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Adaptation and Rise – Modernization and Decline: Little Ice Age Challenges and Social Responses on the Trans-Tisza Region (Hungary) THESIS · JUNE 2015
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1 AUTHOR: Zsolt Pinke Szent István University, Godollo 7 PUBLICATIONS 0 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE
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University of Pécs Faculty of Humanities Interdisciplinar Doctoral School ‘Europe and Hungarians in the 18th-20th centuries’ Historical Doctoral Program
Doctoral thesis
Zsolt Pinke
Adaptation and Rise – Modernization and Decline: Little Ice Age Challenges and Social Responses on the Trans-Tisza Region (Hungary)
Theories
Supervisor: Dr. habil. János Majdán
Pécs, 2015
1,
Introduction
This paper presents and interprets the environmental and economic challenges emerging in the early and the late Little Ice Age (LIA) as well as certain aspects of the social responses given to them in the northern Trans-Tisza Region (Eastern Hungary). The outstanding cultural and natural values of the studied landscape, which covered one of the most extensive wetland systems before 19th century river regulation, are universal and were awarded UNESCO World Heritage status. This region comprises a part of the former Szabolcs County, which saw the most serious settlement abandonment of the Carpathian Basin between the 13th and the 17th centuries.1 My hypothesis is that this radical transformation of the medieval settlement pattern was related to the hydrological vulnerability of the landscape and the challenges evolving in the early LIA. The study period is inspiring not only from the viewpoint of climate history, but also from economic and environmental history. Long-term investigation of the production factors of agriculture, the sector that affected the transformation of the biosphere the most before the industrial revolution, is of outstanding importance.2 Donald Worster pointed out that the late medieval period and the Age of Enlightenment saw the most important agricultural change since its Neolithic emergence. ‘The single most important task … to trace what Karl Polanyi has called »the great transformation« both in general planetary terms and in all its permutations form place to place’, he said.3 I argue that as a consequence of the greater vulnerability of pre-modern communities to the environmental challenges, particularly to the rapid shifts of the natural conditions in the critical periods of the LIA, contributed not only to the restructuring of settlement patterns, but also to the profound transformation of agriculture, the core sector of the age. This transformation of agriculture supplied the overpopulation of mankind, led to massive extinction of species, the destruction of habitats and the second biggest anthropogenic carbon emission since 1850.4
1
Faragó 2011, 271.
2
Benda 1973; Overton – Campbell 1992; Turner et al. 2003; Geist et al. 2006; Miller et al. 2006; Biro et al.
2013; Pe’er et al. 2014. 3
Polanyi 1944; Worster 1990, 1097.
4
Li et al. 2013.
2,
Objectives and structure of the study
Following Toynbee’s theoretical approach this dissertation deals with human-nature interactions using challenge-response models.5 The first part of the paper shows landscape reconstructions based on historical, archaeological and geomorphological datasets covering 10% of Hungary (9931 km2). Statistical and geospatial analysis of spatiotemporal crosssections of individual databases was used to trace the medieval antecendents of economic, environmental (primarily land use and land cover) structures and settlement patterns, with a special focus on the phases of transformations and human-nature interactions. During planning the research, analyses of spatiotemporal dispersion and accuracy of data suggested that it is settlement patterns that needed investigation the most. Findings of environmental surveys and my further studies led me to conclude that similarly to the increasing flood waves in other parts of Europe, the water levels of the floodplain system all over the Tisza Valley rose from the MWE to the LIA.6 Questions: 1.
Is there any correlation or functional connection between geomorphological features
and the topographic position of settlements? 2.
Can regional differences be observed in the 13th-16th century site selection or
settlement patterns?7 3.
Does farming refer to any traces of the medieval transformation of habitat conditions
or ecosystem functions?8 Hypotheses: 1.
Changes in settlement patterns were responses to the challenges of medieval climatic
and hydrological changes on the frontier zones of wetlands and areas suitable for settling. So, transformation of settlement patterns on the edge may be interpreted as a human indicator of water level changes. 2.
Differences in archaeological site elevations and the spatial distribution of settlements
between the early and the late medieval settlement patterns can be highlighted by statistical analyses. Therefore, I suggest that both the differences in the extensions of areas suitable for 5
Toynbee 1934.
