Perencanaan Kota dan Kearifan Lokal
Fakultas Ilmu Budaya UGM Rabu, 27 Januari 2010, 08.00--11.15 |
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Content URP UCRC URP Yogyakarta Sub-Center Staff and Boards OCU UGM ISI Agenda- Link Sources
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Lono Lastoro Deden Rukmana
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Dari Kartografis, Lewat Koreografis, Menuju Kartokoreografis: Mencari Pendekatan Tata Kota yang Humanis Lono Lastoro
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Urban Planning And Local Wisdom: The Shift Toward Postmodernism And A New Urban Theory From Third World Cities Deden Rukmana
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Addendum: Writing Competition
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URP
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he Urban Research Plaza was opened in April 2006. It is a brand new research center created by Osaka City University. The University has put its energy into urban studies, and produced results befitting a metropolitan university. As its name indicates, the strongest feature of Urban Research Plaza is its framework, based on the image of a 'public square.' Unlike ordinary graduate schools and research institutions, Urban Research Plaza does not house permanent facilities or staff members who do research within the facilities and contribute to society with their research results. Instead, the Urban Research Plaza features small, re-locatable satellites ('field plazas' and overseas subcenters) to be opened in Osaka and foreign cities, in addition to the small number of staff and core facilities (Takahara Hall) located at the university campus. Its staff members constantly go out into the field and go abroad for research and activities for community development. With this in mind, the Urban Research Plaza serves as the center of networks for research and urban revitalization, or an open forum where people gather and meet around the theme of 'cities.' Cities are supposed to be an arena where new knowledge and culture is created through encounters and discourse amidst a
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UCRC
gathering of a large number of people unknown to each other. The Urban Research Plaza is aimed at creating a research organization in urban settings of the 21st century that will implement a wide variety of endeavors with its unique structure and approach.
A University in Harmony with Communities and a Research Organization Linked to Citizens and the City As its design shows, Urban Research Plaza features 'mobile' research satellites (local plazas) in the field of urban activities. Such research facilities provide places for joint research and activities for community development with citizens and private and public sectors. To this end, local plazas are located in multi-tenanted buildings, office corners, and town houses so that they can unite individuals and function as strategic spaces for the practical design of projects. Osaka is currently a 'city of suffering' which faces the greatest problems in Japan in more ways than one. The philosophy of the Urban Research Plaza is to be a research institution in accord with Osaka City's communities, and to share pain, pleasure and rage with the citizens.
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CRC (Urban Culture Research Center) is a research and educational center established by the Faculty of Literature and Human Science of the Osaka City University, Japan. Studies at the center include comparative urban cultural history; contemporary urban cultures; and human sciences in the light of urban cities. In addition to the main center on Sugimoto campus in Osaka, several sub-centers have been established worldwide to function as branch offices. Researchers at each individual subcenter may design their own joint-research projects in cooperation with local universities and research institutes. As of now, sub-centers have been established in Shanghai, Bangkok, Yogyakarta, London, Hamburg, and Beijing.
The Core of International Networks for Urban Research The Urban Research Plaza also has great ambition and a sense of purpose. The Plaza aims at serving as an international center for urban studies. To this end, the Urban Research Plaza is building international networks of urban research and policies through annual international symposiums and workshops, inviting the world's leading researchers and policy-makers working on urban planning. Through such activities, the Urban Research Plaza aims to represent not only Osaka City University, but also the city of Osaka.
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URP Yogyakarta Subcenter
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he Urban Research Plaza (URP) Yogyakarta Sub-center was established by Osaka City University in cooperation with the Indonesia Institute of the Arts (ISI) and Universitas Gadjah Mada (UGM) as one of overseas satellite centers of URP in Osaka, Japan. It is located in Faculty of Cultural Sciences UGM and was first known as Urban Culture Research Center (UCRC). Though the cooperation had been started long ago since year 2003 but the sub-center had just been effectively running only after year 2006 following nameshifting from UCRC into URP. Very small number of officials does not hamper the sub-center to actively Inviting local scholars, practitioners and governmental elements the sub center annually holds an international forum to discuss urban issues aiming to spread the spirit of urban studies and to find the best possible solutions for urban problems.
Staff and Boards Board of Experts Prof. Shin Nakagawa Prof. Dr. Soeprapto Soedjono Prof. Dr . Sjafri Sairin M.A. Prof. Dr. Timbul Haryono, M.Sc. Prof. Dr. A. M. Hermin Kusmayati Drs. M. Dwi Maryanto, MFA, Phd. Dr. Ida Rochani Adi
Staff Erwin Kun Winato Taufiq Nur Bernard IsabellaYunita
website: http://urp.ucrc-yogya.or.id email:
[email protected]
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OCU
UGM
saka City University (OCU) is composed of eight faculties and nine graduate schools, three research institutes. OCU traces its beginnings to the 1880 founding of Osaka Commercial Training Institute, the center of commercial and industrial study in Osaka. The Institute was renamed as it developed and grew, becoming Osaka City Commercial School (1889), Osaka City Commercial College (1901), Osaka University of Commerce (1928), and finally Osaka City University in 1949. In April 2006, Osaka City University was reconstituted as a public university corporation.In establishing OCU as Japan's first municipal university, Dr. Hajime Seki, mayor of Osaka, set forth a distinctive vision.
he Special Region of Yogyakarta, one of the smallest provinces in Indonesia, has been widely known as a center of Javanese culture as well as a center of learning. It has 3,400,000 inhabitants, 511,000 of whom reside in the city of Yogyakarta. Its designation as a center of learning is marked by the existence of 120 state and private tertiary educational institutions, with a student population of over 300,000.
