletak dalam Kawasan Strategis Nasional (KSN) dan Kawasan Andalan menurut Undang-undang No. 26 Tahun 2007. Selanjutnya dengan mempertimbangkan hal-hal tersebut di atas, kegiatan-kegiatan penting yang juga perlu mendapat perhatian utama adalah: i. Pengembangan pariwisata berbasis Teknologi Informasi. Pada era teknologi seperti saat ini, e-business telah menjadi strategi baru dalam pemasaran pariwisata. Dalam beberapa hal e-business mampu memberikan banyak kemudahan, baik dalam konteksi business to business (B to B), maupun business to customer (B to C). Sebagai salah satu strategi, e-business akan sangat mendukung pelaksanaan rencana-rencana bisnis masa depan yang tidak lagi boros (high cost economy) tetapi merupakan rangkaian strategi yang lebih afektif dengan jangkauan yang jauh lebih luas, tanpa batas. ii. Investasi. Mendorong tumbuhnya investasi di industri pariwisata dengan memberikan insentif bagi investor yang akan beriventasi dalam industri pariwisata dan terlibat dalam pengembangan kepariwisataan 34



iii. Pengembangan dan peningakatan profesionalisme SDM pariwisata. Sebagai industri jasa, peran sumber daya manusia sangat penting bagi pembangunan kepariwisataan. Keberhasilan pariwisata untuk menarik wisatawan disamping destinasi yang unik juga kemampuan industri tersebut membangkitkan minat dan menciptakan kesenangan serta kenyamanan kepada konsumen/ wisatawan melalui SDM yang profesional. Dalam persaingan global, SDM pariwisata berada di peringkat 61 dari 140 negara, jauh dibawah Malaysia (peringkat 28), Singapura (2), dan Brunai (36). Namun masih di atas Thailand (70), dan Vietnam (77)7. Di era dunia tanpa batas, tanpa SDM yang kuat industri pariwisata dkhawatirkan akan semakin kalah bersaing dengan tenaga kerja asing. Sebagai industri yang bergantung pada keberadaan SDM, strategi peningkatan profesionalisme SDM sangat diperlukan. iv. Kerjasama Pemerintah Swasta (Public Private Partnership).Di era sekarang dimana kemampuan keuangan negara semakin terbatas, kebijakan pembangunan kepariwisataan mulai mengarah pada pengembangan Kerjasama Pemerintah Swasta dengan memfaatkan dana CSR (Coorporate Social Responsibility) perusahaan.

DAFTAR PUSTAKA Insight Report: The Travel & Tourism Competitiveness Report 2013, Reducing Barriers to Economic Growth and Job Creation Jennifer Blanke & Thea Chiesa, “Insight Report: The Travel & Tourism Competitiveness report 2013, Reducing Barriers to Economic Growth and Job Creation, World Economic Report (WEF) 2013. Kartasasmita, Ginandjar, “GBHN”. Permusyawaratan Rakyat (MPR)

Majelis

Ketetapan-Ketetapan MPRS Tahun 1960 – 1967 Tentang Garis-Garis Besar Haluan Negara Ketetapan-Ketetapan MPR-RI, Maret 1993 Ketetapan-Ketetapan MPR-RI Hasil Sidang Umum MPRRI Tahun 1999 7 Jennifer Blanke & Thea Chiesa, “Insight Report: The Travel & Tourism Competitiveness report 2013, Reducing Barriers to Economic Growth and Job Creation, World Economic Report (WEF) 2013.