6
Galloway – Potts 2007; McGranahan et al. 2007; Panin – Nefedov 2010; Kiss 2011; Mészáros – Serlegi 2011;
Pinke 2011; Kiss – Laszlovszky 2013. 7
Laszlovszky 1986; 2003.
8
Constanza et al. 1997, 253.
settling and the differences in the elevation means of archaeological sites referring to altering hydrological character of the two epochs can be substantiated statistically. 3.
Zonal analysis developed on the basis of the landscape characterization method of
English Heritage and the ecotype-based land use model of Hungary (ELUMH)9 can reveal functional connections between geomorphological features and settlement patterns.
The second part of the paper focuses on the nodes of processes leading to the regulation of the Tisza River, a landscape transformation project looked at as a symbol of modernization in 19th century Hungary. The most important archive sources are documents of the Lower-Szabolcs Tisza Flood Defence Association (Association) in the Environmental Protection and Hydrological Archive, censuses of 1715 and 1720 and volumes of Tafeln zur Statistik Österreichischen Monarchie.10 The key cartographic sources are the maps of the Association, the maps of the First and the Second Military Survey of the Habsburg Empire and the geospatial databases of the ELUMH.11 The Association’s map of 1898 is one of the earliest excess surface water maps and a hydro-cartographical novelty.12 This thesis deals with social responses to environmental and economic ordeals in separate essays of environmental and economic historical perspectives. One of such responses, the regulation of the Tisza and its tributaries, was followed by a drastic change of the land use system in the Great Hungarian Plain (GHP). An important proposition of Hungarian agro-history holds that farming in the GHP before the great grain boom of the 1850s ’had relied on animal husbandry, not on grain production’ and conversion to grain farming took place extremely rapidly.13 The most crucial economic and social factors lying in the background of the expansion of arable lands: nutritional challenge, rising grain and land prices, forms of land ownership and efficiency of transportation. István Széchenyi, the initiator and royal commissioner of the Tisza regulation in the late 1840s, and a symbolic figure of Hungarian modernization, justified his activity by the atrophy of the GHP.14 Ágnes R. Várkonyi defined the causal factors of this atrophy as the ecological degradation of the Tisza Valley and its relative overpopulation in the late 18th century. 9
Roberts – Wrathmell 2000; Clark et al. 2002; Centeri et al. 2006; VÁTI 2005, 21-33.
10
OKVL IX. 5 bundle.
11
Centeri et al. 2006.
12
OKVL IX. 5.
13
Orosz 1986, 408; Benda 2006, 195.
14
R. Várkonyi 1999a; 1999b.
Although the latter was supported by some demographic studies,15 Klára Dóka’s investigation pointed out that the most numerous strata of society did not play a role in the Körös River regulation, since it served almost exclusively the interests of land lords.16 This aspect was supported by Mariann Nagy and Gyula Benda’s regional analyses, which suggest that the extent of latifundia in the counties along the Tisza was at its greatest in the late 19th century.17 However, I assume that this atrophy could be justified by the depletion of resources only partially, since another factor, i.e. the crisis of farming based on the medieval trinity of animal husbandry–cropland farming–exploitation of aquatic resources might have lain in the background, too. The environmental challenges that the population of the GHP faced at critical points of the second period of the LIA (mid17th-late 19th century) undermined their income-producing ability. On the other hand, the stagnation of the capitalist transformation begun in the late Middle Ages made it difficult for the Hungarian society to comply with the shake-up accompanying ‘the great transformation’. As a result of its chronic backwardness the Hungarian elite was more and more characterised by the complexes and flustered reactions of those lagging behind.18 One of these reactions was an attempt for the biggest river regulation of 19th century Europe, a megaproject that transformed the energy and the material fluxes of the landscape and transformed the GHP into a homogenous agricultural area.
3,
Summary of results
1.
Comparison of elevation means suggests that the late medieval archaeological site
group was situated significantly (p<0,01) higher than that of the Árpádian Period in the c. 170 km long 4128 km² study area. Therefore, archaeological sites indicating settlements, churches and cemeteries in the first section of the LIA (between mid-13th and mid-16th century) were significantly higher than those of the MWE (between mid-10th and mid-13th century). This result supports the above hypothesis and suggests that settlements of waterside communities followed water levels rising from the MWE to the LIA. With regard to the lowland character and relatively high flood vulnerability of the study area, some dozen cm differences in water levels are not negligible. The fact that differences between the means of larger samples were 15
Wellmann 1989; Andorka – Faragó 1984.