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The new university should not be an imitation of the national universities; it should serve the needs of the citizens; it should conduct original research on the culture, economy, and society of the city of Osaka and communicate the results to the people of the city. Throughout its 70-year history, Osaka City University has faithfully adhered to this founding vision by making urban issues one of its central concerns.
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Gadjah Mada University, which has taken on a new status as a state-owned legal entity since December 26, 2000, is the oldest and largest university in Indonesia. It was founded on December 9, 1949 and currently has 18 faculties, 71 undergraduate study programs, 28 diploma study programs and a Graduate Program of 62 study programs with around 55,000 students, 350 foreign students, 2,301 employees, and 2,266 lecturers. Up until October 2003, the University has graduated 134,219 students consisting of 17,358 diploma holders, 94,923 first degree holders, 21,406 masters and 532 PhD holders. website http:// www.ugm.ac.id
website http://www.osaka-cu.ac.jp
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ISI Indonesia Institute of the Arts, known as Institut Seni Indonesia (ISI) Yogyakarta officially commenced as a State Institute on 23rd of July 1984, under the Presidential Decree No.39/1984. ISI Yogyakarta upholds a well-deserved reputation for teaching excellence that dates back to the formative years of art education in Yogyakarta stemming from the establishment of ASRI Art Academy in 1950, AMI Music Academy in 1952, and ASTI Dance Academy in 1961. Following the amalgamation of the three in 1984, ISI Yogyakarta has become the largest arts institution in Indonesia that operates under its own Statute and Bylaws with main source of funding from Government grants in addition to student tuition fees. The Minister of Education and Culture appoints a governing board that includes rector, vice-rectors, and deans, which administer the daily affairs of the institution. Since its early days, ISI Yogyakarta upholds a tradition of excellence and great achievement in terms of its outcome and output. Accolades include the well-established ISI Yogyakarta Symphony Orchestra that regularly performs on a national platform, the many performing art groups that have performed worldwide, and the extensive list of Indonesian master artists that were students of ISI Yogyakarta. Additionally, the ISI Yogyakarta Gallery with its vast collection of visual art and photographic masterpieces has not only become a model for art archive but also the stimulus for scholarly art critiques. website http:// www.isi.ac.id
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Agenda Registration
07.40
Opening Speech: Dean of FIB UGM
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Deden Rukmana, PhD Dr. Lono Lastoro, M.A. Discussion
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Closing Speech: Rector of ISI
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Photo Session
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Link Sources http://www.osaka-cu.ac.jp http://ucrc-yogya.or.id http://urp.ucrc-yogya.or.id http://www.ur-plaza.osaka-cu.ac.jp/en/plaza.html http://www.ur-plaza.osaka-cu.ac.jp/en/staff.html http://fohn.net/monarch-butterfly-pictures/ http://www.wallpapersphere.com/naturewallpapers/plants/green-leaves.html http://www.creativecities.org.uk/contributor-deden-rukmanaindonesias-urban-studies/ http://dedenrukmana.cgpublisher.com/biography/CGCurriculu mVitae/fid=628368/Deden%20Rukmana%20July%2009.pdf
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Lono Lastoro
Deden Rukmana
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ame: Gabriel Roosmargo Lono Lastoro Simatupang, Place/Date of Birth: Yogyakarta, 22 March 1960, Address Jl. Rinjani 2A, Semarang (50231), Telephone (024) 8316 128, Email:
[email protected]. Education: Ph.D. The University of Sydney, Department of Anthropology & Performance Studies (2002) MA : Monash University, Australia, Department of Anthropology & Sociology (1994) Sarjana: Fakultas Sastra UGM, Jurusan Antropologi (1986). Occupation Lecturer: The department of Anthropology, Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada Researcher: Center for Asia-Pacific Studies, Universitas Gadjah Mada University, Center for Cultural Studies, Universitas Gadjah Mada
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eden Rukmana is an assistant professor and coordinator of the graduate program in urban studies and planning at Savannah State University, USA. He received his PhD in Urban and Regional Planning from Florida State University. His prior graduate studies include master’s degrees in Development Studies from the Bandung Institute of Technology and in Planning and Development Studies from the University of Southern California. Prior to joining the Savannah State University, he worked as a planning analyst with the Division of Community Planning of the Florida Department of Community Affairs in Tallahassee, Florida. He has also eight years experience as a city planner in Indonesia in the 1990s.
He publishes a blog, Indonesia’s Urban Studies, which was created in January 2007. The blog includes a wide-ranging collection of reflections and essays about urban issues in Indonesia, including poverty, informal sector, transportation, land uses, spatial planning, urban primacy and global warming. His reflections are primarily focused on the current urban issues in Jakarta and are based on his regular reading of two main Indonesian newspapers, Kompas and The Jakarta Post. The
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purpose of his blog is to contribute to the advancement of urban studies and planning in Indonesia, and was inspired by the success of academic blogs, including Urban Planning Research, Freakonomics and the Becker-Posner Blog. His primary research interests include homelessness, poverty, housing and community development, international planning and development, and urbanization. He is the author of “Residential Origins of the Homeless” (VDM Verlag, March 2008). He has also published articles in various refereed journals including Journal of Planning Education and Research, Children and Youth Service Review, International Journal of Environmental, Cultural, Economic and Social Sustainability, International Journal of Diversity in Organization, Communities and Nation and Critical Planning. He has also written several entries in the Encyclopedia of Research Design and the Encyclopedia of Southern Culture
http://www.creativecities.org.uk/contributor-dedenrukmana-indonesias-urban-studies/
Dari Kartografis, Lewat Koreografis, Menuju Karto-koreografis: Mencari Pendekatan Tata Kota yang Humanis
G. R. Lono Lastoro Simatupang
Pengantar
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ewasa ini telah tumbuh pemahaman bersama di kalangan akademisi bahwa persoalan tata kota tidak dapat diselesaikan secara tuntas lewat kajian teknis perencanaan kota atau kawasan, ataupun arsitektural maupun teknik sipil belaka. Semakin disadari bahwa kota merupakan kesatuan tak terpisahkan antara materi fisik dan manusia penghuninya, oleh karenanya semakin sering dilakukan kajian perkotaan yang mengkombinasikan pendekatan ilmu-ilmu sosial-humaniora dan ilmu-ilmu eksakta. Selaras dengan kecenderungan meningkatnya pendekatan multidisipliner dalam kajian perkotaan, tulisan ini akan mengulas peluang penerapan konsep dan metode antropologis tertentu sebagai dalam rangka membangun perspektif yang lebih komprehensif terhadap masalah perkotaan. Secara lebih khusus, tulisan ini berupa penjajagan pemanfaatan sebagian pemikiran Michel de Certeau1 perihal praktik bagi studi tata kota. 1 Naskah ini terutama merujuk pada “Part III Spatial Practices” dari buku Michel de Certeau (1988) The Practice of Everyday Life, terjemahan Steven Rendall, Berkeley: University of California Press, halaman 91 – 130.