c. Re-construct Women’s Roles in Development Planning From those dilemmas, it is clear that women participation in the development planning is not negotiable, because they are the ones who able to translate it appropriately. Women can become the planner themselves or influence the planners. Development planners as a ‘double-agent of development’ hold the key role in reallocating the development so that women can access it adequately and representatively through translating and accommodating the multiple stories of women into strategic planning.160 They have more chances and latitudes to move in the economic, social and political complexities.161 At the same time, they can represent what the political and female actors want, not only limited to state actors but also including non-state actors. Development planners have moments where they can consolidate independently many strategic issues into policies, particularly at the crucial moment of policies formulation. At that moment, it requires adequate and reliable sources of information that comprehensively cover theoretical and practical materials of women’s rights. Women involvement in the policy-making is not necessarily regarded as formality from the government to maintain public image on good policy, rather it is because women are the subject who have all of the stories, the experiences, the definition and importantly the data. Women’s movements in the form of organizations are the best representation of women concerns because they are the one who works and interact daily with women. They are the best reliable source of data and information in decisionmaking. Moreover, this involvement can be a chance for facilitating ‘raw result’ of participatory development or grass root inputs and the comparative studies of Feminists studies into technocratic processes.162 This is important to consider not only for the interest of the government but also together with the empowerment of women’s organization themselves, because both 160

Young, above n 366-367. Ibid. 162 Jane Parpart, ‘Lessons from the Field: Rethinking Empowerment, Gender and Development from a Post-(Post?) Development Perspective’ in Kriemild Saunders (ed) Feminist PostDevelopment Thought: Rethinking Modernity, Post-Colonialism and Representation (Zed Books, 2002) 41, 46-52; Brenda J. Cossman, ‘Turning the Gaze Back on Itself: Comparative Law, Feminist Legal Studies, and the Postcolonial Project’ (1997) 2 Utah Law Review 525, 531-541; Antoinette Sedillo Lopez, ‘Comparative Analysis of Women’s Issues: Toward a Contextualised Methodology’ (1999) 10 Hastings Women’s Law Journal 347, 348. 161

women’s organizations and government can optimize public pressure for empowering their internal and external accountability. The collaborative and partnership relationship between government and women’s organizations should not be seen as threat for their independence, but it should be seen as an opportunity for national and international promotion that will give better precedent for the advancement of women’s rights in the future. Women’s organizations have their own moment and stage to maintain their independence, particularly through their activities in the field. Policy makers who deal with women issues have to face some challenges related with knowledge hegemony or dominant academic discourses. Just like women researchers and activists, policy makers also cannot avoid themselves from ‘the requirement to take cultures and discourses that are peripheral to predominant Western knowledge forms, and ‘translate’ them into a discourse recognizable to Western public audiences’.163 Moreover, formulating policies with qualitative data, which resulted from qualitative research, is full of scepticism, because ‘qualitative research almost inevitably appears ‘unconvincing’ within this relationship because dominant understanding of concepts of ‘validity’, ‘reliability’ and ‘representativeness’ are posed within a numerical rather than a process framework’.164 In viewing women’s concerns about the technocratic system that try to measure them with quantification it may be necessary to look at first how the technocratic system perceives social problems and treat it by employing public equality policies. Because for enforcing public equality policies as what women need, does not require the production of every single new policy for every single social problems, rather it requires monitoring and evaluating the effectiveness of existing policies to solve social problems.165 In that case, if the indicators only try to simplify the whole issues and concerns of women into the number of policy that is being produced, without assessing the level of social change as the effect of policies for women and men, it is not answering women’s questions.

163 Rosalind Edwards and Jane Ribbens, ‘Living on the Edges: Public Knowledge, Private Lives, Personal Experience’ in Jane Ribbens and Rosalind Edwards (eds) Feminist Dilemmas in Qualitative Research: Public Knowledge and Private Lives (Sage Publications, 1998) 1, 3. 164 Ibid 3-4. 165 Carol Lee Bacchi, Women, Policy and Politics: The Construction of Policy Problems (Sage Publications, 1999) 199-207.


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VI. Conclusion As can be seen from the elaboration of MDGs and its controversial indicators that try to measure the achievement of women equality and women justice at the same time, the result is necessarily unsatisfying, especially for women. It is true that indicators can support the achievement of gender equality, but MDGs are still too narrow to measure the dynamics of women experiences and violations of their rights. The unsupportive characters possessed by these indicators show that development and human rights continuously reflect the imbalanced structures of

power that characterized the relationship between Third World and international hegemonies. Women’s movement in Indonesia will continuously be reluctant to become participation of development planning, if the national structures still represent that kind of relationship. Therefore, female involvement in the Indonesian development needs to be more about substantive involvement instead of formality. In each process of development planning and decision-making, the agendas of substantive gender equality and gender justice should be regarded as equal priorities, in order to treat the measurement of women’s rights differently.