16
Dóka 2006, 83.
17
Nagy 2003, 58; Benda 2006, 229.
1818
Gerschenkron 1962, 8; Kaika 2006.
more obvious in most cases is in correspondence with the large number of items. Differences in deviations and standard errors of data groups might also be connected to sample size, since higher deviances and standard errors generally occurred in smaller sample sets. Nevertheless, higher deviations in the elevation of archaeological sites might also reflect the impact of more frequent late medieval extreme climatic events on the settlement pattern.19 2.
While the results of the paper are in accordance with changing waterfront settlement
patterns of other regions in the period, this investigation justified the vertical replacement of a lowland settlement pattern statistically on a populous sample at a regional scale during the medieval climatic change. Findings of the paper may contribute to the explanation of the complexity of settlement abandonment or migrations in a framework of human-nature interactions. The demonstration of the fact that lowland settlement pattern vertically moved significantly from the Medieval Warm Epoch to the Little Ice Age advocates the interpretation of certain spatiotemporal transformations in pre-modern settlement patterns as indicators of climatic and environmental changes. 3.
Climate change is only one of factors affecting the hydrological system. Although the
permanent subsidence of certain areas of the study area led to less hectic changes than the climatic processes, it may have triggered the transformation of flow conditions in the floodplains during the five and a half century long study period.20 Subsidence speeded up runoff towards depressions, but slowed down the efflux from there. Since medieval intensification of erosion in hilly regions and sedimentation of basins were reconstructed in numerous Central European territories, it is reasonable to assume that the elevation values of levees decreased and sedimentation in the stream network increased, therefore elevation deviances declined.21 These long-term processes are likely to have aggravated the flood vulnerability of levees suitable for settling and their cumulative impact kept the communities of the edge under growing hydrological pressure.22 These long term structural transformations and short term hydrological extremities may have transformed living conditions not only for human communities, but also for other vulnerable natural communities (e.g. steppe-forests) and they were key factors of landscape evolution.23
19
Siklósy et al. 2009.
20
Joó 1992; Timár 2003.
21
Hoffmann et al. 2013.
22
Le Roy Ladurie 1959; Braudel 1996.
23
Naveh – Carmel 2003; Pfister 2010.
4.
Hydrological challenges in areas with different geomorphological features made
settlers give two types of adaptive responses. On the one hand high and broad levees saw relatively small displacement of surviving settlements and, on the other hand, deep flood plains were affected by abandonment. The population of deserted villages migrated towards floodless areas with good road conditions. In the fields of abandoned villages extensive cattle husbandry became dominant as a typical way of farming in the floodplains of the GHP. This adaptation proved so successful that it made Hungary the number one cattle exporter in Europe for centuries.24 5.
The zonal analysis of settlement density, road system, farming and geomorphological
features suggests that the population of floodless areas suitable for settling were subject to the connectivity of the habitat and its crop production capacity significantly. Another observation is related to a number of small settlements, hamlets and sites settled on deep floodplains or on vulnerable low and narrow levees. Their early medieval dispersion took place in the warm and dry 11th-12th centuries, whereas their concentration phases were ascribed to the Mongol Invasion (1241-1242 AD), the civil wars of the late 13th and early 14th centuries as well as to the massive inland migration due to the formation of uniform serfdom.25 Besides these I look at the fact that settlement abandonment became massive during the medieval environmental changes that began in the mid-13th century as an unexplored, but important factor. Therefore, my answer to Tamás Faragó’s question is that flood vulnerability and changing water levels are also to be mentioned as the leading causes of abandonment of wetland settlements.26 6.
18th century brought a prolonged and deep crisis in the region. The overspreading
domination of landlords that hindered social and economic activities and drained resources, as well as environmental disasters and the international isolation of the region all lay in the background of the crisis. Another symptom of the 18th century depression is that urbanization came to a halt and the number of towns declined.27 Only the so called ‘Nagykun’ and ‘Hajdú’ market town groups were able to save their autonomies dating back to the Middle Ages. 7.
Modern Age land use reconstructions of the paper are based on the censuses of 1715
and 1720 as well as on the maps of the First and the Second Military Survey. Their geospatial comparison with the categories of areas suitable for cropland of the ELUMH showed that land 24
Braudel 1982.