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Sejak tiga dekade yang lalu wacana akademis ilmuilmu sosial-humaniora diramaikan oleh munculnya konsep dan teori tentang praktik.2 Memperoleh gaungnya di berbagai disiplin ilmu (dari linguistik, sosiologi, antropologi, ilmu politik, ilmu komunikasi, hingga kajian tari, dan etnomusikologi - sekedar contoh), pemikiran-pemikiran mengenai praktik pada umumnya meyakini arti penting dari praktik bagi dan dalam kehidupan individual maupun kolektif manusia. Seperti apakah cara pandang tentang praktik itu? Dalam perspektif praktik, misalnya, kekuasaan bukanlah kewenangan politik, penguasaan sumberdaya ekonomis, atau hirarki spiritual; kekuasaan mewujud dalam dan melalui praktik penggunaan potensi-potensi tersebut dalam relasi sosial. Sejalan dengan contoh tadi, sebagian etnomusikolog memandang obyek kajian terpenting mereka bukanlah keragaman alat musik atau struktur musikal di dunia ini, melainkan keragaman bagaimana mereka bermusik. Penempatan fokus studi pada praktik diikuti dengan pemberian perhatian pada pelaku tindakan, kapasitasnya melakukan tindakan, serta konteks-konteks yang memudahkan atau menghambat terlaksananya tindakan (ruang, waktu, sosial, politik, dsb.).
Place : Space :: Concept of City : Spatial Practices Titik tolak pemikiran de Certeau mengenai praktik serupa dengan pembedaan gejala bahasa ke dalam prinsip-prinsip yang mengatur bahasa tulis (langue) dan ujaran secara lisan (parole). Sementara langue bercirikan stabilitas, parole ditandai oleh sifatnya yang cair. Serupa dengan pembedaan tersebut, de Certeau membedakan place (tempat) dari space (ruang). Dalam pandangannya, “a place (lieu) is the order (of whatever 2
Selain de Certeau (1988), antara lain, lihat Bourdieu (1977), Ortner (2006).
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kind) in accord with which elements are distributed in relationships of coexistence. … The law of the “proper” rules in the place: the elements taken into consideration are beside one another, each situated in its own “proper” and distinct location, a location it defines.” Sementara itu, berlawanan dari place, “a space exists when one take into consideration vectors of direction, velocities, and time variables. … Space occurs as the effect produced by the operations that orient it, situate it, temporalize it … space is like the word when it is spoken, that is, when it is caught in the ambiguity of an actualization … In contradistinction to the place, it has thus none of the univocity or stability of a “proper” (hal.117). Dengan demikian, dalam pandangan de Certeau, “space is a practiced place” – ruang merupakan dimensi praktikal dari tempat. Artinya, pembedaan place dari space tidak mengacu pada dua substansi yang berlainan, melainkan pada perbedaan perspektif atau cara pandang atas substansi yang sama. Ia mencontohkan, “… the street geometrically defined by urban planning is transformed into a space by walkers” (hal. 117). Sebuah bidang permukaan bumi dapat dipandang sebagai tempat penataan materi secara geometris sebagaimana layaknya dilakukan perencana tata kota, namun bagi para pengguna bidang tersebut merupakan ruang yang dapat digunakan secara leluasa untuk mengaktualisasikan diri. Di bagian lain, de Certeau menerapkan logika pembedaan antara place dan space untuk membedakan concept of the city dari urban practice (hal. 93-94). Dalam pandangannya, konsep kota merupakan pe-rapi-an, penyamaan, praktik-praktik penggunaan ruang kota yang liar dan beranekaragam sehingga memungkinan kita memikirkan dan mengkonstruksi tempat berdasarkan sejumlah properti yang stabil, yang dapat dipisah-pisahkan dan terhubungkan. Dalam pembedaan ini kita jumpai sekali lagi model dasar pandangan de Certeau
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tentang stabilitas tempat (place) dan kecairan ruang (space). Namun, yang menarik untuk diperhatikan, bagi de Certeau hubungan antara konsep kota dan praktik penggunaan ruang kota bersifat simbiotik. Dalam pandangannya, “to plan a city is both to think the very plurality of the real and to make that way of thinking the plural effective; it is to know how to articulate it and be able to do it” (hal. 94). Dengan kata lain, ia menganjurkan metode penataan kota yang mengkombinasikan antara perspektif tempat (place) dan perspektif ruang (space), perspektif konseptual yang statis dan perspektif praktikal yang dinamis.