Gambar berikut menggambarkan tingkat pertumbuhan jumlah wisatawan sampai dengan 2020.

dan sinergi yang belum optimal akan berdampak pula pada pengembangan dan pengelolaan destinasi dan promosi pariwisata serta sumber daya manusia pariwisata.

Gambar 1:

Dalam era globalisasi dimana antar negara tidak ada batas, persaingan untuk menarik wisatawan global akan semakin ketat. Kondisi ini diperparah dengan krisis keuangan global yang dikhawatirkan akan menurunkan pasar pariwisata dunia sehingga akan menambah sulitnya merebut pasar dunia. Oleh karenanya, pengembangan wisata domestik merupakan salah satu alternatif untuk mempertahankan pariwisata sebagai tulang punggung perekonomian. Paradigma untuk menjadikan destinasi unggulan dunia secara bertahap dirubah untuk menjadikan destinasi unggulan wisata nusantara. Faktor lain yang sangat penting dan perlu mendapatkan perhatian adalah Kemajuan Teknologi Komunikasi dan Informasi. Pesatnya kemajuan teknologi komunikasi dan informasi menuntut adanya perubahan strategi dalam pemasaran pariwisata.

Sumber: UN-WTO 2007, Tourism Highlight 2007 Edition: Fact & Figure

Tabel 3 :

Pada akhirnya, kebijakan pembangunan kepariwisataan tidak semata-mata hanya menyangkut koordinasi antar pemangku kepentingan, infrastruktur, sumber daya dan produk pariwisata, tetapi yang lebih penting adalah bagaimana kebijakan pariwisata mampu mendatangkan manfaat bagi ekonomi dan masyarakat lokal, serta menciptakan tenaga kerja, sekaligus memperkuat jatidiri bangsa.

III. SUMBANGAN PEMIKIRAN SEBAGAI ALTERNATIF KEBIJAKAN

Sumber: UN-WTO 2007, Tourism Highlight 2007 Edition: Fact & Figure Dalam rangka meningkatkan daya saing pariwisata, berbagai kendala yang hampir setiap tahun dihadapi adalah sinergi dan koordinasi perencanaan dan pelaksanaann antar pemangku kepentingan. Hal ini dikarenakan Pariwisata merupakan sektor yang multidisiplin sehingga keberhasilan pembangunannyapun sangat tergantung dari sektor lain seperti sektor perhubungan dan transportasi, infrastruktur. Setelah era otonomi daerah dimana kewenangan pembangunan kepariwitaan ada di Pemerintah daerah koordinasi dan sinergi dengan pemerintah daerah harus selalu ditingkatkan. Koordinasi

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Pada tahun 2009 Pemerintah mengeluarkan Undang-undang No. 10 Tentang Pariwisata. Salah satu amanah Undang-undang tersebut adalah pemerintah harus segera menyusun Rencana Induk Pembangunan Kepariwisataan Nasional (RIPPARNAS) dan Rencana Induk Pembangunan Kepariwisataan Daerah (RIPPARDA) bagi daerah sebagai acuan pokok pembanguan kepariwisataan. Sejalan dengan amanah tersebut pemerintah mengeluarkan Peraturan Pemerintah No. 50 Tahun 2011 Tentang Rencana Induk Pembangunan Kepariwisataan Nasional (RIPPARNAS) 2010 – 2025. Berdasarkan RIPPARNAS, pendekatan pembangunan adalah pendekatan perwilayahan, yaitu Perwilayahan Destinasi Pariwisata Nasional (DPN)6. Perwilayahan pembangunan DPN merupakan 6 Destinasi Pariwisata Nasional (DPN) adalah Destinasi Pariwisata yang berskala Nasiomal, RIPPARNAS, hal. 11


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Adji Krisbandono. Abstrak. (tiga) tujuan, yaitu: (1) mengurangi 50% emisi CO 2

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