25
The will of the mighty "all pointed to effective control and taxability”. (Bloch 1939, 83; Szabó 1966, 48-49;
Módy 1972, 179). 26
Faragó 2011, 271.
27
Beluszky 2001; Bácskai 2002, 83-93.
use system complied basically with the pedological, hydrological and geomorphological conditions. This has led me to conclude that pre-modern land users of the central GHP demonstrated much sensitivity regarding the suitability of a production area. 8.
From the viewpoint of the assessment of the Tisza regulation it is to be highlighted
that the extension of intersections of water covered areas of the map of the First Military Survey and rated as good or excellent areas for cropland farming were practically negligible. In other words, only a small part of reclaimed and drained water covered areas can be considered suitable for cropland farming. 9.
From the perspective of interpreting medieval settlement abandonment the fact that
major blocks of intersections of water covered areas on the map of the First Military Survey and areas classified as good or excellent for cropland farming always overlap with areas deserted at the beginning of the LIA can be considered as an important result. This spatial connection refers to the fact that these areas were targets of swarming out settlers in the MWE and became wetlands only in the LIA. 10.
The majority of the croplands registered in 1720 and those represented on the first
military map as well as areas classified as good and excellent for cropland farming appeared within the lathes of the ‘Nagykun’ and the ‘Hajdú’ town groups. 11.
Late 18th century Debrecen and its larger urban zone saw an outstanding aggregation
of landscape resources, i.e. wetlands with high biomass yields, vast croplands, vineyards and forests so scarce in the GHP.28 The 1500 km² cropland zone at the western forefront of Debrecen could feed hundreds of thousands of people with regard to contemporary yields. This factor may justify it from an agroecological aspect how the larger urban zone of Debrecen could become the forerunner of urbanization in the GHP, the target of migration since the early Middle Ages and the most populated city in the 17th-18th century Hungarian Kingdom. 12.
The last two points modulate the picture evolved about the dominance of animal
husbandry in the farming of the GHP market towns. As regards the statements on the town forming function of GHP animal husbandry they are to be amplified.29 It is a characteristic of the GHP that population concentrations emerged where their demand for grain was producible. The explanation of this statement is that in certain regions of the GHP there lay extensive areas suitable for cropland farming, so communities which could produce their and 28
Balogh 1976; Orosz 1992.
29
Gyimesi 1975; Makkai 1976; Beluszky 2001.
animals’ carbohydrate demand in their environment, have a competitive edge over communities with less favourable conditions and this advantage became an engine of their growth. Although local food production was necessary, but not sufficient, condition of a thriving municipality. In terms of the town group of Hajdúság the co-occurrence of specialization based on the wetland pastures whose yields provided a competitive advantage for animal husbandry, the concentration of croplands with excellent conditions, its transit hub function and the regional collaboration of autonomous communities had a town forming function. 13.
The resilience of communities resettling in the GHP was put to the test by a sequence
of serious floods, huge positive precipitation anomalies and terrible epidemics in the mid-18th century. These environmental challenges and the rapid population growth in the ‘Nagykun’ region brought about one of the first river regulations in the Tisza Valley. As a result of a long democratic process, involving the representatives of local communities and consulting the neighbouring settlements of Nagykun municipalities broke with their traditionally adaptive hydrological mechanism of the Kakat Valley in the late 1780s and closed the Mirhó Scour Channel. Their regulation pointed towards the improvement of the existing production system and provided a community based model of river regulation made up of small steps. Thereby, ‘Nagykun’ land users could join the wartime grain boom of the late 18th century. Its negative result was that damming the natural water supply of the area aggravated the drought sensitivity of the Nagykunság Region. Increasing aridity of the landscape was so severe that communities interested in animal husbandry (for instance Debrecen) defended their position against the aristocratic lobby’s endeavour to regulate the Tisza River by pointing out the negative consequences of damming the Mirhó Scour Channel. 14.
Regression coefficients of wheat price series of five Habsburg provinces and four
major Hungarian markets indicated a rapid price convergence in the Habsburg Empire already between 1811 and 1826.30 This process established a relatively uniform Central-European wheat price system and restructured the domestic price structure. An extremely tight sincronity of four Hungarian price series can be observed between 1795 and 1810, but this connection became loose between 1811 and 1826. For the time being, it is unclear whether it is the devaluations of the 1810s, or other factors like direct pricing or speeding up westbound deliveries played a role in this process. 30
Price convergence took place in the late 1820s see (Dányi 2007, 32-34; Cvrcek 2013, 15).