Kartografis, Koreografis, Karto-koreografis Di bagian ketiga ini, pemahaman de Certeau tentang peta (map) dan rute (route) akan dimodifikasi dan sedikit dikembangkan ke dalam pendekatan tatakota yang saya sebut kartografis, koreografis, dan gabungan keduanya: kartokoreografis. Istilah koreografis digunakan dalam tulisan ini karena kiasan tersebut saya pandang lebih berdaya guna untuk menggambarkan rincian praktik – yang dianalogikan dengan gerak. Kartografi merupakan studi serta praktik penggambaran peta [geografis]. Peta dibuat untuk mengkomunikasikan secara efektif berbagai informasi keruangan. Kita mengenal berbagai jenis peta. Peta topografi dibuat untuk mengkomunikasikan tinggi-rendah permukaan tanah, peta jalan memberi informasi grafis tentang jalan, peta pariwisata memberi petunjuk tempat dan jenis wisata maupun jalan menuju masing-masing tujuan wisata, dan sebagainya. Kehadiran berbagai macam peta menunjukkan bahwa sebenarnya peta tidak pernah dapat menggambarkan seluruh realita sekaligus. Peta tidak serupa dengan foto. Peta senantiasa berciri selektif (selalu ada yang tidak digambarkan)
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dan menerapkan generalisasi (tidak mampu menampakkan total perbedaan realita). Artinya, peta selalu digambarkan berdasarkan tujuan-tujuan tertentu, seperti dikatakan oleh Thongchai Winichakul “… a map was a model for, rather than a model of, what it purported to represent…. It had become a real instrument to concretize projections on the earth’s surface” (dalam Anderson, 1991: 173-174). Perencanaan yang memandang kota secara teknis, yang menimpakan konsep-konsep abstrak dan universal di atas keragaman praktik penggunaan ruang kota semacam itu saya sebut sebagai pendekatan kartografis. Dipindahkan ke atas kertas, realita keanekaragaman praktik penggunaan ruang diabaikan, atau – lebih baik – disederhanakan, sehingga keinginan pihak perencana dapat terkomunikasikan dan tergambarkan secara rapi dalam wujud grafis yang beku dan patuh. Aktualisasi diri manusia pengguna ruang kota terabaikan dalam pendekatan kartografis. Kata koreografi secara harafiah berarti penulisan (deskripsi) gerak. Meskipun koreografi biasanya dipakai secara terbatas dalam khasanah tari untuk menyebut seni pengaturan gerak tubuh manusia dalam ruang dan waktu ataupun untuk menunjuk pada komposisi tari, namun sebenarnya istilah ini juga digunakan untuk merujuk pada penulisan atau wujud pergerakan manusia secara luas. Wendy James, seorang antropolog, membuat analogi antara tari dan aktivitas manusia dan menggunakan ‘koreografi’ untuk menyebut seluruh gerak dan pola geral manusia dalam ruang dan waktu. “The analogy of the dance, and of the layered ‘choreography’ underlying lived activity, can be creatively extended to a whole range of social phenomena. […] We do this with traffic circulation, flowing into the city in the morning and out at night, more or less keeping left (or right, according to nation), dodging in and out of lights and junctions, guessing (nearly always accurately) at the intention of other drivers to achieve an overall smooth progress
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…” (James, 2005: 91). Mengikuti pandangan James, koreografi merupakan praktik atau aktivitas meruang. Aktualisasi diri mewujud dalam dan melalui berbagai kualitas praktik: kecepatan, pencurahan enerji, ketepatan waktu (timing), keberlanjutan atau keterpenggalan tindakan, keterarahan, atau kombinasi dari sebagian maupun seluruh elemen kualitas tadi (Goodridge, 1999). Menggunakan perspektif koreografis dalam penataan kota, dengan demikian mempertimbangkan, misalnya, keanekaragaman siasat penduduk kampung menanggapi sempitnya ruang publik di wilayah hunian, termasuk ritme dan timing penggunaan ruang yang sempit oleh berbagai kategori penduduk. Contoh penerapan perspektif koreografis semacam ini dapat dijumpai pada analisis Eko Prawoto (2009) dan Gregorius Sri Wuryanto (2009), ataupun penataan pemukiman penduduk di bantaran sungai Code oleh almarhum Romo Mangunwijaya Pr. yang mempertimbangkan praktik keruangan para penghuninya.
Tidak dipungkiri bahwa pengakomodasian praktik keruangan pengguna kota tidak selalu dapat dibenarkan baik atas pertimbangan etika, legal, maupun kepraktisan. Selalu saja dapat dijumpai pengguna ruang kota yang karena satu dan lain hal ‘menyebal’ atau berimprovisasi atas tatanan yang dibangun. Praktik penggunaan ruang kota pun berubah-ubah seiring dengan perubahan ekonomi penduduk kota (misalnya, munculnya kebutuhan tempat ruang parkir bagi penduduk yang tinggal di lorong-lorong sempit perkampungan); juga selalu dijumpai penduduk sementara yang ikatan sosial dan moral mereka terhadap komunitas tetangga kurang erat (sehingga penduduk kampung setempat merasa perlu memasang polisi tidur untuk mengontrol kecepatan sepeda motor mereka), dan lain sebagainya. Aspek dinamis masyarakat kota semacam itu memang nyata; namun bukan berarti harus diabaikan dan lantas menerapkan pendekatan kartografis. Penggabungan kedua pendekatan perlu dicari, seperti halnya interpetasi emic dan etic |
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pun perlu dilakukan dalam penelitian dan penulisan etnografi dalam antropologi. Daftar Pustaka Anderson, Benedict. 1995. Imagined Communities. London & New York: Verso Banton, Michael. 1973. ‘Urbanization and Role Analysis’ in Urban Anthropology. Cross Cultural Studies of Urbanization. Aidan Southall (ed.), New York, London, Toronto: Oxford University Press Barz, Gregory F. and Cooley, Timothy J. (eds.). 1997. Shadows in the Field. New Perspectives for Fieldwork in Ethnomusicology. New York: Oxford University Press Bourdieu, Pierre. 1977. Outline of a theory of practice. Trans. R. Nice. Stanford: Stanford University Press de Certeau, Michel. 1988. The Practice of Everyday Life. translation: Steven Rendall. Berkeley: University of California Press Goodridge, Janet. 1999. Rhythm and Timing of Movement in Performance. Drama, Dance and Ceremony. London & Philadelphia: Jessica Kingsley Publishers James, Wendy. 2005. The Ceremonial Animal. A New Portrait of Anthropology. New York: Oxford University Press Prawoto, Eko Agus. 2009. ‘Learning from the Kampong,’ in Proceedings Workshops, Field School and International Conference. Experiencing the Dynamics of Kampong Life. Yogyakarta: Duta Wacana University Press Ortner, Sherry B.. 2006. Atnthropology and Social Theory. Culture, Power, and the Acting Subject. Durham and London: Duke University Press Southal, Aidan. 1973. ‘The Density of Role-Relationships as a Universal Index of Urbanization,’ in Urban Anthropology. Cross Cultural Studies of Urbanization. Aidan Southall (ed.), New York, London, Toronto: Oxford University Press
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Wuryanto, Gregorius Sri. 2009. ‘Negotiating Urban Space,’ in Proceedings Workshops, Field School and International Conference. Experiencing the Dynamics of Kampong Life. Yogyakarta: Duta Wacana University Press
Urban Planning And Local Wisdom: The Shift Toward Postmodernism And A New Urban Theory From Third World Cities3 Deden Rukmana4
Abstrak
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earifan lokal seringkali dianggap sebagai jawaban terbaik terhadap tantangan perencanaan kota yang semakin kompleks dan rumit. Perencanaan kota pada abad ke-21 menghadapi tantangan yang lebih besar dibandingkan pada abad ke-20 diantaranya semakin kompleksnya masalah dan keterbatasan solusi terhadap masalah perkotaan yang muncul. Tulisan ini membahas pentingnya kearifan local dalam perencanaan kota melalui kajian terhadap pergeseran dari modernism ke postmodernism dan perlunya sebuah teori perkotaan baru yang berakar dari kota-kota di negara berkembang, termasuk kota-kota di Indonesia.
Abstract Local wisdom is often held as the best solution to the challenges of urban planning that are increasingly getting A paper presented at Universitas Gajah Mada, Yogyakarta on January 27, 2010 Assistant professor and coordinator of Urban Studies and Planning program at Savannah State University, USA 3 4
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more complex and obscure. The planning practice in the 21st century is facing greater challenges than that in the 20th century. Some of the challenges are the complexity of the problems and the elusiveness of solutions to those problems. This article discusses the importance of local wisdom in urban planning within the context of the shift from modernism to postmodernism and the emergence of a new urban theory rooted from cities in the developing countries including Indonesian cities. Keywords: Urban Planning, Local Wisdom, Postmodernism, Urban Theory and Third World Cities
Introduction For decades, the practice of urban planning has been concerned with making public or political decisions more rational. Means-ends rationality was considered as a useful and effective concept in the planning practice. Most leading planning scholars (Altschuler, 1965; Blowers, 1986; Friedmann, 1987) agreed that planning is associated with rationality. Rational planning as a practice of modernist planning was perceived as efficient planning accommodating a process in which course of action selected rationally to maximize the attainment of the relevant ends. Rational process of selecting the best means to achieve some pre-determined ends based on assessment of the consequences of alternative solutions. On the contrary, post modernists challenge the knowledge foundation of modernist planning practice and theory. They posit that the postmodern era characterized by fragmented power, distrust of government and experts, and incommensurable discourse are not suitable for the practice of modernist planning. Modernist planning that identifies a relation between means and ends in society needs to be
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justified in terms that are broader than mere self-interest. There is a need of greater and more explicit reliance on local wisdom and more people-centered. The practice of urban planning in the developing countries including Indonesia has been dominated by two urban theories, the Chicago School of Urban Sociology and the Los Angeles School of Urban Geography. Both urban theories are rooted in the developed world. Planning practices are constantly borrowed and replicated across borders (Roy 2005). Planning practices that replicate both urban theories through the dichotomy of developed and developing countries become ubiquitous. This becomes a problem when such a replication is no longer relevant with the unique urban phenomenon in developing countries including in Indonesia. The purpose of this article is to identify the importance of local wisdom which has often been held as the best solution to the challenges of urban planning within the context of the shift from modernism to postmodernism and the emergence of a new urban theory rooted from cities in the developing countries. Based on the importance of local wisdom, this paper concludes with suggestions of modification to urban planning practice.
Modernist Urban Planning Urban planning can be defined as a systematic attempt and actions in the public domain to shape the future of urban areas. There are many ways for urban planners to shape the urban future as follows: • formulate policies to meet the needs of communities including social, economic, and physical needs and they develop the strategies to make these plans work • develop plans for land use patterns, housing needs, parks and recreation facilities, transportation systems,
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economic development, environmental protection and other aspects of the future work with the public to develop a vision of the future and to build on that vision function as mediator among conflicting community interests; they may also become facilitators using their professional judgment to help identify the best resolutions to the conflict advise public officials and citizens in shaping the future design and manage the planning process and attract public to involve in the process.