15.
Before the regulation of the Tisza commenced in 1846 communities of the GHP with
farming based on animal husbandry faced a climate period characterized by environmental crises (e.g. frequent floods in the Central-European region) and the grain boom since the early 18th century.31 The March of 1838, the flood with the most serious consequences, saw a sharp turning in the Hungarian hydro-policy discourse. A major part of the public viewed regulation of rivers as an indispensable factor of modernization. As I see, the tension generated by challenges reached their critical point then. This offered a great opportunity for the land lords of the Tisza Valley and their lobbyist, István Széchenyi to make their plan for the Tisza regulation a formal state policy. As opposed to damming the Mirhó Scour Channel or draining the wetland of (Hajdú)Böszörmény, the parties concerned were not involved in the decision making process of the Tisza regulation. It is only a minority of them who set up the Tisza Valley Association, the initiator and controlling body of the Tisza regulation and even within this minority there was a heated debate as to the way of the regulation. The fact is that Vásárhelyi’s regulation plan that transformed the character of the GHP and the life of its communities was merely launched by a narrow circle made up mainly of aristocrats and it was neither discussed nor legitimized by the parliament. The paper points out that landowners, who owned a decisive proportion of the floodplains and became interested in extending cropland farming, dominated the planning and decision making levels of flood protection associations, county administration, the parliament and the government. This group used its influence to collectivize the expenses of the regulation and privatize the available revenues. The above conclusions are in line with one’s underlying knowledge on the political regime of Hungarian regime before World War I and the results of the most recent agro-regional research.32 16.
The paper argues against the generally held belief that the 19th century regulation of
the Tisza River performed well on a technical basis. This megaproject was preceded neither by thorough scientific preparation and economic planning nor by cost-benefit analysis, which were indispensable factors of huge contemporary hydrological investments. The project was based on a concept put together in haste. 17.
A long wet period and the collapse of the continental grain market highlighted the
economic end hydraulic unsustainability of the Tisza regulation in the late 19th century. As a response to environmental challenges the Hungarian legislation passed the costs of the 31
Rácz 2001.
32
Gerő 1994, 79-82; Nagy 2003.
regulation onto the society of the GHP. Facing the collapse of the foreign grain markets the concerned strata made the Monarchy of Austria-Hungary (AHM) defended their grain by protective tariffs. It is an irony of fate that due to the ‘overseas transport-induced price shock’ the excess grain produced in the former floodplains could only be sold in the protected internal market of the AHM, since Hungary had lost almost all of its foreign markets by the 1890s, the final decade of the Tisza regulation.33 18.
While assessing the Tisza-regulation I argue that the benefits and comparative
advantages of the landscape were ignored when wetlands with low agro-ecological potential were converted into croplands, as the ecosystem functions of aquatic habitats were destroyed. The most severe and immediately visible economic consequence was the desiccation of wet pastures. On the long run drought vulnerability rose on the whole landscape and extensive areas were affected by salinisation, the most serious type of degradation. In other words, due to the expansion of croplands the agro-ecological basis of successful agriculture was significantly ravaged. The process resulted in a homogenous landscape structure and a production structure of high maintenance costs that produced agricultural raw materials and semi-finished food products highly vulnerable to price fluctuations. Withering landscape functions providing ecosystem services and the conflict between landscape conditions and farming structure made counties in the Tisza Valley slide into an increasingly peripheral situation.34 19.
What might be the main reason behind the derailment of the Tisza regulation, the
biggest 19th century river regulation project in Europe? In my view, the underlying reason for the failure of the megaproject was the antidemocratic practice of pushing out social strata and economic sectors with different interests from planning. So decision making led to one-sided and homogenizing plans reflecting the will of decision makers of the same interest.35 20.
The Great Hungarian Plain that lies on the border of hot and warm summer subtypes
of the humid continental zone was transformed into a homogeneous grain-producing region during its modernization that linked to river regulations. The challenge of humid period between the mid1870s and the mid1940s in the Carpathian Basin had an impact on the transformation of the landscape. On the one hand, late 19th century series of floods induced
33
O’Rourke – Williamson 1992, 902.