A practice of modernist planning is the positivistic rational comprehensive planning model (Innes, 1997; Harper and Stein, 1995). This planning model was developed systematically to find the best process in which course of action selected rationally to maximize the attainment of the relevant ends. This planning model attempts to formulate rational process of selecting the best means to achieve some pre-determined ends, a way of choosing the correct answer based on assessment of the consequences of alternative solutions. The stages in rational planning including formulation of goals and objectives, identification and design of major alternatives for searching the goals, prediction of major sets of consequences that would be expected to follow upon adoption of each alternative, evaluation of consequences in relation to desired objectives and other important values, decision based on information provided in the preceding steps, implementation of this decision through appropriate institution, and feedback of actual program result and their assessment in light of the new decision situation have employed scientific method. Numerous scientific methods have been formulated to develop the stages in rational planning. Development of methods for each rational planning
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process was conducted by applying two methods of reasoning of deductive and inductive approaches. Rationality has been extensively explored by many scholars such as Banfield, Friedmann, Mannheim, Weber, Simmie, and Faludi. Rationality is accepted in planning, since there is nothing wrong with rationality decisions after they have been formulated as long as the attempt is successful. Rational planning results in growth as a product, and the rational planning process may be viewed as a vehicle for the very process of growth. When the rational planning was used as primary planning paradigm, planning education was a matter of technical training, the focus was on the empirical and the quantitative (Harper and Stein, 1995). Beauregard (1991), in his article entitled Without a Net: Modernist Planning and the Postmodern Abyss identifies the characteristics of modernist planning. He posits that (1) reality can be controlled and perfected, (2) the world is malleable because its internal logic can be discovered and manipulated, (3) planning is part of the struggle to make ourselves at home in a changing world., (4) planners involvement was as contributors to utilitarian understanding and not as people of action, (5) planners could claim a scientific and objective logic, (6) comprehensive solutions have a unitary logic, and (7) synthetic city allows planners to claim a privileged position in the realm of specialist. Sandercock (1998) in her seminal book on post-modernism entitled Toward Cosmopolis: Planning for Multicultural Cities summarizes the modernist planning thought into five pillars include: 1. Planning –meaning city and regional planning- is concerned with making public/political decision more rational.
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2. Planning is most effective when it is comprehensive. 3. Planning is both a science and an art, based on experience, but the emphasis is usually placed on the science. … Planning knowledge and expertise are thus grounded in positive science, with its propensity for quantitative modeling and analysis 4. Planning, as part of the modernization project, is a project of state-directed futures, with the state seen as possessing progressive, reformist tendencies, and as being separate from the economy. 5. Planning operates in ‘the public interest’ and planners’ education privileges them in being able to identify what that interest is. (Sandercock, 1998: 27).
Postmodernism Postmodernism arose out of the peculiar confusion in the social science. This confusion has two distinct components: a concerted general attack on the legitimacy of social sciences and a renaissance in the specific realm of social theory (Dear, 1987: 368). The meanings of postmodernism are ambiguous since the meanings of modernism are frequently ambiguous. Harper and Stein (1995) identify key themes of postmodernism which they believe are relevant to the planning domain –antifoundationalism, meaning and ambiguity, incommensurability, dualism of truth and reason, and plurality and difference. They argue that postmodernism is antifoundationalist in dispensing with universals as bases for truth and in rejecting claims of undisputed authority. Postmodernists make much of the ambiguity that follows from their antifoundationalism. They take ambiguity to mean the inability to fix a universal meaning to a concept.
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Harper and Stein (1995) identify the danger of incommensurability in postmodernism arises not from acknowledging that there are competing goals or different views of justice and morality, but from relativizing these differences to particular communities without the possibility of their coming together. They assert that postmodernism rejects dualism and propose that pluralism should replace dualism. They posit that the way to deal with differences in postmodernism is not by presupposing incommensurable notions of rationality and truth, but by talking about them and attempting to reach consensus. Innes (1997) identifies the post modern era that is characterized by fragmented power, distrust of government and experts, incommensurable discourse, and a new tribalism where groups celebrate their differences. Planning education must be able to enrich the body of knowledge in particular that of making connections among interests, public agencies, and profession and disciplines, between public and private sector and between government and the public. Innes (1997) posits that the planning educators need to develop new intellectual frameworks more suited to the post modern era. If we could do so, Innes (1997) believes that planning is better able to adapt to change than many other fields. The 21th century can be the century for the field of planning if the planning educator and practicing planner make it so.
Postmodernists Critique of Modernist Planning Practice Rationality The important premise of modernist planning is rationality. Planning seeks to bring order through reliance on rational decision making and emphasis on quantitative analysis, neutral expertise and the provision of answers for
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decision makers (Innes, 1995; Sandercock, 1998). When the rational planning model was seen as foundational, planning educator was primarily a matter of technical training. The focus of planning education was on the empirical and the quantitative coursework.
One reason for the growing influence of the postmodern approach to planning is the demise of the rational planning model. The foundation of scientific rationality has been undermined but nothing has taken its place (Harper and Stein, 1996). In the last two decades, using the premises of postmodernism, there were found some shortcomings of rational planning model, as follows: 1. Wicked problem; rational decision making is based on a faulty epistemology. Social problems are never solved, they are merely displaced by other problems. 2. The veil of time; how to deal with the future. Forecasting is difficult. 3. Pitfall in modeling, data analysis, optimization methods. 4. Attention and information are limited, and interests constrain feasible alternatives. 5. Goals are fuzzy, and criteria for evaluating consequences conflict with one another 6. Rationality omits a significant portion of the relevant universe of action and interaction, not account for preinteractive decision making or deliberation. 7. Rationality has virtues as a guide for collecting and analyzing information, but in analyzing problems will see situations abstractly, narrowly, and superficially and will likely to fail to understand what social conditions mean to the people who live them.
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Comprehensiveness Comprehensiveness in a plan in which modernism claims as the way to interpret reality and exclusive insights into proper values and behavior was criticized by postmodernism. The claims of comprehensiveness, integrated and coordinated actions of multi-sectoral and multi-functional violate the complexity and contingency of social reality, and impose exclusionary perspective on individuals who are culturally diverse (Beauregard, 1991 ; Sandercock, 1998). For postmodernism, there are only multiple narratives, a multiplicity of language games that are locally determined, none of which can be reconciled across speakers and all of which must be allowed their existence (Beauregard, 1991: 193). Sandercock (1998) argues that planning is no longer exclusively concerned with comprehensive, integrated, and coordinated action, but more negotiated, political, and focused planning. This in turn makes in less document-oriented and more people centered (Sandercock, 1998: 30). Ways of knowing Modernist planning hold that the authority of planners derives in large measure form a mastery of theory and knowledge in the social science. Thus, planning knowledge and expertise are grounded in positive science, with its propensity for quantitative modeling and analysis (Sandercock, 1998: 27). Postmodernist perceives knowledge as inherently unstable that we only know the world through the argument about it. Thus, the knowledge is not necessarily a reliable guide to effective action. Increased understanding can only reveal differences, not set direction. To this extent, the
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important thing is not causality –cause and effect relations- but meaning. Postmodernism is concerned with symbolic representations of action and behavior. Its task is to uncover the transmitted pattern of meaning by which men communicate, perpetuate and develop their knowledge about and attitudes toward life. (Beauregard, 1991). Language is a reflection of the attributes of a community. (Harper and Stein, 1996). Harper and Stein (1996) define community as “a social group whose members share common characteristics of heritage, beliefs, attitudes, hopes, history, culture, reflected in a common language” (p.418). Interpretation of what people do reflects their intentions, beliefs and hopes. Language cannot be separated from meaningful action. Sandercock (1998) argues that local communities have experiental, grounded, contextual, intuitive knowledges, which are manifested through speech, songs, stories, and various visual forms rather than the more familiar kinds of planning sources such as census data, and simulation model. She suggests that planners have to learn to access these other ways of knowing State directed vs. community-based Modernist planning including rational planning, the incrementalist approach are classified as the social reform tradition (Friedmann, 1987). Planning is considered as a project of state directed futures. State is seen as reformist tendencies and as being separate from the economy. Planning in the social reform tradition acknowledges that there would be an inherent tendency to resist change that would give rise to conflict. However, modernist believes that these conflict situations are manageable and through rational decision making and that conflict creating situations can be eliminated or at least minimized and better managed. Modernist planning also believes that conflict can be avoided through appropriate intervention at the right time (Friedmann, 1987).
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Postmodernist critique calls for community-based planning. It would replace modernist reliance on state-directed futures and top-down processes. From this perspective, citizens could dictate the agenda of the local government. Participation can lead to better public policy even if citizens bring their own narrow and selfish interest into politics. Through such selfish participation, the government is informed of these interests and pressured to respond. In this way, it produces public goods more closely attuned to citizen needs than it would if there were no participation (Verba, 1972). Verba identifies four modes of participation as alternative ways in which citizens can participate. They are voting and campaign activity which relate to electoral activity, and cooperative activity and citizeninitiated contacts which relate to non-electoral activity. The modes of participation are meaningfully different ways in which individual citizen tries to influence his government. They fit closely alternative systems of citizen-government interaction. Public interest The domain of planning in modernist paradigm operates in the public interest and planners seek to identify that interest within community. Planners attempt to present a public image of neutrality and planning policies based on positivist science. The notion of public interest comes from a frame of reference in liberal political theory in which disinterested experts objectively and rationally analyze a problem and arrive at a solution that is in the public interest. It assumed the ability of a certain chosen, well-educated group to stand outside social processes and decide what is best for everyone else (Sandercock, 1998: 197). Sandercock (1998) argues that the construct of the public interest and community exclude difference. She suggests that we must acknowledge that there are multiple
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publics and that planning in this new multicultural arena requires a new kind of multicultural literacy (Sandercock, 1998: 30).
Urban Theories from the Developed World Two urban theories, the Chicago School of Urban Sociology and the Los Angeles School of Urban Geography have dominated the discourse of urban development in developing countries, including in Indonesia. Both urban theories are based on phenomenon that occurred in urban cities in the United States. The Chicago School of Urban Sociology, which was developed in the early 1920s explain the development of the urban migration that is controlled by generating ecological patterns, such as invasion, survival, assimilated, adaptation and cooperation. The Los Angeles School of Urban Geography initiated in the late 1990s to explain the development of metropolitan Los Angeles in the postmodern era that emphasizes the importance of the capitalist economic and political globalization of the economy. The dominance of both urban theories in the discourse of urban development influences the urban spatial planning in developing countries. Planning practices that replicate both urban theories through the dichotomy of developed and developing countries become ubiquitous. This becomes a problem when such a replication is no longer relevant with the unique urban phenomenon in developing countries, such as the informal sector. Neither the Chicago School of Urban Sociology nor the Los Angeles School of Urban Geography can explain the unique urban phenomenon in developing countries, including the informal sector. Both urban theories are rooted from the developed world where the informal sectors or other unique urban phenomenon in developing countries are not commonly
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found. The local knowledge or local wisdom plays an important role in explaining the unique urban phenomenon in the developing worlds. The local knowledge or local wisdom can be an important factor in addressing any urban problems due to the unique urban phenomenon in the developing worlds. The dominance of the Chicago and Los Angeles Schools in the practice of urban planning in Indonesia has contributed to the lack of spaces for the informal sectors in urban areas. The spaces in urban areas are dominated by the urban sectors that have high economic value and the spaces for the informal sectors are marginalized. The application of local knowledge or local wisdom in understanding the phenomenon of street vendors will change our perspective on the existence of street vendors in urban areas. The street vendors are not the groups failed to enter the economic system in urban areas. They are one component of the urban economy that will benefit urban development. The application of local knowledge or local wisdom in the practice of urban planning will allocate more urban spaces for the street vendors and integrate it with the formal sectors.