34
Andrásfalvy 2000. A biodiverzitásnak a jólét számos formájára gyakorolt közvetett és közvetlen hatásáról
(Gatzweiler – Hagedorn 2013). 35
Flyvbjerg et al. 2003.
the Hungarian elite to intensify river regulation. On the other hand, the relative precipitation surplus of the humid cycle palpably reduced the drought-proneness of the GHP, thus providing a low risk opportunity to convert wetlands into tillages in tens of thousands of square kilometres. The extension of arable lands reached their saturation level between 1913 and the mid1940s, while the beginning of their dwindling overlapped precisely with the end of the humid climatic cycle.36 This climate shift has been affecting Hungary since the late 1940s. As a part of this process severe droughts and excess surface water inundations have led to the abandonment of croplands in huge areas.37 4,
Acknowledgements
I owe my professor, late László Katus a debt of thanks for drawing my attention to the harmony to be achieved in the interpretation of polyphonic history. He endowed his data collection for the 18th and 19th century studies, helped process economic and social history literature and orientate in methodological bibliographical issues. A very special thank you goes to my supervisor, János Majdán (PE BTK) and my consultant, Ferenc Gyulai (SZIE MKK) for all their support in data collection, publication activity and teaching practice. I am equally indebted to József Laszlovszky (CEU) and his colleagues, László Ferenczi, András Vadas, Beatrix F. Romhányi (Károlyi), András Pálóczi Horváth, István Hoffmann (DE BTK), and Valéria Tóth for their kind and helpful advice and encouragement in processing medieval databases and developing the landscape classification method I presented. Grateful thanks are expressed to Gyula Gábris (ELTE TTK) and his geologist and geoinformation specialist colleagues and to Gábor Timár and János Mészáros (ELTE TTK) without whose patient and persistent support the cartographical, geographical and geoinformatical analyses could not have been accomplished. Bertalan Andrásfalvy (PTE BTK), Beatrix F. Romhányi, György Füleky (SZIE MKK), Gyula Gábris, József Laszlovszky, Mariann Nagy (PE BTK), István Orosz (MTA), Viktor Pál (WU) and Lajos Rácz (SZE BTK) deserve special mention for their detailed corrections and encouragement and for calling my attention to a number of problematic questions and aspects of methodology. My honest gratitude goes to Gábor Lövei (Aarhus) for his devoted help in the methodological aspects of disseminating scientific 36
Rácz 2013.
37
Global and regional economic processes have benn regarded as main components of 20 century land use
th
changes in Central and North-Western-Europe. See the North American similarities of the Hungarian process (Worster 1979; Cunfer 2005; Hornbeck – Keskin 2011).
findings. I thank Tamás Mezős and Csaba Fekete (KÖH), József Szalai and Péter Bakonyi (VITUKI), Zsuzsanna Harkányiné Székely, László Podmaniczky, Márta Belényesi and Júlia Skutai (SZIE MKK) and András Sik (ELTE TTK) for their methodological and data support. My thanks are extended to my collegues at the ESEH Hungary, especially to Andrea Kiss’s, Lajos Rácz, Dénes Saláta and Tamás Vajdai for their support in methodology and literature. I am very thankful to Christian Brannstrom (JHG), Attila Buday-Sántha † (PTE KTK), László Fejér (Duna Múzeum), Katalin Ferber, John Komlós (Harvard), Kerékgyártó Györgyné (Corvinus KGK), Kovács Eszter (SZIE MKK), Kövér György (ELTE BTK), Michéli Erika (SZIE MKK), Orlóci István†, Reiczigel Jenő (SZIE ÁOTK), Sümegi Pál (SZTE TTK), Szalai István (VITUKI), Szarvas Beatrix (Corvinus KGK), Várallyay György (MTA ATK TAKI) for their kind letters and stimulating intellectual conversations. This research was supported by the European Union and the State of Hungary, co-financed by the European Social Fund in the framework of TÁMOP-4.2.4.A/2-11/1-2012-0001 ‘National Excellence Program’.
5,
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Pinke Zsolt – Szabó Beatrix: Analysis of the map of the Ministry of Agriculture:
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Pinke Zsolt: A középkori Hortobágy-Sárrét település- és természetföldrajzához III
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