Modifications to Urban Planning Practice In light of postmodernist critique of the knowledge foundations of modernist planning practice and theory and the inappropriateness of the two urban theories rooted from the developed world in the developing countries, I would argue that some suggestion will likely enhance urban planning practice in the 21st century in the developing countries, particularly in Indonesia that characterized by fragmented power, distrust of government and experts, and incommensurable discourse, as follows:
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Planning needs greater and more explicit reliance on local wisdom rather than means-end rationality. Planning needs to move form top-down processes to community-based planning, geared to community empowerment. Planning needs to deconstruct the public interest and community and acknowledge there are multiple publics and thus planning requires a new kind of multicultural literacy. Planning needs to embrace plurality and difference. The postmodern critique calls for planner to abandon the belief that there is absolute truth or a unitary public interest.
Friedmann, John. (1987). Planning in the Public Domain: From Knowledge to Action. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Harper, T.L., and Stein, S.M. (1995). Out of the postmodern abyss: Preserving the rationale for liberal planning. Journal of Planning Education and Research 14(4): 233-244. Harper, T.L., and Stein, S.M. (1996). Postmodernist planning theory: The incommensurability premise. In Explorations in Planning Theory. Seymour J. Mandelbaum, Luigi Mazza, and Robert W. Burchell (Eds.). Rutgers: Center for Urban Policy Research. Healey, Patsy. (1997). Collaborative Planning: Shaping Places in Fragmented Society. UBC Press Innes, J. (1997). The planners’ century. Journal of Planning Education and Research 16(3): 227-228
References Altchuler, Alan. (1965). The goals of comprehensive planning. The City Planning Process: 299-332. Beauregard, Robert A. (1989). Between modernity and postmodernity: the ambiguous position of U.S. planning. In Readings in Planning Theory. Scott Campbell and Susan S. Fainstein (Eds.). Malden: Blackwell Publishing.
Roy, Ananya. (2005). Urban Informality: Toward an Epistemology of Planning. Journal of the American Planning Association 71(2): 147-158 Sandercock, Leonie. (1998). Towards Cosmopolis: Planning for Multicultural Cities. London: John Wiley and Sons. Verba, Sydney, and Norman Nie. 1972. Participation in America: Political Democracy and Social Equity. New York: Harper and Row
Beauregard, Robert A. (1991). Without a net: Modernist planning and the postmodern abyss. Journal of Planning Education and Research 10(3): 189194. Blower, A. (1986). Town Planning: Paradoxes and Prospects. The Planner. Dalton, L.C. (2001). Weaving the fabric of planning as education. Journal of Planning Education and Research 20(4): 423-436. Dalton, Linda C. 1986. Why the rational paradigm persists: the resistance of professional education and practice to alternative forms of planning. Journal of Planning Education and Research 5: 147-153. Dear, Michael J. (1986). Postmodernism and planning. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 4: 367-384.
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1 Urban Research Plaza Yogyakarta Sub-center Essay Writing Competition 2010 Introduction The 1st Urban Research Plaza Yogyakarta Sub-center Essay Writing Competition is being co-organized by the Urban Research Plaza of Kyoto University in association with Faculty of Cultural Sciences at Universitas Gadjah Mada and Indonesia Institute of the Art (ISI). The object of the competition is to promote research and writing in urban issues. The competition seeks to encourage creative thinking and the themes that have been selected for the competition are thus issues which are crucial today to the field of urban culture and social problem solving.
Eligibility The competition is open to undergraduate, graduate and scholars of any majors in any institution in Indonesia.
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Themes 1. Social challenges in urban communities 2. Where is art and culture to social issues? 3. Can art and cultural activities become solution to social issues? 4. Theoretical and practical approach for art and culture as solution to social problem 5. Open theme (relevant to main theme)
Submission Guidelines 1. The essays must be between 3500-5000 words inclusive of all footnotes. 2. The entries should be accompanied by a 200 word abstract (more or less). The abstract is not counted towards the word limit 3. All entries should be in Times New Roman, size 12, 1.5 line spacing. 4. The footnotes used should be in Times New Roman, size 10, single line spacing. Substantive footnoting is not encouraged. 5. The use of endnotes or other citation methods is not permitted. 6. Plagiarism will result in immediate disqualification. 7. The footnotes used should follow a uniform and complete system of citation. 8. The entries must be submitted in the Microsoft Word (.doc) or Open Office Document (odt) or Open Document Format (odf) format 9. All identifying information should be removed from the text of the entries and the file properties. Another document containing the name, email address, postal address,
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institution (if any), course and year of study of the author must be submitted along with the entry. No entries will be returned. If you want the receipt of your entry acknowledged, please enclose a stamped, self-addressed post card. The entries must be submitted via e-mail to info@urp. ucrc-yogya.or.id Winners will be informed by March 5, 2010 in our website www.urp.ucrc-yogya.urp.or.id and via individual email. Submission from employees of Urban Research Plaza Yogyakarta Sub-center and members of Board of Experts cannot be considered.
Deadline The deadline for the submission of entries is 11:59 P.M., February 25, 2010.
Prizes First Prize: IDR 2,000,000 (The winning entry will also be considered for publication in the forthcoming booklet and online publication of URP Yogyakarta Sub-center) Second Prize : IDR 1,000,000
Contact URP Yogyakarta Sub-center Jl. Nusantara No. 1 Bulaksumur, Yogyakarta Indonesia Email:
[email protected] Contact Numbers: Kun +62-87-839995556
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Notes
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